hr See
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 157
ANTHROPOLOGICAL
PAPERS
Numbers 43-48
No._16,
No. 17.
No. 18.
NQ. 19.
No. 20,
-
OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS ‘PUBLISHED. PREVIOUSLY
2A Preliminary Report on Archeological Explorations: at ‘Macon: Ga.,
by A. R. Kelly. Bull, 119, pp. v-ix, 1-68, pls. 1-12, figs. 1-7. 1938.
. The Northern Arapaho Flat Pipe and the. Ceremony of Covering the
Pipe, by John G. Carter. Bull..119, pp. 69-102, figs. 8-10. 1938.
. The Caribs of Dominica, by Douglas Taylor. Balk 119, PP. Lge
pls. 13-18, figs. 11-37. 1938.
. What Happened to Green Bear Who Was Blessed with a Sacred Pack,
by Truman Michelson. Bull. 119, pp. 161-176. 1938.
. Lemhi Shoshoni: Physical ‘Therapy, by Julian H. Steward. _ Bull. 119;
pp. 177-181. 1938.
. Panatiibiji’, an Owens Valley Paiute, be Julian BL. Steward, Bull. 119,
pp. 1838-195. 19388.
Archeological Investigations in the Corosal District of British Howalais,
by Thomas and Mary Gann. Bull. 123, pp. vii—viii, A-57, 61-66, pls...
1-10, figs. 1-11; 1939.” :
Report on Two Skulls from British Loch eas by A. J. E. Cave. Bull.
123, pp. 59-60. 1939.
Linguistic Classification of Cree and Méctamnat-Neatant Dialects, by
Truman Michelson. Bull. 123, pp. 67-95, fig. 12. 1939.
. Sedelmayr’s Relacién of 1746. Translated and edited by Ronald L.
Ives. Bull. 123, pp. 97-117. 1939.
. Notes on the Creek Indians, by John R. Swanton, Bull. 123, pp. 119-
159, figs. 13, 14. 1939.
. The Yaruros of the Capanaparo River, Venesuela, by Vincenzo Petrullo.
Bull. 123, pp. 161-290, pls. 11-25, figs. 15-27. 1939.
. Archeology of Arauquin, by Vincenzo Petrullo.. Bull. 123, Pp. 291-295,
pls. 26-32. 1939.
3. The Mining of Gems and Ornamental Stones by American faidinie. by
Sydney H. Ball. Bull. 128, pp. ix—xii, 1-78, pls. 1-5, 1941.
. Iroquois Suicide: A Study in the Stability of a Culture Pattern, by
William N. Fenton. Bull. 128, pp. 79-138, pls. 6-8. 1941.
. Tonawanda Longhouse Ceremonies: Ninety Years after Lewis Henry
Morgan, by William N, Fenton. Riven 128, pp. 189-166, Pis. 9-18.
1941,
The Quichua-speaking Indians of the Province of falbaunes (Ecuador)
and Their Anthropometric Relations with the Living Populations of
the Andean Area, by John Gillin. Bult. 128, pp. 167-228, ‘pls. 19-29,
figs. 1-2. 1941.
Art. Processes in Birchbark of the River Desert ‘Atonnets: a Ciekine
boreal Trait, by Frank G. Speck. Bull. 128, pp. iil eeith, pls. 30-42,
figs. 3-25. 1941.
Archeological Reconnaissance of Southern Utab, by. Julian H. Steward.
Bull. 128, pp. 275-356, pls. 43-52, figs. 26-77. 1941.
A Search for Songs among the Chitimacha Indians in Louisiana, by
Frances Densmore. Bull. 133, pp. 1-15, pls. 1-4. 1942.
Archeological Survey on the Northern Northwest Coast, by Philip
Drucker; with Appendix, Early Vertebrate Fauna of the British
Colembis Coast, by Edna M. Masher. Bull. 133, pp. 17-142, pls. 5-9,
figs. 1-33. 1943,
(Continued on p; 3 of cover)
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 157
ANTHROPOLOGICAL
PAPERS
Numbers 43-48
UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
WASHINGTON : 1955
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U. S. Government Printing Office
Washington 25,D.C. - Price $2.75
LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL
SMITHSONIAN INstTITUTION,
Bureau oF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Washington, D. C., July 28, 1958.
Str: I have the honor to submit the accompanying manuscripts,
entitled ‘Stone Monuments of the Rio Chiquito, Veracruz, Mexico,”’
by Matthew W. Stirling; ‘“The Cerro de las Mesas Offering of Jade
and Other Materials,” by Philip Drucker; ‘‘Archeological Materials
from the Vicinity of Mobridge, South Dakota, by Waldo R. Wedel;
“The Original Strachey Vocabulary of the Virginia Indian Language,”
by John P. Harrington; ‘“The Sun Dance of the Northern Ute,” by
J. A. Jones; and ‘Some Manifestations of Water in Mesoamerican
Art,” by Robert L. Rands; and to recommend that they be published
as a bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology.
Very respectfully yours,
M. W. Srirurne, Director.
Dr. LronarD CARMICHAEL,
Secretary, Smithsonian Institution.
Ir
No. 43.
No. 44.
CONTENTS
Stone Monuments of the Rio Chiquito, Veracruz, Mexico, by
MIS GHHe MT ener in a ee ron ome es Pros ee Sree a
The Cerro de las Mesas Offering of Jade and Other Materials, by
bri prc Keres ae ei ie a re ee les Oe ee
. Archeological Materials from the Vicinity of Mobridge, South
Dakota, by Waldo RisWeder 252 see eee oe eels
. The Original Strachey Vocabulary of the Virginia Indian Lan-
guage, by John F; Harrington: 22422 2.0 0.2500 .525..5 2e cee
. The Sun Dance of the Northern Ute, by J. A. Jones_.---------
. Some Manifestations of Water in Mesoamerican Art, by Robert
IRS E CSU TNS Bees eee A Sheree a en on ee me iy le ynel (8 2 eee oe
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SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
Bureau of American Ethnology
Bulletin 157
Anthropological Papers, No. 43
Stone Monuments of the Rio Chiquito, Veracruz, Mexico
By MATTHEW W. STIRLING
Swe, x ene +6
BrolA sume) ,olinpidD off
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iy Mn Bue a
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CONTENTS
PAGE
Tipe aby O6 UOT ya le ae a ig phot el ha ula (Ed on pete xh iene area
CCRT BTCC 00 ul a pg el air age a ep ee Mie ele eae ato ieee ae 7
Meseription Of WONMIMNGIRS o> eon a eo tn nat en ace 8
INGO rita rie Ty hele tee er ne a ce ere a cee A ne 8
ANU LCG} OOO AVES ON rete eal sik Se AP aE uN Toe cy Jy NW abel da stan hese nN 8
Miscellaneous stonete eens oe ne eee ae eee eee 8
Samp eOLen ZO: Sa ee eee ee Sen Se ee eae ae eet 8
TGR TUE STOTT OE THOTT RO ENGR co rs re as ee we ma ce 9
TANG Taya Wy Ga SS aN red | ae di ee le hy a la ead cll Reig eld lage pe IT Stk are be 9
a Oya OH COST IH Ppp Nl | Nl a yy lpg ee et i 40 onl neon ep 10
VEO TUITE TUG Ho ee eee ee ee a ce re ene cot eee Leanne ee oe 11
Nionume nthe: eer rere. on oer Oka hke oak es 2 eee eee peepee 11
IY opoybbia(sVoRr da pert, Means Ue drechh avi Ge Fatih att Sete lites wp be haar Air yf GN: 12
INIGTUITTN Tb ene re ee eee eer es 13
WSCC a EWS NCE N TY Pe a Marl i han lat leap nly b ys pt led ah Rg enecnel 13
AVIATION eee eee ene ee eee a ae 13
IMiGiimment (0 ease een eee SA Se ae ee ee ee ee 13
INilCoy ohh yonteh ayn dl 0 fieeebes tense p42 puch wpretl codon Be oy ere met os Maley hy Pie este 5 a ser 14
Mioniimente ity: = eee Bt co ee ee ee eet 14
ITO TUITE TU Ue ee er et eee nee eee 15
TAMA CCHy TIC IVES A yl Ys Se penta ae Na aly Bh Pee ADRS ct hep cesar coat) Be acpi payer dngs 15
INIOMUITHE TIGR UA oe ee eect erie eee eee re yee te eee ee ene 15
IWEGNMIMe Gr eae Lee reer ee ee a, Me eee re eee ee ee ee 16
Miscellaneous stones). 2220 seen ee ee ee ee 16
Potreros Nuevos: sheces tes han ee ee a eae se ee Ses aae ilt/
Descriphion. Of mOnumMontas.. 23 he a ee ee ee 18
Monumentid_ cies owed tee eo lyiniy, hog ae gabe ioe 18
ING Way eye SD VED ay rin? bee a share lg AB gc lee ve Ph Year oa 19
IMGIUMENt One ee eke) eet Be RL 2 ee ee ee ee 19
Stone snaker amon mee Seer). = bape Dares | ee ee ee 20
Generalkdiscissio mses 52 acer fede 1 ae pepe le yk ed a SPs ye ie oe ae ac 20
MASOTATUITS GILCU 2299 ote pe et Se ee ee Se ee 23
that covered the site
Monument 1,
@, c, Monument 2:6, stone vessels. _-2. 2. 52-25-2226
2. Rio Chiquito.
3. Rio Chiquito:
4. Rio Chiquito.
5. San Lorenzo.
6. San Lorenzo.
7. San Lorenzo.
8. San Lorenzo.
9. San Lorenzo.
10. San Lorenzo.
ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATES
FOLLOWING PAGE
1. Clearing a monument at San Lorenzo. Type of jungle growth
Gramtejcolimmns®: so 632 one ee eee eee
Monument 1
Monument 1
Monument 2
Monument 3
Monument 4
Monument 4
11. San Lorenzo: a, Monument 4; b, Monument 13_---_----------------
12. San Lorenzo.
13. San Lorenzo.
14. San Lorenzo.
Monument 5
Monument 5
Monument 6
15. San Lorenzo: a, Monument 8; b, Monument 10__.._.........--.«-
16. San Lorenzo: a, Monument 11; 6b, Monument 12_____-_-_----------
17. San Lorenzo: a, Monument 7; b, Monument 9_--------------------
ieasan berenzo. Monument 9.02222 2202 oh se ee et
19) San lorenzo. ‘Trough-shaped stones.....-...-=-.-.-25+---.2-226=
20) isan orenzo... Monument tae 22.22 one oe ee
21. a, Potrero Nuevo, Monument 2. 6, San Lorenzo, Monument 14_-_-_-_-
22 sanvlorenzo. Monument (425 cess. 9 2 oko els eee ee
Pe ROLrerO NUGVO: . MONUINGNG 22222082222 oA
24Pouero Nuevo... Monwmentdl.. 22.252. =. 4- o e
Zoo FROLLCLOMNUG VO} |) Monument) oso 2a sone e enters = ee ee ee
26. Potrero Nuevo: a, Monument 3, side view; b, stone serpent--__------
TEXT FIGURE
1. Island of Tacamichapa and vicinity, southern Veracruz, Mexico___----
4
STONE MONUMENTS OF THE RiO CHIQUITO,
VERACRUZ, MEXICO
By Matruew W. Stir.ine
INTRODUCTION
Some 50 miles inland from its mouth in the Bay of Campeche, the
Coatzacoalcos River forks into two branches which rejoin after
flowing their separate ways for about 12 miles, forming the Island of
Tacamichapa in southern Veracruz (fig. 1). This island, about 12
miles long and 8 miles across, is famous as the birthplace of Malinche,
mistress of Cortez and interpreter for his expedition. The west arm
of the river at this point, being the smaller, is known as the
Rio Chiquito. About 7 miles below the upper fork the Tatagapa
River enters the Chiquito from the west. In the area between the
Tatagapa and the Chiquito are a number of important archeological
sites. In general the land here is low and level. The alluvial plains
of the river are wide and the soil is deep and rich. The more elevated
portions are covered with dense jungle, but there are wide stretches
of savannah, covered with a heavy growth of tall zacate, and some
areas of open swamp. The ground being level, the streams and
sloughs which drain it are deep and sluggish.
Two or three miles above the mouth of the Tatagapa River, an
isolated elevated ridge extends from the left bank of the Chiquito in
a southwesterly direction. Although it is not continuous, this ridge
terminates finally in the Cerro Encantado, the most conspicuous
landmark in the region, some 10 miles distant. During the year
1936, a few natives built some houses at the east end of the ridge, on
the banks of the Rio Chiquito, and made clearings for their milpas
in the virgin jungle which covered the elevated land. The com-
munity grew, and as the clearings exposed a number of large mounds
on the site some historically minded settler named the new village
Tenochtitlan.
Gradually the clearings extended southward along the ridge until
in 1944, at a point about 2% miles south of Tenochtitlin, another
archeological site was encountered in an unpopulated district known
as the Terrenos de San Lorenzo.
Hearing a report of stone monuments at this place prompted me to
5
6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn. 157
MINATITLAN
@ TEXISTEPEC
@LAS MESAS
© ALMAGRES
YS HIDAL GOTITLAN
o
@ CAHUAPAN
POTRERO
CERRO NVEVO
ENCANTADO iF
a
SCALE /N MILES
Ficure 1.—Island of Tacamichapa and vicinity, southern Veracruz, Mexico.
visit the site in 1945, when preliminary investigations were made.
When I returned in 1946 a full season of excavating was carried on,
with supplementary work at the neighboring sites of Tenochtitlin
and Potrero Nuevo. During both the 1945 and 1946 seasons I was
aided in the field by my wife, Marion Stirling. In 1946 I was assisted
by Philip Drucker who was concerned primarily with the stratigraphic
work conducted at the three sites. Richard H. Stewart, of the
National Geographic Society, also assisted in the work and was the
official photographer of the expedition. I should like to also express
my appreciation to Juan Del Alto and Marguerite Bravo, of Coat-
zacoalcos, who first brought to our attention the existence of the San
Lorenzo site. The entire project was part of the National Geo-
graphic Society-Smithsonian Institution archeological program, the
primary objective of which has been the study of the La Venta or
Olmec culture. The work, as always, was made pleasant by the
whole-hearted cooperation of the National Institute of Anthropology
and History of the Mexican Government.
A brief account of this work has been published elsewhere (Stirling,
1947). The present report is to place on record the stone sculpture
found during the work.
Antaper Par. STONE MONUMENTS OF RiO CHIQUITO—STIRLING r
RIO CHIQUITO
The modern village of Tenochtitlan is situated on and between two
parallel ridges running in a north-south direction, and terminating at
the Rio Chiquito. On the lower ridge nearest the river are a number
of small mounds, but the principal earthworks are on the ridge 400
yards to the west. At the north end of this elevation there is a group
of four big mounds, the largest being about 60 feet high. Its apparent
height is much greater since the base merges into the slope of the
natural elevation on which it is built. This mound forms the north
end of a long rectangular court with parallel flanking mounds on the
east and west sides and another mound at the south end. South of
this group are more mounds, culminating in a large one at the south
end of the elevation. On the floor of the court are two small low
mounds, one at either end. From the high mounds a very fine view
is had over the extensive plain below. Ten miles to the south the
peak of the Cerro Encantado can be seen standing in isolated grandeur
above the level plain. Two or three miles to the south are the heights
of San Lorenzo, really a continuation of the same low ridge on which
Tenochtitlan is situated. Although the village in part is built directly
on a portion of the archeological site, I have called the latter Rio
Chiquito since to name it for the village would result in endless con-
fusion because of the famous site of Tenochtitlan in the Valley of
Mexico. Just below the mound group there are exposed in the river
bank two sherd levels, separated by several feet of sterile alluvium.
The lowermost of these is 20 feet below the present surface of the
ground and about at the level of the river surface at low water. The
character of the material in the two occupation levels is apparently
different. It is probable that we will be able to assign the greater
number of the stone monuments to the period represented by the
lower level.
In the course of excavating a stratigraphic trench in the river bank
at this place, we encountered in the lower level two large granite
cylindrical columns. Hach was 2 feet in diameter; one was 14 feet
and the other 13 feet in length (pl. 4). These are similar both in
material and dimensions to the stone column on the south end of the
long mound at La Venta. It is probable that this area lying west
of the river bank was the principal occupation site belonging to the
mound group ceremonial center.
Stone monuments were neither of large size nor abundant at the
Chiquito site, although it is not improbable that many may be deeply
buried as were the stone columns. Being small, none were in situ at
the time of our visit, but we were assured that those now in the village
were all found in the immediate vicinity of the mound group.
8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
DESCRIPTION OF MONUMENTS
MONUMENT 1
Monument 1 was lying in the village of Tenochtitlin when we first
saw it. According to the natives it was found in the vicinity of the
nearby group of large mounds. The sculpture apparently represents
an anthropomorphic jaguar seated on a human figure lying on the
back cross-legged. Presumably the lower figure is that of a woman,
and the act of copulation is depicted. This identification would be
much less certain were it not for the fact that we later found a much
more realistically carved monument (Monument 3, Potrero Nuevo)
representing the same subject. The upper figure of Monument 1 is
carved in the full round and considerably more care is used in forming
it than is the case with the lower figure, which is flattened and some-
what angular. The “jaguar” is shown with a long trailing ornament
hanging down the lower part of the back, and what appears to be a
headdress hanging over the back of the neck. On the chest is a circular
gorget suspended from the neck. The heads of both figures are missing
as are the forearms of the upper figure. The sculpture proper is
mounted on a low flat base (pl. 2).
MONUMENT 2
Monument 2 is a small figure about 3 feet in length of a snarling
jaguar lying in a crouching position, with the head turned to the side
and the left foreleg raised alongside the head. The treatment is
realistic and the general effect rather pleasing.
This stone was found in clearing near the mound group, and it
had been brought into the village at the time of our arrival (pl. 3,
a, C)-
MISCELLANEOUS STONE
Among the items encountered in clearing for the village were two
small tetrapod stone vessels. They are more or less rectangular in
form and have shallow rectangular depressions on top. On the front
of each is carved a human face, and the two front supports are in the
form of bent elbows, with the forearms extending upward on each
side of the face (pl. 3, b).
Lying by the trail crossing the dip in the ridge south of the Rio
Chiquito group is a human torso in stone. It appears to have been
a rather slender statue of a standing figure. The two stone columns
found in the river bank below the village have already been described.
SAN LORENZO
Riding south along the ridge from Tenochtitlan, one notes that the
trail dips low for more than a mile, when it again rises steeply to the
Ao7a3) F* STONE MONUMENTS OF RIO CHIQUITO—STIRLING 9
heights of San Lorenzo where the archeological site is located. The
series of ridges comprising the heights is really a flat-topped mesa of
gravelly soil, cut through here and there by steep ravines. Some of
this erosion may have taken place since the aboriginal occupation.
The stone monuments are scattered widely over the site, which ex-
tends for approximately one-half mile. Unlike La Venta and Tres
Zapotes where the majority of the monuments were standing in situ,
the San Lorenzo monuments appear all to have been intentionally
overthrown and many of them cast into the ravines. Paradoxically,
however, most of them seem not to have been mutilated and are in
better condition than the monuments at other Olmec sites. The dis-
placing of the stones was apparently done by the later aboriginal oc-
cupants of the site, as represented by the upper occupation level.
Since the two levels are separated by a considerable time interval, it
does not seem likely that a conquest took place. The later inhabi-
tants evidently moved into an abandoned site and for some reason
felt called upon to dispose of the monuments.
The mound structures at San Lorenzo are quite unimpressive.
The principal mound is conical in shape, although it may originally
have been a pyramid. It is about 25 feet in height and stands at
the south end of a rectangular plaza which is enclosed by earthen
embankments. ‘Trenches in the plaza revealed an occupational de-
posit of about 4 feet. Below this are three or four floor levels close
together. Sherds were not very abundant although several caches of
whole pots were found. Figurines of the solid variety were present,
but rare. The pottery is buff, black, or gray, with occasional incised
decoration. A few other small mounds are erected near this central
plaza, but they are without apparent regularity or orientation.
Northeast of the central plaza, toward the edge of the ridge, the
cultural deposit is much thicker, reaching a depth of 15 feet or more.
In this section sherds are much more abundant than in the plaza
itself. Cross-section trenches were made in all the principal mounds
and in the occupied area, and the site itself was mapped.
The widely scattered stone monuments are striking and fairly
abundant, seemingly out of keeping with the general inconspicuous
nature of the mounds.
DESCRIPTION OF MONUMENTS
MONUMENT 1
Monument 1 is a head, and, because of its large size, good state of
preservation, and general artistic merit, is one of the most impressive
of all of the San Lorenzo monuments. Over 9 feet in height, it is
wide and thick and the heaviest of all the ColossalgHeads. When
discovered it was lying on its back, head down on the slope of a small
10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 157
but steep arroyo about 300 yards southeast of the principal mound.
The only damage it had suffered was the scaling off of a section above
the right eye. The pieces were lying on the ground at the base of
the head, and we later put them back in place with cement. The
back is plain except for two pendent rectangles evidently represent-
ing the hair hanging down. The features are carved in a manner
that gives the impression of full realism. The lips are outlined with
a narrow raised ridge which gives the mouth a very lifelike appear-
ance. The headdress is simple, consisting of a broad median crest
with a circular element over the forehead which terminates in four
semicircular scallops where it meets the groove which passes around
the front of the head. This groove, which is very similar to the
one on the Colossal Head of Tres Zapotes (Stirling, 1943), is cut deep
with right-angled edges, and looks as though it were made for some
sort of inset. Although the upper lip is short, it is longer than in
the other Colossal Heads.
Another respect in which Monument 1 resembles the Tres Zapotes
head is in the treatment of the ears and the style of ear ornament
worn. This is a rectangular object placed horizontally through the
pierced lobe of the ear.
The eyelids are shown as narrow curving bands, and the iris is
indicated by a slightly raised circle on the eyeball.
The head is approximately 9 feet 4 inches high and it is 6 feet 6
inches wide. ‘The mouth measures 37 inches across, the eye 21 inches,
and the nose 25 inches (pls. 5, 6).
MONUMENT 2
Monument 2 was the first of the monuments at San Lorenzo to be
found, and led to the discovery of the site. It lay completely buried
under the trail which led southward along the heights from Tenochtit-
lan. The trail exposed part of the stone, and a curious native cleared
away part of the mud covering it, exposing one eye. Upon arriving
at the site, we excavated it, revealing a head almost 9 feet in height.
The head has suffered very little damage, although erosion has slightly
obscured the fine carving of the features. It is the only head which
has considerable decoration on the back, most of the rear flat surface
being covered with small-element designs which are perfectly pre-
served as a result of the head having lain on its back.
The headdress proper is rather plain, the principal decoration being
three large ovals in low relief with incised designs over the forehead.
The lips are somewhat less full than usual, and are parted, revealing
a row of upper teeth. Although almost as high and as wide as
Monument 1, the stone is not as thick, and so viewed in profile it is
somewhat flattened.
ANTaEOP. PAP. STONE MONUMENTS OF RIO CHIQUITO—STIRLING 11
Like Monument 3 it has had a number of hemispherical depres-
sions ground into it. A curious depression is carved in the headband
above each ear. A tassellike appendage hangs from each ear, and
over this is carved a large circular ornament. Monument 2 is 8 feet
10 inches high and 5 feet 6 inches wide (pl. 7).
MONUMENT 3
Monument 3 is a head lying on the bottom of a deep and wild
ravine about a half-mile in a direct line southwest of the principal
mound. To reach it one crosses two other deep ravines from the
trail leading south along the main ridge. It is located not more than
50 yards above the point where the ravine terminates in the swampy
plain. Excavation was tedious because the head lies in a spring, and
it was difficult to keep the excavation free from water. When
discovered, the monument lay upside down.
The head is strongly carved and has a certain portrait quality. A
slight frown is indicated by a groove at the base of the nose. The
irises are indicated by circles as in a number of the other heads. The
only damage it has suffered is the loss of most of the lower lip, but it
is obvious that no teeth were shown. Scattered over the forehead
and the top of the head or headdress are a considerable number of
rather deep circular depressions, each of which has another small
depression at its bottom and center. These are uniform in size and
typically occur in pairs. What their purpose might be it is difficult
to conjecture unless they were used to attach some extraneous
decoration. They appear to have been made after the headdress
design was completed. Monuments 2 and 3 at La Venta (Stirling,
1943, pls. 42, b; 43) have a series of similar depressions on them, as
does Monument 2 at San Lorenzo.
The design on the headdress is geometric in character and rather
elaborate. It consists of a series of four horizontal bands across the
forehead, embellished with diagonal grooved lines. These geo-
metric designs are carried on to cover most of the headdress. The
rectangular elements in front of the ears are prolonged by the addition
of a square section slightly smaller in diameter, to which is added a
wedge-shaped pendant which extends straight down to the chin
level. The ears are not shown (pl. 8).
MONUMENT 4
Monument 4 is a head found lying on its side almost completely
buried in a section of dense jungle about 600 yards northwest of the
main mound. It is in a perfect state of preservation, not a flaw
marring it. In some ways it is the most individualistic in appearance
of any of the heads.
12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 157
The face is relatively narrow and the headgear high in proportion
to the face. The eyes are done with fine realism, the lids being some-
what narrowed and slanting downward to the outer corners. The
circles representing the irises are placed toward the inner part of the
eyeballs, but this does not create a cross-eyed effect. The headdress
is unusual, a series of seven vertical elements terminating in three
circles, extends above the right eye, while four horizontal elements,
each incised diagonally are placed above the left eye. The rectangu-
lar elements in front of the ears extend downward to the level of the
base of the chin, and each has three evenly spaced ribbonlike elements
extending backward along the side of the head.
Hach ear lobe is decorated with a circular disk from which hangs
a pendant which curves backward. The face is completely free from
surface erosion and has a remarkable skinlike texture. The ex-
pression is stern but calm. In profile the features are rather flat.
Monument 4 is 5 feet 4 inches in height (pls. 9, 10, 11, a).
MONUMENT 5
In a ravine south of the main mound and close to the laguna was
Monument 5, another buried head lying face down in the ravine bed.
On turning it right side up it proved to be one of the finest of all the
Colossal Heads. It is carved more nearly in true proportion than
any of the other examples, the profile being in full relief instead of
somewhat flattened. Viewed from any angle it is a splendid work of
art. The majority of the heads were intended to be viewed full face,
and suffer somewhat in effectiveness when seen from the side. Monu-
ment 5 is in a virtually perfect state of preservation, the only defect
being a small chip in the upper lip.
The headdress is more elaborate than on any of the other heads.
Two jaguar paws, each displaying three toes with claws, are draped
over the headband, one above each eye. The spaces between are
decorated with a series of small-element designs consisting of circles
and parallel lines. The usual rectangular element hangs from the
headband in front of each ear. The ears have a circular disk or
ornament on each lobe from which hangs a comma-shaped pendant
curving backward. The treatment of the ears and the ear ornaments
is the same as on Monument 4 and on Monument 2 at La Venta
(Stirling, 1943, pl. 43). The back has the usual flat surface down
the center and is plain except for a single groove carved horizontally
across it. The lips are full and give the appearance of being slightly
parted but the teeth do not show. The nose is standard in treatment
but as has been mentioned, stands out from the other features in full
apni PaP. STONE MONUMENTS OF RIO CHIQUITO—STIRLING 13
relief. A notch in the headband over the bridge of the nose and
modified supraorbital ridges give the impression of a slight frown.
Monument 5 is 6 feet 4 inches high (pls. 12, 13).
MONUMENT 6
We found Monument 6 about a mile south of the central mound on
the flat land below the heights. This head had apparently been
carried there in ancient times. It had been broken off in such a
way as to suggest that the body may have been in a recumbent posi-
tion or that the complete monument may have had the form of
Monument G at Tres Zapotes (Stirling, 1943, pl. 8, b). The head in
its present state is 3 feet 4 inches high. The carving is Olmec in
character and the head is in good condition. It is represented as
wearing a peculiar flat headdress which entirely surrounds the crown
in the form of a wide band (pl. 14).
The treatment of the features is somewhat different from the Col-
ossal Heads. The eyes have a puffy appearance and the lids are
shown as half-closed. In this respect they resemble the eyes on the
Atlantean figures of Monument 2, Potrero Nuevo (pl. 23).
MONUMENT 7
At the edge of a ravine west of the central mound was the figure
of a crouching jaguar or mountain lion. It is a very nice carving,
realistic in treatment but with the body strangely elongated. The
long tail extends along the right side of the body, passing under the
right hind leg.
Except for the missing head, the figure is complete and undamaged.
Our workmen referred to this monument as “‘E] Leon” and it does in
fact resemble a mountain lion rather than a jaguar (pl. 17, a).
MONUMENT 8
Near “El Leon” at the edge of the ravine was a large rectangular
stone, perfectly flat and well smoothed on the back. The flat surface
of the face is decorated by six symmetrically placed celt-shaped
depressions and a raised border around the edge. One end has been
broken off. The stone in its present condition is 64 inches long, 47
inches wide, and 11 inches thick (pl. 15, a).
MONUMENT 9
This interesting object (Monument 9) was found on a narrow pro-
jecting point overlooking a steep ravine west of the central mound.
It appears to have been a stone fount in the form of a swimming duck,
265191—54——_2
14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buue. 157
with the two webbed feet projecting in front under the breast. Wings
are carved in high relief on the sides. On the center of the breast
carved in relief is a quacking duck with open beak and flapping wings.
On each side of this figure is a glyph which may represent rain or
water. It consists of a wavy band from which hang three long and two
short elements. A third glyph exactly similar but somewhat larger is
shown on the rear. The top is hollowed into a basin but the upward
projecting sides are broken off all around. On the right side a U-
shaped opening has been cut through the wing, and a round hole in
the bottom may have served as a water drain. The base is smooth and
perfectly flat. The stone in its present condition is 37 inches
in diameter and 16 inches high (pls. 17, 0; 18).
MONUMENT 10
In the bottom of a small ravine, the figure of a jaguar (Monument
10) was found inverted and buried, only the base showing before we
excavated it. Just above it, on the south side of the same ravine, were
scattered the curious trough-shaped stones described later.
The figure represents the classical Olmec anthropomorphic jaguar,
shown in a seated position. It is undamaged except for the lower
extremities. The head is rectanguloid in shape with notched fore-
head, a horizontal ‘‘step” in the back of the head, reminiscent of the
famous Kunz ax, a broad forehead band, narrow rectanguloid eyes
with drooping outer corners, and the typical Olmec nose and “tiger
mouth.” ‘The ears are long and narrow. The arms are held across
the chest, each hand grasping a curious cestuslike object. This
device is shown elsewhere in Olmec sculpture, one of the best ex-
amples being on a jade figurine in the collections of the Cleveland
Museum of Art. In the area on the chest between these is a glyph
terminating in three triangles on the upper part.
Monument 10 is 47 inches high and 33 inches across (pl. 15, b).
MONUMENT Il
In the bottom of one of the heavily wooded ravines west of the
central meund, we excavated an inverted and almost competely
buried seated figure, possibly representing a woman (Monument 11).
A cylindrical bar is held across the lap. The right hand is shown
supporting the bar from underneath, palm up, while the left hand
grasps the bar from above, palm down. The right end of the bar
has been broken off, so it is impossible to tell if it terminated plainly
as does the left end. It does not appear to represent a grinding
stone.
The figure is very nicely carved, but unfortunately the head is
missing (pl. 16, a).
ANTHBDP PAP. STONE MONUMENTS OF RIO CHIQUITO—STIRLING 15
MONUMENT 12
Monument 12 is one of the two carved stones lying on the ground
at the east base of the central mound. It represents a seated woman
holding in her arms an infant which appears to have a human body
and probably a jaguar head. The head is missing from the figure of
the woman. It now stands 23 inches high and is 27 inches wide
(pl. 16, b).
MONUMENT 13
Monument 138, the second monument at the east base of the central
mound, is a basalt sphere 115 inches in circumference (pl. 11, 6).
Two similar spheres were found at Cerro de las Mesas (Stirling,
1943, pl. 30, d), and one is reminded of the more spectacular examples
from southwestern Costa Rica.
MONUMENT 14
Southwest of the central mound there is a circular laguna or pond
about 30 yards in diameter. Only during unusually dry years does
it become dry at the end of the dry season. At the eastern edge of
this pond, and under water most of the year, is a large stone altar
(Monument 14; pl. 21, b). This monument is remarkably similar
to Altar 4, La Venta (Stirling, 1943, pl. 37), the dimensions of which
it closely approximates, although the workmanship in general is
inferior. Also, the basalt from which it is carved appears to be iden-
tical with that from which Altar 4 was made, and is probably from
the same quarry. When found, Monument 14 was lying on its back,
face up, and the front surface had suffered considerable erosion.
What remains of the carvings on the ends is well preserved. In form
it is the conventional La Venta table-top altar. The front projec-
tion of the table top is less than on Altar 4 of La Venta, and the
arched niche in front is less deeply carved. The seated figure emerg-
ing from the niche is almost in the full round. This figure is repre-
sented as holding what may be the ends of ropes passing around the
base of the altar. On the top is a raised rectangle as on Monument
2, Potrero Nuevo. On each end of Monument 14, under the pro-
jecting table top, is a carving in low relief (pl. 22). On the south end is
a single seated figure, wearing a wide-brimmed headdress surmounted
by the clutching talon of a bird of prey. A number of droplike orna-
ments are pendent from the brim of the headdress. From the ear
lobe hangs a curved ornament. Around the neck is a double string
of beads from which hangs a star-shaped gorget with a circle in the
center. Each upper arm is encircled by an arm band, and a broad
belt is worn about the waist. The features in profile are typically
“Olmec”’ in character. The right arm is extended and is lightly
16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLu. 157
grasped by the left hand. The stone is broken away at the right
hand, but I suspect that when complete it was shown with a rope
attached to the wrist as in the case of the figure on the south end of
Altar 4, La Venta. The carving is in good condition, and consider-
able skill was exhibited in its execution. An interesting effect of
perspective is achieved in the handling of the shoulders. Directly
in front of this figure are the remains of two deeply carved rectangular
niches, no doubt carved subsequent to the original sculpture.
The north end, as with Altar 4 at La Venta, has only part of the
decoration remaining, the major part of the surface having been
carefully chipped away to create a new surface an inch deeper, in the
form of an arch. In this surface, six deep rectangular niches of
various size were carved. All that remains of the carving on the
original surface is the upper part of the head of a man, including the
eye and nose and a rather elaborate headdress with what appear to
be curving feathers projecting from it. This carving had been ex-
ecuted with as much skill as the more complete figure remaining on
the opposite end.
Monument 14 is 11 feet 4 inches long and 6 feet high. It is 5 feet
wide under the table top.
It is worth calling attention again to the similarity of this monu-
ment to Altar 4 of La Venta which it resembles as to material, form,
dimensions, and subject matter. In addition, both monuments have
had the carvings at one end carefully defaced, and in the area thus
produced, deep rectangular niches were excavated.
MONUMENT 15
Near the base of a small hill rising from the flat about one-half mile
south of the heights of San Lorenzo, and just west of the trail, is a
rectangular stone about 2 feet square, the upper part of which is
broken off (Monument 15). It is carved as though it represented a
chest elaborately bound in ropes. The ropes, which pass around the
stone in pairs, enlace the corners and pass over and under each other
as they cross on the sides and ends. On what appears to be the front
surface, two elongated projecting pieces which passed over the ropes
have been broken off. It is possible that a figure was seated on the
upper surface and that these were the legs hanging down (pl. 20).
MISCELLANEOUS STONES
Some 400 yards southwest of the central mound is a steep ravine
with a small stream of water. At one point, scattered from top to
bottom on the south side of the ravine, were several dozen trough-
shaped pieces of basalt, open at the ends, and in cross section having
the form of a broad-based U. They were not quite uniform as to
AnTtaTT P47 STONE MONUMENTS OF RIO CHIQUITO—STIRLING 17
size, but each unit averaged about 32 inches long, 15 inches wide, and
10 inches high. With them were a lesser number of rectangular flat
slabs of the same material, perfectly flat on one surface and slightly
curved on the other. These were of adequate size to have served as
covers to the trough-shaped pieces. This fact led me to speculate
that they may have been joined end to end to form a covered aqueduct.
No pieces were found joined in this manner, however, and it is a little
difficult to see why so much labor was used in carving stone when
wooden conduits would have served as well even though they would
not have been so permanent. The hollowed-out pieces also resemble
the wooden seats still used by the Cuna Indians of Panama and
certain tribes of South America, but if use as seats were their purpose,
it is difficult to explain why so many pieces were clustered together.
Likewise there would be no explanation for the flat rectangular slabs.
Later we discovered a second locality almost a half-mile southeast of
this point where we found another group of six of these peculiar
stones (pl. 19).
In the bottom of a ravine near Monument 3 we found half of a
rectangular plain stone box about 3 feet long. It had been broken in
two longitudinally.
About 100 yards east of the central mound was found the torso of a
seated figure. The head, arms, and legs are missing. The remaining
portion is 2 feet high.
In the bottom of another ravine near Monument 3, and under
the roots of a huge Ojote tree, we excavated a large worked oval
piece of basalt that could have served as a blank for carving a Co-
lossal Head (pl. 1). In excavating around it we unearthed what
appeared to be a metate leg, and a polished ax of blue jade, which
had been sawed in two lengthwise.
Various other worked stones of undetermined character, both
large and small, were found scattered over the site.
POTRERO NUEVO
Riding south from San Lorenzo along the elevated ridge for three-
quarters of an hour, and then turning east for another three-quarters
of an hour, one reaches the low flat bottom land of the Coatzacoalcos
River. At this point at the base of the ridge, a narrow peninsula of
high ground projects for about a quarter of a mile into the swamp.
On this peninsula is situated the little village of Potrero Nuevo.
From the village one may go by canoe through a slough which winds
its way through the potrero and eventually reaches the river. In
time of high water the entire potrero is inundated. At extreme
high water, only the mounds are above water. In the dry season
cattle are pastured on the potrero.
18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu. 157
The village is built on an archeological site consisting of a series of
small rectangular mounds and squares or courts. Some of the modern
houses are built on these mounds. The courts are formed by a fair-
sized mound at one end, two parallel flanker mounds on the sides,
and a smaller mound at the other end.
At the conclusion of our work at San Lorenzo, we conducted
excavations at Potrero Nuevo for 7 days. The pottery encountered
at Potrero Nuevo was in general in better condition than that at
San Lorenzo and the sherd yield was very abundant. In general the
ware types were similar to those at San Lorenzo but with a somewhat
greater variety at Potrero Nuevo. Thin red ware with wedge-
shaped tripod supports; gray ware with cascabel or cylindrical ‘‘can’’-
shaped supports; incised bowls and ollas and vessels with red paint
were characteristic of the ceramics. We excavated a well-made
stone figurine in the form of a grotesque crouching old man. There
was also a stone ball with a “stem” attached, and a strange tangled
snake of stone about 2 feet high (pl. 26, 5).
Northwest of Potrero Nuevo in the low land on the route of a trail
that was closed by fallen trees at the time of our visit is another mound
group. ‘This would be an interesting site to investigate, as we bought
from a native who found them there three figurines of San Marcos
type. One is a standing, skirted figure with upraised hands, another
is a monkey head, and the third is an effigy vessel support. Time
did not permit our working this site, which may differ from others in
the region.
DESCRIPTION OF MONUMENTS
MONUMENT 1
Monument 1, which is badly broken, represents a human or an-
thropomorphic jaguar figure sitting with legs tucked under. Draped
over the lap is a realistically carved serpent, apparently, from the
shape of the head and body, representing a fer-de-lance. The body
of the serpent is lightly held by the left hand or paw of the seated
figure in a very natural pose. Along the back of the figure extends an
appendage which tapers slightly from the base upward. This might
be a back ornament or it might represent a tail. Unfortunately, the
upper part of the figure, including the head, is missing. The part
remaining is very well carved and it must have been one of the best
in the region (pl. 24).
The representation of the serpent is of considerable interest since,
so far as I am aware, it is unique in Olmec art. The only other example
known to me is the curious stone snake also from Potrero Nuevo
(pl. 26, 6) which may or may not be Olmec.
ANTHEOP. PAP. STONE MONUMENTS OF RIO CHIQUITO—STIRLING 19
MONUMENT 2
About a mile south of the point where the trail to Potrero Nuevo
joins the trail leading south along the heights from San Lorenzo is a
high hill. From the top of this hill a fine view may be had in all
directions. Six months before our arrival, the summit of the hill had
been cleared of virgin jungle to make a new milpa. In the course of
the clearing, the corner of what appeared to be a large rectangular
stone was exposed. We excavated it and found it to be an exception-
ally interesting carved altar, lying face down (Monument 2; pl. 21, a).
Because of being almost completely buried, it is in a fine state of preser-
vation. The front revealed two identical chubby Atlantean figures
with arms upraised as though supporting the massive table top of the
altar, which was carved on arectangular base. The front of the altar is
carved with two pairs of conventionalized jaguar eyes, while a similar
pair is shown on each end. The back is plain. A raised rectangular
surface of smaller diameter surmounts the table top. The two figures
are nude except for a breech apron and supporting cord. The hair is
represented by vertical striations and is cut in “bangs” over the
forehead. The features are ‘“Olmec” in character. This is the first
representation of Atlantean figures in Olmec art and may be the
earliest instance thus far known in the New World (pl. 23).
Like the other table-top altars at San Lorenzo and La Venta, the
top projects in front and at the two ends, but not to the rear. Like-
wise, all of the altars of this type are flat and free from decoration on
the back. Probably, like the Colossal Heads, they were meant to be
set against a wall.
MONUMENT 3
Monument 3 was found in the same vicinity as Monument 2 on the
high elevation west of Potrero Nuevo. The subject, which is similar
to Monument 1, Rio Chiquito, apparently represented copulation
between a jaguar and a woman. The figure of the woman is repre-
sented lying on the back with knees drawn upward along the abdomen
and with bent elbows, the hands extending upward. The head,
hands, and feet are missing. The body of the jaguar is missing
except for the hind feet, the lower part of a double back ornament,
and the tail. Ornaments in the form of bands with a decorative
attachment in the rear are worn about both ankles. The portions of
the jaguar which remain are much more animalistic than in Monu-
ment 1, Rio Chiquito; the feet, claws, and tail definitely identifying
the subject. As in the similar monument, this one is mounted on a
low flat base. Although badly broken, enough remains to indicate
that in its complete form Monument 3 must have been a strongly
carved and striking piece of sculpture (pls. 25, 26, a). The episode
20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 157
represented must have been an important feature of Olmec mythology.
It is particularly interesting in view of the frequent representation of
part human and part jaguar figures in Olmec art, these often having
infantile characteristics. The infant shown in Monument 12, San
Lorenzo, appears to have a human body and a jaguar head.
STONE SNAKE
A curiously convoluted snake, carved from basalt, was dug from one
of the small mounds at Potrero Nuevo in the course of building a house,
a few days previous to our first arrival there. It was complete when
found except for the head. Children broke it in several pieces, but
fortunately none were missing. The lower coils were so arranged as to
make a firm, flat circular base. The concept is unique and has nothing
in common with the manner of representing coiled snakes during the
Aztec period in the Valley of Mexico (pl. 26, 6).
GENERAL DISCUSSION
With the exception of the two large granite columns excavated
near the river bank below the village of Tenochtitlin, all the stone
monuments which we found were carved from basalt. The five
Colossal Heads from San Lorenzo are remarkably similar in character
to those from La Venta and Tres Zapotes. In some instances it does
not seem improbable that the same artists operated in the three sites.
While at first glance the various heads appear very similar, closer
examination shows that this resemblance is probably due to the
racial type represented, and each is actually quite individual in
character. Close study of these heads leads me to the belief
that they are actual portraits of prominent individuals. One char-
acteristic that all the Colossal Heads share is a smooth, plane surface
a foot or more in width that runs the full length of the back. With
one exception (Monument 2 at San Lorenzo) these surfaces are
practically devoid of decoration. It may be, therefore, that the
heads were designed to be set up against a wall of some sort. This
theory is strengthened by the fact that in general the sculptors designed
the heads to be viewed from the front, or a three-quarters angle.
When Monument 4 at La Venta, the largest Colossal Head at that
site, was excavated, a large chunk which had been broken from the
lower jaw was found under the head. The outer surface of this was
covered with a thin smooth white slip which had been painted a dark
purplish red. This suggests the interesting possibility that originally
the Colossal Heads had been painted.
The helmetlike headdresses that adorn all the Colossal Heads are
probably an artistic conventionalization. In carving such large
blocks of stone it would have been impractical to represent adorn-
AxTHROP. PAP. STONE MONUMENTS OF R{O CHIQUITO—STIRLING 21
ments such as feathers, sticking out as actually worn. The sculptors
therefore showed them as lying flat against the head. This not only
resulted in economy of material, but also prevented making what
would have been a very fragile portion of the monument.
As of the present date, 10 typical Colossal Heads are known. Five
from San Lorenzo, four from La Venta, and one from Tres Zapotes.
Stylistically these heads are so similar, and parallels in detail are such
as to force the conclusion that no very great time interval could have
elapsed during which they were made.
The table-top altars also connect the Rio Chiquito area with La
Venta. The parallels between Monument 14 at San Lorenzo and
Altar 4 at La Venta have already been pointed out.
Monument 2, Potrero Nuevo, is somewhat atypical with its At-
lantean figures and lacking the arched niche in front and the end
carvings. However, the general form, the raised rectangle on the top,
and the jaguar motive are sufficient to class it with this group.
If the site at Potrero Nuevo proper is to be classed as Olmec, it is
unique as regards the two serpent carvings. The draped serpent on
Monument 1 is unusual because of the realistic manner of its por-
trayal. It is flat, with a ridge along the back exactly like a real
snake instead of the cylindrical conventionalization one usually sees
employed in pre-Columbian art. The blunt triangular head also is
realistic enough to identify the species as a fer-de-lance.
The curious tangled serpent from Potrero Nuevo is also unique
because of its unusual form.
The two jaguar and woman monuments (Monument 1, Rio Chi-
quito, and Monument 3, Potrero Nuevo) are interesting as possibly
casting light on the half-jaguar, half-human form so characteristic of
Olmec art.
The Rio Chiquito region, like the other Olmec-site areas of southern
Veracruz and northern Tabasco, is far removed from the sources of
basalt from which the great majority of the monuments are carved.
The nearest source of basalt is in the region of San Martin Pajapan
Volcano near the coast, or in the Tuxtla Mountains to the north.
In the case of the Rio Chiquito this would be an air-line distance of
more than 50 miles. It seems probable therefore, that the heavy
pieces of basalt must have been transported by water, probably along
the coast to the Coatzacoalcos River and then along the river or its
tributaries to the site.
It is interesting to note that the two large columns of granitic schist
found in the deeply buried site at Rio Chiquito seem to be made from
the same material as the large column of the same dimensions on the
south end of the long mound at La Venta, and therefore probably
came from the same source.
22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
The stone monuments from the region of the Rio Chiquito present
an interesting addition to our gallery of Olmec art. Here, particu-
larly at the site of San Lorenzo, the Olmec art of sculpture of large
monuments in stone may be said to have reached its climax.
The elevated strip of land on which the Rio Chiquito sites are
situated was in many ways ideal for the location of ceremonial centers.
During the dry season the inhabitants could have extended their
milpas over the broad alluvial plains and retreated to the high ground
during the wet season. The navigable waters of the Coatzacoalcos
River and its tributaries, as well as the network of interconnecting
sloughs, gave easy access to a large territory. Since the Coatza-
coalcos is the natural waterway across a large portion of the Isthmus
of Tehuantepec, access to the Pacific coast would have been easy.
Archeological evidence, however, does not indicate that such contacts
were strong. On the other hand, intercourse toward the north in the
direction of the Gulf of Mexico was obviously carried on. It seems
apparent that the Chiquito sites represent an upriver thrust stemming
from locations nearer the coast, such as Tres Zapotes and La Venta.
Whether or not a blending with centers of more southern origin took
place awaits a detailed study of the ceramics of the Chiquito sites.
In every way the stone carving suggests direct communication
between all of these classic Olmec sites. Not only are there close
parallels in the art style, but the nearest source of the basalt used for
the majority of the monuments is in the vicinity of the coast. The
tedious operation of transporting these heavy stones, presumably by
water, over such long distances suggests that peaceable relations were
maintained over the region and quite probably there was intercom-
munity cooperation and trade. Whether each center was an inde-
pendent political entity or whether the entire area was subject to
central control is a matter for speculation.
Mound building was a feature of all of the classic Olmec sites, the
structures reaching considerable proportions at La Venta, Tres
Zapotes, and Rio Chiquito. At San Lorenzo, despite the outstanding
sculpture, the mounds were insignificant. It is possible that at
San Lorenzo the site never reached its full development. At the
present time the site is some distance from the river. It may be that
at the time it was occupied, the channel touched the base of the high
ground at the eastern edge of the site where the principal occupation
debris exists. If a change in the course of the river was responsible
for the abandonment of San Lorenzo, it seems strange that the monu-
ments were not moved. Otherwise it would seem plausible to specu-
late that the inhabitants moved to nearby Rio Chiquito, on the river,
where the mound structures are impressive and the stone monuments
few.
hous) PaP. STONE MONUMENTS OF RIO CHIQUITO—STIRLING 23
It is worth noting that if rich tomb burials such as exist at La
Venta were present at San Lorenzo, we were unable to find them,
although we conducted excavations of considerable extent in equiv-
alent areas. The classic Olmec period at Tres Zapotes likewise lacked
tombs and any evidence of lavish burials. There is more than a
hint in this fact suggesting that La Venta was the regional center of
the classic Olmec area and the place of residence of rich and probably
powerful rulers. Not only was the central mound at La Venta 105
feet high, the largest of all, but the stone column enclosure containing
the lush tombs is completely unique. The Rio Chiquito region, it
would appear, was a prosperous but subordinate area.
LITERATURE CITED
Strritinc, MatrHew W.
1943. Stone monuments of southern Mexico. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 138.
1947. On the trail of La Venta man. Nat. Geogr. Mag., vol. 91, No. 2,
pp. 137-172. February.
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 1
Clearing a monument at San Lorenzo.
Type of jungle growth that covered the site.
265191—54
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 2
Rio Chiquito. a, b, Monument l.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 3
Rio Chiquito: a, c, Monument 2; b, stone vessels.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 4
Rio Chiquito: a, b, Granite columns.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157° PLATE 5
San Lorenzo. Monument 1].
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE6
San Lorenzo. Monument l.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE7
San Lorenzo. a, b, Monument 2.
BULLETIN 157 PLATE 8
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 157 PLATE 9
Monument 4.
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 10
San Lorenzo. Monument 4.
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
front view.
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265191—54
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 18
San Lorenzo. Monument 9: a, rear view; ), side view.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULEEE RIN to” (PEATE 19
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BULLETIN 157 PLATE 21
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BULLETIN 157 PLATE 23
Monument 2.
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 24
Potrero Nuevo. Monument 1: a, front view; b, rear view.
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157. PLATE 26
Potrero Nuevo. a, Monument 3, side view; b, stone serpent.
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
Bureau of American Ethnology
Bulletin 157
Anthropological Papers, No. 44
The Cerro de las Mesas Offering of Jade and Other Materials
By PHILIP DRUCKER
25
265191—54——6
CONTENTS
PAGE
(EPO CUCHIOR os 28 = = =. 2 2.9 A REE, CO AY EP AE, A BN 29
The Cerro de las Mesas offering materials. /¢- 02-250 222s tl ek 30
IMUTINeS = 22244222 2 sou Se aoe aes <n ee PO SE ee Le 31
PIAGUeRo 225s 5222525 se etn ss <5 = = TO) DONARN DY 20 OU ew ee 45
Warspoolsy= 2222226 2225 - kee ew beens ves eee care esa MOR DS O8 51
Suiall flares. =4-<= == = SG) 1) BSA Le FIORE IA th Molnar 53
1 DFAS LS ae 8 SY Sarge ne Cee ir cE a cree ee a 54
Pere MOTIn POTTOEREGES: (i) seen em ee eee ee ae cee ee in 58
es ee aE NRE a 2 Ue Sie eee ere eel ED ee ee ee 58
TENE 70 (MNS BRS LI Sock Pa IEC oles MPP ane > aapene, mp Oe REY OER ee meee eee 60
DeaneellaneGusOOleCih= Sse a2 one ae ea eee ee ere eee ae 63
1D FSET i lea oll tac lead Ss eed ett (plein Ray Aha he py eae, Se 65
Mieerahure ertede ee rete ke Se 2 ee See aaa) Jes 67
ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATES
FOLLOWING PAGE
27. Front, side, and rear views of Olmec figurine____-_-_---.----------- 68
28. Olmec figurine of hunchbacked (?) personage, of serpentine; and
Olmeq (7) style skull pendant 4 .. 3 -e2 22 ee ee ee 68
29. Front and back of Zapotecan (?) style figurine plaque__-_-_---_------- 68
30. Large figurine of ‘‘crossed-arm style,” of diorite (?)--..------------- 68
Sie small jade figurines and figuring heads... 2.....222.8 5-059. 0 2 222e8 68
32. Front, side, and rear views of stone figurine_____-____--_----------- 68
Sot hignranie or dark-green, Stone... 9522 oho oN be oe 68
34. Small jade figurines and figurine heads-~..._.—.- 24. ..2-22--2+-s-s2. 68
35. Miscellaneous figurines, front and rear views_---------------------- 68
ao: vuscellancous, jade ObjeGts=.2.25c5 6-5) Pe oe Re ee 68
Se avuscellancoussnsurinesss seers 2 oe RS ee ee eee eee 68
Stok ad (240 | (2s an aa Mae ek Be ee a GERMS ES aie A ECE A LBERE ge ery Bets eRe Sp 68
39: Plaquelike ebjects/of unknown use. -2-=-\- 2 42 sashes 5458 eke 68
AAP IAINIGR £22 Meee ee ce ee Ae i as Ee ee 68
CoA AEA OER Toca I i o's a pF AS PS Og A eS ee eS 68
A ee AT SOOO Ane Hae ote sate a ra oe ee eee oe eee ee ae 68
Ao MHATRDOOLHATES2- 625. 26 AUN _ Pee Vee. PO ee, Bey at ee 68
AA icranioo) flames ey} Sri oh: | aster a Sheek AE Cee: ee ee 68
45. Earspool flares and decorated perforated disk.__-_----------------- 68
46. Small flares, perforated disks, and imperforate disks_____.---------- 68
274 Disks with large central perforauon...=5 2.2 22 ee 68
aoe StisCOlAnegus Obletukeas (ae aan ease ee ee ee ee ee 68
SUM Wscenaneous:Objeetas 6 ot noe. WE, Be We eed 68
SOu@erecionial perforators G7?) Sele = 4) - 22. oo eee 2 reek aoe ee 68
5)ASussphenraliand “pebblevbeadste.... 425 ao e222 ke 68
52. Subspherical, gadrooned, tubular “‘pebble,’”’ and miscellaneous bead
yy Ra ed a eed RU a, Soe a eh et 68
5a. Lupular ane parrel-snaped beads. .2.220.— 2-222 25 Seer 68
54. Barrel-shaped, and short tubular beads-_-_-__-_--__------------------- 68
bd
10.6)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 157
TEXT FIGURES
PAGE
2. Zanotecan (7) style figurine plage uA £3} = 2.2 5 ee eee 34
3. Original design on plaque shown in plate 38 a, a’___-_--_---_-------- 46
4. Two sides showing incised designs of fish plaque___-_____---_-------- 47
5. Jaguar-monster designs on ‘‘canoe’”’ plaque-__----------------------- 49
G Steps in manufacture of earspool flare-_.-..........-.....--~:-_-$ep 56
é.. Suggested hafting of decorated celt- 22 <. =. ..2...2--. 2.22526. oe 59
S. Decorated tipular DRG) 222. oe ee eG a 2 ee ee ee 62
9. Cross section of rectangular slotted objects of jade____-___---_------ 64
THE CERRO DE LAS MESAS OFFERING OF JADE AND
OTHER MATERIALS
——
By Pump Druckir
INTRODUCTION
In the course of the National Geographic Society—Smithsonian
Institution archeological investigations at the site of Cerro de las
Mesas, in Veracruz, Mexico, in 1941, Stirling encountered an impres-
sive offering of jade objects at the foot of a large mound through
which he was driving a cross-section trench. He has described this
find briefly in a popular article (Stirling, 1941). The present writer
also mentioned this offering in his report on the ceramics of the site,
pointing out that in view of the pottery associations, including both
sherds contained in the mound mass and cache lots of vessels placed
with burials in the mound, the jade cache was probably to be reckoned
as belonging to the Lower II horizon (Drucker, 1943, pp. 11, 79).
After that time we often discussed the desirability of making a
detailed study of the jade objects, but, as with the weather, we did
nothing about it. Finally, in the spring of 1952, Stirling arranged
that the writer should make a brief trip to Mexico, to the Museo
Nacional where the collection is housed, to study it. The present
report is based upon that study.
Through the courtesy of the Director of the Museo Nacional,
Dr. Eusebio Davalos H., the writer was able to examine and compare
the jade specimens, both those in the storage vault and those on
exhibit in the halls. It turned out, however, that the entire lot was not
available: there were a few pieces which had been sent on loan to
various local museums, etc. However, the bulk of the material was
in the Museo Nacional, and it is believed that there are very few
significant features or types among the unavailable specimens (which
consist mostly of earspools and beads, according to the inventory
prepared by Lic. Valenzuela in 1941 when the lot was received by the
museum). A few pieces only will be described from photographs
made in 1941 rather than from the 1952 study.
The writer wishes to express his gratitude to Arq. Ignacio Marquina,
Director of the Instituto Nacional de Antropologia 6 Historia, to
29
30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 157
Sr. Eduardo Noguera, of the same organization, and to Dr. Eusebio
Davalos, Director of the Museo Nacional, for authorizing access to
the collections and for providing every facility for studying them.
Thanks are also due to Dr. W. F. Foshag, of the United States
National Museum, for information on the mineralogy and source of
the jadeites.
THE CERRO DE LAS MESAS OFFERING MATERIALS
The purpose of this paper is primarily descriptive, and to get on
record some information about the Cerro de las Mesas jades. With
as few sizable lots of jade objects firmly placed in space and time as
there are—Monte Albin, and from the recently published reports,
Uaxactun, Nebaj, and Kaminaljuyt are the sources of the principal
exceptions—detailed comparative studies of Mesoamerican jade are
not likely to be very rewarding. In certain cases similarities to
materials from other sites or regions can be pointed out, but no very
definitive conclusions can be drawn from these few comparisons.
Similarly, certain peculiar forms may be, for all we know, distinctive
local styles or they may be imports from some other archeologically
little-known region. Or some of the peculiar forms may be cultural
sports, of no particular significance.
Even after we have descriptions of a good number of jade collections
whose proveniences are known, jade is likely to prove a difficult
material to study. Not only were jade objects traded widely in
Mesoamerica, but as has been shown repeatedly, some pieces were
preserved a long time—as heirlooms perhaps, or treasures, or possibly
even as objets d’art. A temporal placing of a piece of jade does not
mean the same as the assignment of a ceramic type or trait to some
level; all it gives us on the jade is a possible cut-off date for the type.
Olmec jade figurines provide a neat example of difficulties of this sort
that one may encounter. The objects are of course readily recognizable
from the stylistic standpoint. Present evidence suggests the period, or
at least principal period, of their manufacture was the Pre-Classic
Middle Tres Zapotes-La Venta horizon (a prolonged Urban Formative
phase immediately preceding the Classic Upper Tres Zapotes). Yet
a few objects of this type occur in the cache at Cerro de las Mesas,
presumably traded from the nearby Olmec region, in a period believed
on other grounds to have been roughly contemporary with Upper
Tres Zapotes. Consequently, if these various suppositions are correct,
the objects had been made quite some time before they were buried
under the steps at the front of the mound. They were kept pretty
carefully, too, all this time, for they have no nicks or other signs of
rough use. The Cerro de las Mesas data by themselves would mislead
us entirely. As a matter of fact, the basis for the belief that the
Ast, S“* ~=CERRO DE LAS MESAS OFFERING—DRUCKER 31
Middle Tres Zapotes-La Venta period was the one in which the objects
were made derives mainly from their occurrence plus their close
stylistic kinship with the monumental sculpture at the one-period
site of La Venta.
The several hundred specimens in the cache include a considerable
number made of what appeared to be one or another variety of
jadeite, or blends of jadeite and albite, all of which I designate ‘‘jade,”’
using the term in its loosest sense. However, I may easily have classed
as “jade”’ a number of materials really quite different mineralogically.
The second most abundant material is a soft, dull-surfaced tan to
buff stone with lustrous streaks or areas of white and green. A fairly
sizable proportion of the small figurines and figurine heads, as well as
of the beads, are of this material. It was surmised at first that this
stone was decomposed or altered (burned) jadeite. However, Dr.
Foshag, who saw color transparencies of these pieces, along with
brief descriptions, suggests they are probably calcite with inclusions
of quartz and chlorite. There are a few objects of serpentine, a small
number that may be of chloromelanite, basalt, and what Foshag
designates meta-diorite. It would be beyond the scope of this paper
and my competence to attempt to discuss the varieties of jadeite
represented in the collection from a mineralogical standpoint. Fos-
hag’s study of Mesoamerican jadeites and related materials, when
available, should clarify a great many problems of both mineralogical
and cultural import.
FIGURINES
The figurines from the cache are quite varied stylistically. Only a
few of them can be assigned to known art styles. In another way
also they form a rather heterogeneous lot, for some of them are per-
forated for suspension either as pendants or beads. However, it seems
preferable to describe all the objects which have been carved into
representative forms together, no matter for what purpose they may
have been designed, since after all we can only speculate as to the
function of many of these objects.
Olmec figurines —Two of the figurines in the lot are very obviously
Olmec in style and a third, a figurine head, probably belongs to the
same school of art. The first of these is a small figurine carved in
the full round of translucent bluish-gray jade (pl. 27). It is almost
uniform in color with no mottling. It stands 12.1 cm. high, its
maximum width is 7.6 cm., and maximum thickness (back to extended
hands), 4.4 cm. In every respect the treatment is typically Olmec.
Head-and-face outline is characteristically rectangular with elongated
flat-topped head and heavy, squarish jowls. In profile, deformation
of the head is clearly indicated. The eyes are elongated blunt ellipses
= 4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
formed by drilling a series of contiguous holes with a small solid drill.
Presumably they were intended to contain inlays as did the eyes of
certain figurines from La Venta. Nose and mouth are framed by a
continuous line that extends from the sides of the broad nose to the
corners of the mouth. The nostrils are represented by two connect-
ing conical pits. The everted upper lip is directly below the nose;
the corners of the mouth are marked by drilled pits. Ears are typi-
cally elongated ridges at the sides of the head, quite simplified, and
are perforated with connecting conical drill pits. The body con-
forms to the usual Olmec stylistic standards combining both realism
and considerable simplification. The principal muscular masses on
the shoulders, chest, back, and thighs are plainly shown. The limbs
are disproportionately short. ‘The hands and feet have been sim-
plified to blunt, rounded forms with grooves marking off the fingers
and toes. The general proportions of head and body suggest that it
may have been intended to represent an infant. In many respects
this is an outstanding product of Olmec art.
The second Olmec figurine is a small standing figure of pale
yellowish-green serpentine with black inclusions (pl. 28, a). The
figure portrayed apparently is that of a hunchback, although viewed
from certain angles it looks as though it may represent a man carry-
ing a load on his back. The over-all height of the figure is 7.0 cm.
Like the preceding, the Olmec stylistic characters of the carving are
most obvious. It differs from the first figurine in that the eyes are
shallow, sawed semilenticular grooves. They were apparently not
intended to hold inlays. Vertical lines connect the sides of the nose
and the edges of the mouth. Two intersecting conical perforations
form the nostrils and two more drilled pits mark the corners of the
mouth, separating the heavy, squarish upper lip, which begins just
below the nose, from the lower lip. The head outline is elongated
with squarish heavy jowls. The ears are elongated, simplified to
rectangular form, and have biconical perforations through the lower
tips. The arms, hands, legs, and feet are simplified. The surface
of the stone of which the figurine is made is only moderately polished.
It will be recalled that the series of figurines from La Venta included
a number of serpentine and similar soft stones, as well as those of
jade.
The third object, one which is less certainly of Olmec style is one
in the form of a small skull of light gray-green opaque jade, finished
with a moderately high polish (pl. 28, b). The specimen, although
very highly stylized, very obviously represents a human skull. One
suspects that the theme may have been suggested by the original
form of the stone, and the design was adapted to utilize this original
form to the maximum. This, if true, is quite unusual in Olmec art,
No dd)’ = CERRO DE LAS MESAS OFFERING—DRUCKER 33
at least in the examples currently recognized as pertaining to that
style. The eye sockets are represented by two very shallow round-
bottomed, drilled pits. A pair of wide shallow grooves diverge from the
base of the rounded lump that represents the nose, swing in wide
regular curves up the sides of the head, and end in short spirals just
over the eyes. The mouth is indicated as a lenticular area formed by
shallow sawed grooves, bisected by a similar sawed line and crossed
by five vertical lines to indicate teeth. The back of the object is a
smooth vertical surface. Two gradually tapering perforations near
the rear of the upper portion of the head intersect, presumably for
suspension, and another pair of conical perforations, one from the
under side of the chin and one from the back, also intersect to provide
another suspension point. The reasons for suggesting that this
piece may be of Olmec origin are: (1) The bold simplicity of style;
(2) the type of jade, which resembles some of that from La Venta;
and (8) the fact that a few examples of representations of skulls, both
in pottery and carved of rock crystal, have been found at La Venta
itself. The over-all height of the object is 7.3 cm., maximum width
4.2 cm.
Zapotecan (?) figurine plaque.—A small flat specimen, which might
actually be classed as a plaque rather than a figurine except that it is
not provided with perforations for suspension, is carved with a figure
stylistically very similar to the ‘‘Danzante’”’ figures of Monte Albin
(pl. 29 and fig. 2). The material of which it is made is opaque medium-
green jade with olive-brown spots. The object is 9.2 cm. in length,
5.9 cm. in width, and 1.0 cm. thick. The face of the object bearing
the carving is very highly polished but not flat, having a slight
concavity in its lower half. The back is unworked and unpolished.
The figure is formed by sawed lines, cut in asymmetrically, that is to
say, the cuts are not vertical, but have a steep face bordering the area
outlined with a longer flatter slope away from the emphasized area,
as though the sawing had been done at a slant. The personage is
portrayed in a posture suggesting violent movement, with head
thrown back and legs doubled up under him. ‘The eye is formed by a
shallow, broad drill pit. The nose and mouth shown in profile lack
the framing lines and heavy everted upper lip of the Olmec style.
There is a small shallow drill pit at the corner of the mouth. The
personage wears an elaborate earplug with a flowerlike pendant, as
well as a belt and breechclout. Swirling spirals on the head suggest
an elaborate hairdress. The whole concept of the figure reminds one
very strongly of the aforementioned Danzante figures, particularly
in the strength of depiction combined with the rather rubbery-
looking, impossibly jointed limbs. Despite the anatomical dis-
proportion and poor drawing, the figure gives the impression of a very
34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
sophisticated style. On the back of the object at a point just below
the back of the head a small drill pit was begun, but not put
completely through.
Ficure 2.—Zapotecan{(?) style figurine plaque.
Figurines of “‘crossed-arm style.’,—Two pieces in the cache, while
not too similar stylistically, are interesting because of their resem-
blances to the figures with crossed arms described by Thompson
from the El Baul region of Guatemala, and a fragmentary shell
figurine from Nebaj (Thompson, 1948; and Smith and Kidder, 1951,
fig. 19,c). The first was a rather large, somewhat crude figure of
diorite (?) which was found lying on top of the objects of jade (pl.
30). It is the one referred to as a ‘monkey figure” in my report on
the ceramics of the site (Drucker, 1943, pl. 58, c). It strikes one as
being rather crudely made, the eyes being simply deep hollows appar-
ently pecked out, the nose a flattish triangle, and the mouth an
ellipse from which the center had been pecked out. On the back of
the head a hairdress is suggested. 'The arms shown crossed over the
breast are simply long flat strips set out by cutting away the material
immediately adjoining. The sexual organs are indicated, an unusual
feature in any of the regional art styles. 'The whole figure is angular
and poorly proportioned. The feet merge into a rounded block of
NOdeT PaP. CERRO DE LAS MESAS OFFERING—DRUCKER 35
stone, which suggests that the object was either unfinished or else
intended to be embedded in some plastic material as an architectural
ornament. The figure is approximately 40.5 cm. high. The surface
of the stone is rather rough; no attempt was made to smooth or polish
it.
The second object of this general style is a small jade figurine just
under 6.0 cm. long (pl. 31, f). The material is a light gray-green.
The back is irregular and only moderately polished. The figure is
indicated by a series of sawed lines which have been given slight
relief by the cutting away of adjacent areas. The eyes are ellipses
transected by horizontal sawed slits. The nose and mouth are
formed by a large triangle extending from between the eyes to the
base of the face, two transverse lines representing the base of the
nose and the mouth. The arms are crossed over the breast. Three
fingers are indicated on each hand by sawed grooves. At the base
of the figure, a transverse sawed line seems to indicate the bottom of
a kilt or skirt. The feet are simply indicated. A transverse per-
foration made by two intersecting gently tapering drill holes, goes
through the neck of the figure from side to side. It was obviously
drilled before the lateral notches were cut in at the base of the head
to separate head and shoulders. It may be that this object originally
had a different form and was reworked into the figurine. Two pairs
of intersecting conical perforations, one pair at the side and back of
the head and the other at about the waist on the right-hand side of
the figure, provide additional means of suspension.
I am by no means certain that these rather crudely portrayed
figurines with the similar posture actually have any significant rela-
tionship, but the possibility that they may have should not be
overlooked.
Unclassified figurines.—There are a considerable number of figurines
and figurine heads from the cache which as yet cannot be classified as
belonging to any specific local style or time horizon. It is to be hoped
that eventually some may be culturally identified. For the present
they will be described and tentatively grouped on certain arbitrarily
selected stylistic traits, which perhaps may turn out to have regional
and/or temporal significance. The first such group will be one
characterized by the use of relatively high relief for depicting some or
all of the features. The first such figure is a rather large specimen
22.0 cm. high, of a light greenish-gray stone mottled with white,
probably meta-diorite (pl. 32). It represents an individual in a
standing posture wearing an elaborate necklace and ornamented belt
and breechclout, with long hair hanging down the back. The eyes
are long elliptical slits made by drilling a series of contiguous holes
with a small hollow drill and breaking out the intervening partitions.
36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
The form of the eyes suggests that they might have been intended
for the insertion of inlays of other materials, as were the eyes of many
Olmec figurines. The other facial features show a fair degree of
realism. The large nose is boldly carved, the ears are simplified
vertical strips at the lower ends of which elaborate earspools are
indicated by double hollow drilling. The mouth is a wide shallow
ellipse, the corners of which are marked by hollow drill pits. The
necklace is indicated by a series of circles made with a fairly large
hollow drill and ends in a large rectangular pendant on the figure’s
chest. The belt ornament is a wide rectangle with rounded corners
and a hollow drilled circle at its center. The belt, breechclout, and
the figure’s long hair are indicated by parallel sawed lines. The body
and limbs of the figurine are much simplified in treatment. In many
respects this figure seems vaguely reminiscent of the Olmec style, but
specific details of treatment make clear that it does not belong to
that style. For example, the forehead, nose, and mouth, and par-
ticularly the space between the nose and upper lip are non-Olmec.
The degree of simplification of body and limbs is much greater in
Olmec figurines and significant detail of muscular masses is suppressed,
and, finally, the use of the hollow drill is, so far as known, not to be
found in Olmec art.
Another fairly large figurine, not of jade but of a dark-green stone
with black streaks, possibly chloromelanite, is stylistically somewhat
different, but is done in a fairly bold relief (pl. 33). The face is sur-
mounted by a headdress in the form of the muzzle of some animal.
The eyes are large pyriform depressions in which no traces of drill
pitsremain. The earspools are large incised circles with pits made by
a small hollow drill at their centers. The nose and mouth are fairly
realistically carved although the four teeth shown between the
partly opened lips are disproportionately large. The body of the
figurine has been so much simplified as to lack most anatomical detail.
The hands which meet over the person’s belly appear to be holding
some object. The fingers and toes are marked with short sawed
lines. The lines separating the upper arms from the sides and
separating the legs are made by broad shallow sawed lines rounded off
by subsequent polishing. In profile the body is quite flat, and in low
relief. The figurine stands 20.4 cm. high, 6.7 cm. wide, and has a
maximum thickness of 2.7 em.
Another object in which fairly high relief was used by the carver is
a little head of a brownish material containing streaks of dark and
medium green, probably calcite with quartz and chlorite (pl. 31, g).
The outline of head and face is that of an inverted triangle with
heavily rounded corners and a slight notch at the top of the head.
Raised masses at the two corners of the head suggest simplification
Rota FAP ~=CERRO DE LAS MESAS OFFERING—DRUCKER 37
of the headdress. The eyes are fairly large circles formed with a
hollow drill, and give a staring owlish effect. The nose was laid out
by sawing a triangle with its base at the mouth, its apex between the
eyes. It was then carved into a high arched beaklike form. The
corners of the mouth were marked by pits made by a small solid drill
and connected by sawed lines. In profile the head has a bulging
forehead, a deep, wide, sawed groove across the region of the eyes
and the jutting beaklike nose previously mentioned. ‘Two sets of
intersecting conical perforations drilled from the sides and the back
of the head provide points of suspension, one at either side. The
height of the head is 4.2 cm., maximum width 3.3 cm., maximum
thickness 1.6 cm.
Another category of figurines and figurine heads, all decorated with
flat low relief appears to include two stylistic groups or subgroups,
but whether these possible stylistic differences have real significance
as to time or place of origin is unknown. In one of these styles the
mouth and nose (rarely the nose alone) are represented by a simple
flat triangle sawed out so that the apex is between or just below the
eyes of the figure. The treatment of these features is reminiscent of
that of the Teotihuacén type figurines from Monte Albdn III (Caso,
1938, p. 9), except that the Cerro de las Mesas specimens entirely
lack the strong relief of those from the highland, and might better be
said to have been drawn rather than carved. In the other style the
nose is formed by a continuation of the lines which encircle the eyes
so that these lines descend downward and outward and are joined at
the base by a horizontal saw cut, much in the fashion of the Early
Classic jades from Nebaj (Smith and Kidder, 1951, pp. 33 ff.).
An example of the triangular nose and mouth style is one made
from half of a large bead which was sawed through, leaving part of
the biconical perforation clearly shown on its back (pl. 34, g). The
features are indicated by a series of shallow sawed slits, two at each
of the eyes. A sawed triangle with three horizontal cross lines rep-
resents the nose and mouth. It is possible that this specimen was
just being laid out for more elaborate working and was not finished
because the saw cuts are quite shallow. It is made of an opaque
light gray-green jade, the front of which is moderately well polished
and the sawed back only slightly less polished. Two biconical drill
holes perforate the sides of the head near the top. In one of them
the bridge at the edge of the perforation has been broken out. The
length is 3.8 cm., width 2.9 cm., thickness 1.5 cm.
A quite similar specimen, the eyes of which are marked by three
horizontal saw cuts and the nose and mouth once more by a triangle
with transverse sawed lines at its base, is pierced transversely for sus-
pension by two biconical drill holes which enter at either side near
38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 157
the top (pl. 34, d). A small notch at the center of the lower edge
and two small notches on either side suggest that the object may have
been reworked from some other form. Its over-all height is 4.5 cm.,
maximum width 3.2 em., and thickness 1.2 cm.
Another figurine representing a complete figure is made from a
dense black stone, possibly basalt, and was one of those in which the
original form of the pebble was very slightly modified (pl. 35, a, a’).
It represents a standing figure with the arms folded across the belly.
A horizontal line sawed just above the face presumably marks the
hairline. The eyes are each formed by a single horizontal sawed slit,
the nose and mouth are formed by a triangle with transverse lines
across the base to indicate the mouth parts. Some cursory saw lines
seem to indicate the legs, the feet of which are little protuberances
probably left from the original unworked form. The back is unworked
except for transverse lines at point of neck and waist. The lower part
of the figurine retains the original irregular surface that slopes away
sharply toward the feet so that the figure cannot stand upright.
Another small standing figure, likewise of a dense black stone,
possibly a fine-grained basalt, in a similar posture except that the
hands appear to be holding something, gives a faint suggestion of
Olmec influence in its treatment (pl. 35, c, c’). The eyes are two
horizontal sawed slits but an attempt had been made to give a more
realistic treatment by a slight modeling of the cheeks just under them.
On the back of the figure sweeping sawed lines mark off arms, waist,
and legs. Feet and hands are delineated in a highly simplified fashion.
The length of the object is 9.5 cm., width 3.0 cm., maximum thickness
1.6 cm.
A third small standing figure representing much the same posture
strikes one as being perhaps the crudest of the whole lot (pl. 35, 5, 6’).
It is made out of a dense olive-green stone. Encircling sawed lines
indicate the neck, the upper and lower edges of the folded arms, the
waist, knees, and feet. The head is simply the rounded end of the
original pebble, with two small drill pits for eyes and a triangle for
nose and mouth. There is no indication of ears or earspools, or any
modeling whatsoever. The hands are separated by two slanting
sawed lines, and fingers are represented by horizontal sawed lines.
Two deep notches sawed vertically from either side mark off the legs.
The length is 6.2 cm., width 2.7 cm., thickness 2.1 cm. There are
no perforations for suspension or attachment.
A small head perforated at the upper end by connecting transverse
conical drill holes also has mouth and nose made by a sawed-out
triangle with three transverse saw cuts at the lower edge to indicate
base of nose, lips, and mouth (pl. 34, h). The eyes are sawed ellipses
with wide sawed lines transversing them horizontally. The elongated
Noda) T“® ~=€ERRO DE LAS MESAS OFFERING—DRUCKER 39
oval pebble from which this head was made was otherwise slightly
modified and is not polished. It is 4.9 cm. long, 2.6 cm. wide, 1.8 cm.
maximum thickness.
A small flat pebble which appears to be olive-green serpentine is
framed by a rectangular border made by sawed vertical lines on the
sides and a horizontal one across the upper edge that seems to repre-
sent hair (pl. 34, 6). The eyes and mouth are irregular ellipses set
off by sawed lines; the nose is simply a flat triangle, set off by sawed
lines. The height of this object is 2.8 cm., width 2.7 cm., and maximum
thickness 0.7 cm.
Two small beads, one of which is a thick ellipse in outline but
fairly regular in form, and the other of which is so irregular as to sug-
gest a small pebble, as slightly worked as possible, have faces carved
on them in essentially the same fashion as the preceding figurines
(pl. 36, 6, 6’, c, c’). The one of regular shape has elliptical eyes and
two joining arcs that suggest eyebrows. The nose and mouth are
formed by a triangle, the sides of which do not quite meet at the top.
Two large abruptly tapered perforations transect the object from
side to side, joining at or near the middle. The maximum height of
this object is 2.5 cm., maximum width at perforations is 2.1 cm.,
thickness is 1.7 cm. The smaller irregularly shaped bead has eyes
indicated by three slightly slanting parallel sawed lines on either side
of the triangular nose. A saw cut at the lower edge is connected with
a drilled hole from the rear of the object.
A very flat figurine head of mottled brown and bluish material is
approximately rectangular with rounded corners in outline (pl. 34, c).
The face is framed by a sawed line. The sides and top on the outside
of the sawed line are cut by short saw lines to give the effect of either
hair or a feather headdress. The eyes are irregularly shaped areas
outlined by saw cuts and transversed by horizontal slits. The nose
and mouth are formed by a single triangle, as described above. Two
roughly made ellipses with drill pits at their centers indicate ear-
spools. Three perforations from front to back were made with
conical drills and provide means of suspension or attachment. The
dimensions of this object are height 4.1 cm., width 4.5 cm., thickness
0.9 cm.
A small flat irregular fragment of jade was slightly modified by
means of a few saw cuts into a small figurine (pl. 34, f). Two round
raised areas accentuated by saw cuts form the eyes. The nose was
laid out in the form of a triangle. The mouth is an irregular ellipse
with a small drill pit at the center. Shallow sawed lines appear to
be meant to indicate the arms, waist, and feet. A sort of round tab
projects from one side and it has been notched at its edge by three
saw cuts. A biconical perforation penetrates from front to rear along-
40 ' BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
side the head on the winglike side, and two drilled holes intersect
from the other edge and back. The height of this object is 7.0 cm.,
maximum width 3.3 cm., and the thickness varies from 0.3 cm. to
0.8cm. In profile it is quite irregular.
Another small head distinguished by the use of hollow drill work
is of opaque dark-green jade, highly polished on its convex front sur-
face and moderately polished on its flat back (pl. 31, ce). The out-
line is oval, the top being the wider end. The features are marked
by a series of sawed lines for the most part. Hair or hairdress is
indicated by angular U-shaped figure. The eyes are shallow oval
pits whose lower margins are accentuated by arcs, apparently made
with a hollow drill, that give an effect reminiscent of representations
of Xipe. This, incidentally, is the only figurine of the triangular
nose-mouth style to show evidence of the use of the hollow drill.
The nose and mouth are formed by a triangle sawed out so that its
apex lies between the eyes and its lower margin is transversed by three
sawed lines which mark the base of the nose and the two lips. Three
pairs of intersecting conical perforations, two at the sides of the
head above the level of the eyes and one at the base of the chin,
provide points of suspension or attachment. This object, although
much simplified in treatment, differs from the others just described
in giving an impression of excellent workmanship and sophistication
of concept rather than crudity. The over-all height of the object is
4.7 cm., width 3.4 cm., maximum thickness 1.7 cm.
There are a smaller number of figurines of the second style, in
which each line across the tops of the eyes is extended downward to
outline one side of the nose, the two lines joining to form a single
continuous one.
A small flat piece of pale-green jade, roughly rectangular with round
corners and outline, has roughly elliptical sawed lines to represent
the eyes (pl. 31, a). The nose is formed by an extension downward
and outward of the outlines of the eyes, and the mouth is encircled
with an ellipse. Transverse lines cross the eyes and the mouth.
Vertical sawed lines at the top appear to indicate hair. Three
small biconical perforations, one at either side and one a little bit off
center below the mouth, pierce the object from front to rear. The
height is 2.7 cm., width 2.9 cm., and the thickness 0.6 cm.
There are two examples of figurine heads with slightly more realis-
tically depicted noses, though in both cases in the same general fashion,
by extending the lines about the eyes. One of these is a flat slightly
irregular fragment of pale grayish-green mottled jade (pl. 31, 6). The
face is framed by sawed lines which join at the top to form a rough
rectangle. Various curving saw cuts around the edge indicate an
elaborate headdress. The eyes are encircled by sawed lines and tran-
Ant FAP) CERRO DE LAS MESAS OFFERING—DRUCKER 4]
sected by horizontal sawed grooves. The bridge of the nose is formed
by extending the lines around the eyes downward and slightly inward.
Near the bottom small semicircles have been sawed out to suggest
wide flaring nostrils. The form thus suggests the ‘‘T-shaped’’ noses
of certain Early Classic Nebaj jades. The mouth is sawed out and
almost rectangular in form, a biconical perforation piercing it from
back and front. Two small perforations at the sides intersect with
two from the back. One of these side suspension points is broken
out. The height of the object is 2.6 cm., maximum width 4.5 cm.,
and thickness 0.3 cm.
The other figurine with well-defined nostrils was made by a piece of
calcite (?) (pl. 31, e). It seems to have a fairly elaborate headdress,
although one side of the head has been broken off. The eyes, as in
the preceding example, are roughly sawed ellipses. The nose is made
by continuing the lines around the eyes downward and inward and
near their base the wide alae are carved out somewhat irregularly.
Some sawed lines below the face suggest an elaborate necklace.
Other sawed lines suggest a belt and legs. The feet of the figurine
are broken off. The front side retains a medium polish; the back is
smooth but not polished. It shows the remnants of two sawed planes
cut from opposite directions to leave a small septum which has
broken off. The present height of the object is 6.6 cm., maximum
width 3.1 cm., and thickness is 0.4 cm.
A small head made of a thin flat fragment of calcite (?) with white
and green inclusions, has most of its features indicated by curving
sawed lines (pl. 31, d). The nose is outlined by a continuation of the
lines which curve around the eyes and are then brought down to meet
the sawed line separating the mouth from the straight bottom of the
nose. The eyes themselves are irregular ellipses outlined by sawed
lines, and each transversed by a single sawed line. The mouth is
represented by a similar sort of ellipse. The face is framed by a
raised band left around it, broken at several points by lines which
appear to indicate hairdress and earspools, and a profile face in the
upper left corner, easier to see in the photograph than on the actual
specimen. The earspools are marked by circles cut with a hollow
drill. Three small semicircles, apparently made by applying a hollow
drill at an angle less than 90° to the surface of the stone, occur at
three points on the raised band. Two perforations near the upper
end of the head and formed by intersecting conical perforations drilled
from sides and back provide means of suspension. The object has a
maximum height of 3.6 cm., width of 3.3 cm., and maximum thickness
which varies a little over the entire object of 0.7 cm. The back of
the head and face are neither polished nor decorated.
A small irregular pebble of mottled light and medium green jade is
265191—54——7
42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 157
similar to the preceding in that most of the features have been set
out by sawed lines and a hollow drill has been used at certain points
(pl. 34, a). The object has been made from a small pebble appar-
ently little modified from its original form except for the fact that it
has been sawed down one side. The face itself is framed by a more
or less angular raised band marked by sawed lines. At top center
five short vertical sawed lines appear to indicate hair or some sort of
hair ornament. The eyes, as in the preceding head, are very irregular
ellipses with horizontal sawed lines across their centers. Similarly,
the nose is indicated by continuing the sawed lines that encircle the
eyes downward and outward and joining them at the bottom by a
transverse sawed line. The mouth is an irregular ellipse. The
separation between the lips is marked by a short arc which may have
been made with a hollow drill, and the lower lip is set off with a
similar short arc. The earspools are circles made by a hollow drill
with shallow single perforations at or near their centers. Two per-
forations at the upper end are formed by intersecting pairs of conical
drill pits put through from back and sides and at the bottom tip a
connecting biconical perforation was drilled through from front and
back. This rather crudely made little piece has a fair degree of polish
on its front surface. It has a maximum height of 4.7 cm., width of
3.6 cm., and a maximum thickness of 1.8 cm.
Another small figurine which shows not only the head but a com-
plete if somewhat stunted figure, made of an unidentified olive-green
and buff stone, is shown standing with the hands brought together
across the belly (pl. 34, e). The eyes are delineated by sawed ellipses,
none too regular in form, and horizontal slits sawed across the middle.
The nose was made by continuing the lines encircling the eyes down-
ward and outward and ends abruptly in a horizontal sawed line.
The corners of the mouth are marked off with arcs made by using a
hollow drill at a slanting angle. Similarly made arcs represent the
shoulders and two more outline one of the hands whose fingers are
represented by two horizontal saw cuts. A slight raised area on top
of the head suggests a topknot and the face is framed by a sawed line.
Conical perforations are drilled in from the sides of the neck and inter-
sect with similar pits drilled in from the rear. Aside from these
suspension holes the back is not worked. The stubby legs are indi-
cated by sawed arcs and a sawed notch separates the feet. The
height of this object is 4.3 cm., width 2.6 cm., and maximum thick-
ness 1.4 cm.
The remaining figurines and figurine heads are all rather aberrant
among the materials from the cache. One is a head or face that looks
as though it may have been broken from the complete figurine, since
the back is rough and rather battered (pl. 36, d). It is made of a
ANTBEOP. Par. CERRO DE LAS MESAS OFFERING—DRUCKER 43
very dark green stone which is probably not jade. The eyes are
formed by slightly raised areas ringed by two shallow ellipses. The
nose was laid out as a triangle and shaped in rather high relief, taper-
ing from the sides to a rather narrow crest or bridge. ‘The mouth has
shallow drill pits at the corners and is somewhat squarish in outline,
suggesting possible Olmec influence. The cheek bones and cheeks are
well modeled in low relief. Under the rounded chin there is a slight
recess to indicate the neck which continues up as a groove along the
sides of the face to the top of the head. Intersecting conical pits
were drilled from sides and back. The present height of this object
is 5.3 cm., maximum width 4.0 cm., thickness 2.5 cm.
A very crude little object made of a compact dark olive-brown
stone has what may be interpreted as a highly stylized face at one end,
almost directly over two short stubby legs (pl. 37, c, c’). Three
horizontal lines, one close to the top, one about the middle, and one
just above the stubby “legs,” are cut into the object. At the upper
end just below the uppermost line, two moderately deep horizontal
cuts appear to represent the eyes, and between and below them is a
raised triangular area which suggests the nose. The surface of the
stone alongside and below the nose has been cut away nearly to the
edge, leaving a narrow border, perhaps to represent hair, along either
side. The back of the figure is unworked except for the central
encircling line which continues all around. The length is 5.2 cm.,
width 3.5 cm., and thickness 2.0 cm.
A small flat piece of jade, medium grayish green in color with
white mottling, was worked into a simple little figure suggesting a
human form in profile (pl. 36, a). A sawed line ending in deep notches
on either edge represents the neck of the figure. A short distance
above that a deeply sawed notch suggests the mouth and a series of
shallower saw cuts from the edge apparently are meant to indicate
the base of the nose and the eye sockets. A shallow drill pit repre-
sents the eye. A transverse line sawed across farther down the body
of the figurine represents the waist and a little notch on the bottom
suggests that the figure is intended to be shown in a kneeling or squat-
ting posture. The obverse is plain but polished. There are no per-
forations. The over-all length is 8.8 cm., maximum width 3.1 cm.,
thickness 0.7 cm.
A fragment of very bright green jade with a medium polish repre-
sents a foot and looks as though it may have been broken from a
large fairly elaborate specimen (pl. 37,d,d’). Viewed from above, it
is nearly rectangular in outline with slight constrictions toward the
heel. Three sawed lines at the tapered toe represent the four toes.
These lines are continued on the underside. Transverse sawed lines
mark off the areas of the sole of the foot. The craftsman apparently
44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
made one peculiar error, for a high area that presumably was meant
to represent the ball of the foot is immediately adjacent to the heel
and a depression was carved out, for what should be the instep,
between the toes and the raised area. The length of the object is
4.6 cm., width 2.0 cm., thickness (to the edge of the break) 0.9 cm.
A few pieces in the collection appear to have been intended to
represent animal forms. One interesting specimen is made of ser-
pentine in the form of a small fish (pl. 37, a, b, a’, b’). The eyes are
formed by moderately deep circles cut with a hollow drill. Sawed
lines at the edges of the mouth and around the gills give the object a
more realistic appearance although actually it is highly stylized. It
is drilled from end to end, that is, from mouth to tail, by means of
two tubular drill holes which intersected just over 6 cm. from the
mouth, or roughly two-thirds of the way back. These holes are
about 1 cm. in diameter and have a very slight taper toward the base,
presumably due to added wear during the drilling process at the upper
part of each shaft. The holes almost fail to meet, having an overlap
of about half a centimeter. Subsequently the object was sawed in
half longitudinally. Whether this was done because the drill holes
did not meet properly cannot be determined. The object is 9.1 cm.
long and 4.7 cm. in maximum width. The original thickness prior
to sawing was apparently a little under 2 cm.
A small piece of pale-green jade was made by cutting what must
have been a fairly good-sized cylindrical bead in half longitudinally
(pl. 37, e, e’). The remaining piece is slightly less than a half cylinder
in cross section. The lower end was broken off and repolished. A
few shallow saw marks outline slanting elliptical eyes, the line across
the muzzle, and what seems to be an indication of nostrils at the lower
broken end. The top two biconical perforations, one on the face
side, provide means of suspension and are connected by a sawed
groove. The general effect is that of an animal head, but it is im-
possible to try to guess the species represented. The present length
of the object is 5.1 cm., the width is 1.8 cm., and the thickness 0.8 cm.
A small buff-colored pebble, probably of serpentine, was slightly
modified into the form of an animal head, possibly that of a dog
(pl. 49, h). Shallow drilled pits indicate the eyes. A transverse
biconical perforation runs from side to side at the base of the ears
and another perforation goes through the lower lip and into the
saw cut that represents the mouth. The length is 5.4 cm.
A small carving representing a fairly realistic turtle, made, as I
recall, of basalt or possibly diorite, and painted red, was found in the
offering, but I did not find it with the collection in the Museo Nacional,
and by some strange oversight no pictures of it seem to have been
made in 1941.
Nod) ~©=—s« CERRO DE LAS MESAS OFFERING—DRUCKER 45
Two small representative objects of materials found with burial
materials in Mound 30 may be added to our list, although they do
not properly belong with the cache. One of these was a small carv-
ing, possibly made from half of a subspherical bead, representing a
monkey head (pl. 52, a, third row, middle). It has the characteristic
wide crest on the head and protruding mouth parts. The eyes are
small shallow drill pits. A transverse perforation runs through from
side to side near the top of the head and two pairs of intersecting
conical perforations connect sides and back just below the midpoint.
The height of the object is 1.8 cm., the maximum width is 1.8 em.,
and the thickness is 1.3 cm.
The second little jade pendant from Mound 380 represents a highly
stylized cicada (pl. 52, a, third row, middle). It is of bright-green
jade with light-green mottling. In outline it is nearly elliptical with
slight notches at the sides of the head and the base of the wings.
Shallow saw cuts suggest the thorax of the insect, and two very shal-
low drill pits near the upper rounded end, the eyes. A transverse
biconical perforation pierces the object from side to side at about the
level of the eyes. This little piece is well polished. Its length is
3.1 cm., the maximum width is 1.6 cm., and the thickness at the upper
end is 1.0 cm.
A little pebble of light-green jade was very slightly modified into a
form that vaguely suggests the head of a wood duck (pl. 49, h). A
slight projection at one end was bisected with a saw cut to suggest
the beak, and a few light cuts on the other end suggest the feathers.
A transverse biconical perforation runs through from side to side.
The length is 2.9 cm., the width 1.8 cm., and the thickness 1.2 cm.
PLAQUES
There are a number of objects among the materials from the cache
whose use is not known but which suggest by their more or less flat
form and laterally balanced perforations that they were intended
for suspension, perhaps hanging from necklaces like some of the
objects portrayed on the various stelae. These pieces are grouped
here as “‘plaques.”’
The first of the plaques is a small trapezoidal object of very light
translucent green jade with a faint mottling of light green and white
(pl. 38, a, a’, and fig. 3). The two upper corners are decorated with
highly simplified animal heads in profile, formed by a very few sawed
lines and with circular depressions made by a hollow drill to represent
the eyes. The sides and lower edge of the stone is marked off with a
border formed by a lightly sawed line. The central portion between
the heads is also decorated with an angular pattern of sawed lines.
46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
Ficure 3.—Original design on plaque shown in plate 38, a, a’.
Four perforations equally spaced, two at the top and two at the bot-
tom, provide means for suspension or attachment. 'These perfora-
tions are biconical, drilled through from front and back. The front of
the object, that is the side bearing the design, is well polished. The
undecorated back has only a medium polish. This piece appears to
have been a fragment of a larger plaque, the original design of which
was ground down when the object was given its present form. Faint
traces remain of an engraved face which was almost entirely removed
in the reworking. This face is too faintly delineated to be photo-
graphed, in fact it is very difficult to see at all except in just the right
light. Stylistically this previous engraving seems to have a strong
Mayoid flavor. Figure 3, from a drawing made by Covarrubias,
brings out this character clearly. It may be noted also that several
indentations along the edges of the plaque appear to be remnants
of perforations originally drilled for suspension or attachment of the
object. The piece measures 8.4 cm. along the top and 7.4 cm. along
the bottom; one side, that on the viewer’s right, is 5.6 cm. long, and
the other side is 5.8 cm. In cross section the object is a narrow
ellipse, 0.75 cm. being the maximum thickness.
A second plaque is a narrow flat object of medium dark-green jade
(?) with flecks of light green (pl. 40, c, c’ and fig. 4). It is decorated
on both sides and the outline has been slightly modified into a form
suggesting a conventionalized fish of some sort. On one side the
decoration has been applied by means of sawed lines, the margins of
which are more nearly vertical on one side than on the other, which
serves to accentuate the particular area outlines. The figure has an
irregular but almost round eye, and beginning below the eye a gaping
mouth with up-curved snout. Curving lines behind the eye suggest
Soa Par. CERRO DE LAS MESAS OFFERING—DRUCKER 47
gill openings. However, the head might be that of almost any stylized
reptile or monster. Its identification as a fish is based on the abrupt
breaks at top and bottom of the silhouette, a little more than two-
thirds of the way back from the head, which give the effect of the
ends of the dorsal and ventral fins of the fish, and the pair of pro-
tuberances at the very end which suggest the fish’s tail. The surface
of the object is fairly flat and the edges are rounded off rather sharply.
On the opposite side is a lightly but accurately engraved design which
may also represent some sort of fish. This pattern is turned just the
opposite way to the more heavily carved pattern on the other side,
that is, the belly of this fish lies on the same edge of the plaque as the
back of the other one. The upper edge as seen from this view (or
the lower edge in relation to the other side) is pierced by two bi-
conical perforations situated one on and one just inside of a sawed
line along one edge of the figure. This specimen, like the preceding,
may perhaps be a reworked fragment of some much larger object.
The maximum length of the specimen is 13.9 cm., the maximum
width is 4.8 cm., and the maximum thickness is 0.7 cm.
A small object carved in the form of a dugout canoe is included
among the plaques because on its base it has a set of four biconical
perforations drilled through from base and sides to intersect, thus
Ficure 4.—Two sides showing incised deers of fish plaque. Cross section through head
of plaque.
48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
providing a means of suspension or attachment (pl. 38, b, b’, b’’).
The object is made of translucent dark-green jade with a strong
bluish-gray cast. The stone appears very similar to that from which
the Olmec figurine was made. The “‘canoe”’ is roughly rectangular in
plan viewed from above. The platformlike ends are of the same width
as the central part of the object but are relatively thin, then merge
abruptly into the “hull.” It is worth noting that real dugout canoes
in use today in many parts of southern Veracruz are made with very
similar wide flat projecting bow and stern. The central part of the
canoe is hollowed out into a roughly rectangular depression. The flat
projecting bow and stern bear between the margins formed by exten-
sion of the gunwales engraved patterns which are beyond a doubt
conventionalizations of the Olmec Jaguar-monster (fig. 5). The eyes
in each case slope toward the center and have the form of narrow
ellipses containing small circles to represent the pupils. A pro-
nounced V-shaped notch has been cut from the upper edge and has its
apex almost between the eyes. The mouth of each of these heads has
a raised angular upper lip bordered on its lower side by a line to
represent teeth and fangs, and finished off at the bottom with a
characterized lower lip whose outline parallels that of the upper lip.
As indicated, the two heads are as nearly identical as freehand draw-
ings can be. It may be entirely fortuitous, but the Olmec figurine
previously mentioned is of just the right width so that its feet fit
snugly into the “canoe” and it stands up very solidly in the little
vessel. Whether these two pieces were actually made to fit together
or not, the stylistic features of the sharp clean engraving on the canoe
indicate that it is of the same art style as the figurine. The upper
surface and sides are highly polished. The base is smoothed but not
polished. The specimen has a maximum length of 20 cm. and a
maximum width across the gunwales of 5.6cm. The flat bottom of the
“hull” is 10.4 em. long by 5.0 cm. wide and has a depth of 2.3 cm. on
one side and 2.35 cm. on the other. One of the projecting ends is not
quite level, rising to a height of 2.5 cm. on one side at the end.
Another vessellike object of jade is in form almost rectangular with
rounded corners, though there is a very slight taper toward the ends.
It is of medium-green jade and well polished front and back. One
side of the specimen is hollowed out into a shallow ellipse approxi-
mately 0.6 cm. deep. A biconical perforation at one end just outside
the margin of the excavated area and the other at the midpoint of
one side just within the excavated area apparently were intended for
suspension. The back of the object has two old partly ground down
saw cuts transversed to the main axis of the piece. The specimen is
15.9 cm. long, 8.0 cm. in maximum width, and 1.1 cm. in maximum
thickness. The face or excavated portion appears to have been quite
ANTHRO. PaP. CERRO DE LAS MESAS OFFERING—DRUCKER 49
Ficure 5.—Jaguar-monster designs on “‘canoe”’ plaque.
flat prior to the hollowing out of the depression. The back is regularly
convex.
A large flattish perforated object suggests in its form that it is a
part of an ornament or shallow vessel of some sort whose original
form was intended to be that of a clamshell (pl. 40, a, a’). One end
of the specimen is rounded off with a fairly regular arc; the other end
has been sawed off, the cut being made from both sides until only a
narrow septum remained which was snapped off. Upper and lower
50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuy. 157
edges are worked into gently rounded borders of varying width. One
of these borders widens rapidly near the sawed off edge, apparently
to indicate the hinge of a shell of a clam. Lightly sawed lines along
and across this border serve to accentuate the hinge. In cross sec-
tion the object again simulates the form of a clamshell, being hollowed
out at a more abrupt angle on the hinge side, raising through a more
gentle curve toward the lip edge. The back of the object curves
abruptly at the edges and flattens out into two longitudinal planes
formed by two original saw cuts which did not quite center on each
other. A number of perforations were drilled through the object.
Two perforations close to the edges about two-fifths of the way from
the rounded tip were drilled through from front to back. A third
perforation in the center of the sawed edge is formed by a pit drilled
from the concave face which intersects one drilled from the edge.
Two more perforations occur on the concave side of the object and
are formed by pairs of intersecting conical pits drilled from edge and
back. The jade from which this object is made is medium green in
color with a grayish cast and is mottled and streaked with light and
dark grayish-green areas. The piece has a maximum length of 19.6
cm., a width at the sawed edge of 10.0 cm., a maximum thickness of
1.7 cm., and the excavated portion has a maximum depth of 0.7 cm.
This specimen is considerably larger and less well made than the jade
plaque in the form of a clamshell from the columnar basalt tomb at
La Venta.
Another object which appears to be a fragment of a pendant in the
form of a clamshell is shown in plate 36, e. It is made of opaque
medium-green jade mottled with dark green and with areas having a
brownish tinge. One side is quite flat from edge to edge and undec-
orated although it has quite a high polish. The other side has some
very slight relief carving and a few lightly sawed grooves that appear
to simulate the hinge portion of some clamshell. The outer and lower
edge has been modified into at least four lobes. The upper edge on
which the hinge is located is almost straight. The piece has been
broken off just to one side of the hinge. On the right-hand edge al-
most at the juncture of the first and second lobes is a biconical per-
foration passing from side to side. The maximum length of the ob-
ject is 6.8 cm., the maximum width (across the hinge) is 6.5 cm., and
the maximum thickness is 1.1 cm.
Another plaque approaches in form a long narrow rectangle with
rounded corners (pl. 40, 6). Near the middle of the round axis it is
slightly constricted, having a wide shallow saw cut across each edge.
This constriction is accentuated by a sawed line across the face. In
side view the object tapers very slightly toward one end which rounds
off from both sides to a blunt edge. It thus vaguely suggests a celt
Agta FAP: CERRO DE LAS MESAS OFFERING—DRUCKER 51
in form, although celts from this part of Mexico are not normally so
thin and flat. The end opposite the blade is perforated at the mid-
point, a conical perforation from the edge intersecting another from
the back. The perforated end is decorated with a very simple design
consisting of two transverse sawed lines and four short longitudinal
lines. Between the transverse lines are three circles, one of which is
not quite complete, made with a hollow tubular drill. Two incom-
plete circles made in the same fashion are found on the blade-half of
the piece. The undecorated back is less highly polished than the
front. Near the blade end of the object is the remnant of a drill pit,
indicating that the present specimen was sawed off a larger specimen
or piece of jade. One edge also shows the remnants of a narrow
septum between two saw cuts. The specimen is 16.0 cm. long by
5.2 cm. wide, with a maximum thickness of 1.3 cm.
Another object of very light green translucent jade with white
mottling and streaks of medium-green color is rectangular in form
with slightly rounded corners (pl. 48, 7). The edges are fairly evenly
squared off. Two biconical perforations 1.9 cm. apart at the approxi-
mate center of one of the long sides were made by drilling from the
edge and one face. On the lower edge (assuming that the edge with
the perforations would be the upper one when the object was sus-
pended) are the remnants of the drill hole and some well-ground-down
saw cuts. The object is moderately well polished over all. It is
9.1 cm. long by 3.0 cm. wide and has a maximum thickness of 0.7 cm.
EARSPOOLS
Among the materials studied there were a total of 36 large jade
flares for earspools, and some fragments of others. The original
inventory of the cache materials includes 12 more (including several
fragmentary pieces) which were not accessible at the time of my visit,
having been loaned to regional museums, etc. However, the 36
pieces available pretty well cover the entire range variation of types
and subtypes.
Preliminary examination of materials indicates that more infor-
mation must be assembled before we can work out an entirely ade-
quate classification of earspool flares. The basic typology used here
is that defined in the Kaminaljuyi report (Kidder, Jennings, and
Shook, 1946). However, certain variant forms were found which
have been classed as subtypes. It is not certain at present whether
these subtypes are significant or not; that is to say, whether they
actually have either a regional or temporal significance. For that
reason the present classification is offered purely as a tentative one,
pending the appearance of more typological studies from Mesoamerica.
It is worth commenting that a number of earspool flares from the
52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But 157
cache, in fact a considerable number, are so large and heavy that I
am inclined to doubt that they could have been actually worn in the
ears. Several possibilities suggest themselves: they may have been
worn in masks or headdresses; they may have been used to adorn
large idols; they may have been a sort of symbolic treasure to be dis-
played in rituals; or they may have been deposited in the cache be-
fore they were actually finished. In a number of the pieces the necks
are very roughly drilled out by means of heavy biconical perforations
that just barely meet and which leave thick, heavy walls (see pl. 41,
d,e). Most of these same specimens are polished only on the face of
the flare, the back and necks being only smoothed, or at most, very
slightly polished.
Type A flares, as defined by Kidder, Jennings, and Shook (1946) are
“connected by a comparatively narrow face curving gently into a
wide throat ... face approximately circular in outline.’’ There
were 10 specimens of this type available, among which there was
only one obvious pair (pls. 42, a, g; 44, b, c, g, 7, k; 45, a, 6). The face
diameters of the eight unpaired pieces range from 3.8 cm. to 6.5 cm.;
the necks tend to be proportionately longer than those of the other
varieties of flares, six of the eight having a height/diameter ratio of
0.34 and above. Of course it is not impossible that this difference is
only apparent in view of the small sample, for the other two flares of
this type were definitely short and stubby with a height/diameter
ratio of 0.18 in both cases. All but two of these flares (one of the
short ones and one of the long ones) had two diametrically opposed
perforations drilled through the necks. The only pair in this group
have broad shallow designs sawed into the faces. The designs con-
sist of four equally spaced pairs of concentric angular U-shaped
figures (pl. 45, a, b). One is slightly larger, having a face diameter
of 10.2 cm. This same piece has a longer stem, with two diametri-
cally opposed perforations. The smaller piece looks as though its
stem had been cut down just below the level of the perforations.
Type B earspool flares as defined by Kidder, Jennings, and Shook
(1946) are those in which the ‘‘face is relatively wide and tending to
be flat rather than curving, breaks abruptly into the neck with but
little throat.’’ Kaminaljuyt flares, on which this type is based, are
also characterized by an extremely irregular facial outline. The goal
seems to be the maximum utilization of colorful stone rather than any
regularity of pattern. There is only one specimen from Cerro de las
Mesas which conforms to all the characteristics of this type. A
variation which we may designate tentatively Variant 1 of Type B
has the same essential character of the wide, flattish face at right
angles to the plane of the stem, but the outline of the face is approxi-
mately circular. This is the most numerous form in the lot of ma-
AntHaor Par. CERRO DE LAS MESAS OFFERING—DRUCKER 53
terials from the cache. There are 16 specimens of this variety,
including 2 pairs (pls. 41, a, 6, d, e; 42, e, f; 43, d, e, f; 44, a, e, h, 9).
The size range of this group in terms of face diameters varies from
4.1 to 10.4 cm., 11 of the pieces having a face diameter 6.9 cm. or
larger. The height/diameter ratio ranges from 0.20 to 0.45 with a
majority of the specimens being 0.34 or less. It is not entirely clear
whether this ratio is actually significant, smce some of the specimens
show clear evidence of having been partly broken off and reground.
Three of these pieces have no perforations in the necks, one has a
single perforation, sawed through horizontally, and the rest have
two diametrically opposed drilled perforations (except for one broken
specimen in which only one drilled perforation remains).
A second variant, Variant 2 of Type B, is a similar form in which
the outline of the face is rectangular with rounded corners (pls. 42,
b, c; 48, a, b, c; 45, d). In a few instances the corners have been
rounded off until the outline is very close to circular, and perhaps if
we had a sufficiently large sample it might be found that this rec-
tangular variant merges imperceptibly into the form with the cir-
cular face, and hence the two would have to be combined. In one
case in the present series the facial outline is definitely elliptical
rather than rectangular. There are 11 examples of this variant of
Type B in the series studied. Included among these is a pair, ob-
viously cut from the same piece of stone, which have imperforate
throat disks, neatly cut and wedged into place (pl. 45, d). (The
throat disk of one of these flares has come loose and is lost at present,
but photographs taken at the time of the finding of the cache show it
in place very clearly.) The facial dimensions of these specimens
range from one measuring 5.6 by 5.2 cm. to a large badly broken
example which originally must have measured about 10.6 by 11.8
em. Aside from the one large flare from which the neck had been
broken, all but one of the series had two diametrically opposed drilled
perforations in the neck. All but one specimen had a height/diameter
ratio of 0.34 or less, but since the necks of several specimens appear
to have been broken off and reground, this ratio may not be par-
ticularly significant.
SMALL FLARES
The cache includes a few pieces similar in form to the earspool
flares, but of markedly smaller size (pl. 46, ay). It is impossible to
say whether these were simply small earplugs or parts of earplugs, or
whether they were parts of elaborate assemblages that went with the
large flares in some fashion. There are 10 such specimens. ‘Two of
them are definitely a pair, being of very nearly the same size and
almost certainly cut from the same stone. Each has a biconical
54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
perforation near the lip of the flare and both are much alike in general
form. The disk diameter of both pieces is 3.4 cm. and both have an
over-all height from face to stem of 0.9 cm. Another one of these
objects has two pairs of diametrically opposed incisions in the rim
of the flare. Its general proportions are about the same as those of
the two preceding specimens. Only one of these small flares has two
diametrically opposed drilled perforations in the stem. The general
pattern suggests that the small flares were used differently from the
large ones. The stems in all but three instances are proportionately
much shorter than those of the large flares.
DISKS
There are several large disks of jade with a sizable central perfora-
tion. It is quite possible that these may have been backings for
earspools although there is no direct evidence to corroborate this
suggestion. One of the most elaborate is a specimen of light-green
jade of approximately 8.4 cm. diameter with a central perforation of
4.9 cm. diameter (measurements derived from comparison with speci-
men of known size in same photograph). The central perforation
is slightly off center and one side of the outer circumference is straight
(pl. 45, c). Engraved about the specimen in a broad shallow well-
polished type of incising are two figures which suggest highly stylized
alligators.
A number of the other large undecorated disks of this type are
fairly obviously large earspool flares whose stems have been cut off.
Four of these pieces have two diametrically opposed biconical perfora-
tions through them in addition to the large central perforation. Size
ranges from 7.7 to 9.0 cm. in diameter, the central perforations being
from 2.4 to 4.9 cm. across. In cross section the disks are nearly
flat, except for the original taper of the edge of the flare (pl. 46, k, Z; 47,
a, 6). Five others of approximately the same size lack such side
perforations altogether. Two of these are very obviously a pair and
appear to have been cut from the same light grayish-green trans-
lucent pebble (pl. 47, c, f). Both are slightly elliptical in outline and
about 0.9 cm. in average thickness. Maximum diameters are 8.0
cm. in both cases. Both have one highly polished face and rough
unpolished backs. Three other pieces of the same general type
appear to have been cut down from Type B earspools of the variety
in which the flare is rectangular in plan with rounded corners (pl.
47, d, e). There are also three small disks ranging from 2.7 cm.
diameter to 4.1 cm. with relatively large central perforations (0.9 to 1.8
cm. diameter), which correspond very closely in form to the small
flares, and which are probably small flares from which the necks have
been cut (pl. 48, a-c).
Aatter PAP. CERRO DE LAS MESAS OFFERING—DRUCKER ay)
In addition to the disks with large central perforations, there are
several small disks with small drilled holes at their centers. Three
of these are fairly round in outline with diameters ranging from 3.1
cm. to 3.6 cm., thicknesses from 0.4 to 0.5 cm. Two are of jade and
are moderately well polished although they show on one face two
sawed planes (pl. 48, e, f). The third appears to be of quartzite (?)
and in addition to the small biconical perforation at the center has a
single conical perforation 1.0 cm. out from the center (pl. 48, 0). A
fourth object of similar type is a piece of jade with two parallel
straight sides and the rest of the outline round with a very small
center perforation (pl. 48, d). The distance between the straight
sides is 4.1 cm. and the maximum diameter across the rounded sides
is 4.5 cm.
Three other small flat objects of jade roughly elliptical in form
have conical perforations at their centers and conical radial per-
forations drilled from the opposite side from that in which the center
perforation is made. These objects range from 1.9 to 2.4 cm. in
maximum length and from 0.3 to 0.4 cm. in thickness.
There are four small imperforate disks and two similar objects
whose form more nearly approaches that of a rectangle with rounded
corners (pl. 46, m—p; 49, f, g). The largest of the disks, though not
quite regular in shape has an average diameter of 7 cm. and is 0.6
cm. thick. Both faces and the edge are moderately well polished.
Two other disks are very obviously two halves cut from the same
piece of opaque grayish-green jade. ‘The polished faces are flat from
edge to edge; the unpolished backs taper off in convex curves. The
diameter of the two halves range from 5.5 cm. to 5.6 cm. One of the
pieces is 0.7 cm. thick, and the other has a maximum thickness of 0.9
cm. The smallest disk is quite round in outline. This may have
been the throat disk which originally was found in one of the pair of
earspool flares found with throat disks in place. One of the imper-
forate rectangular objects is 4.3 cm. long by 3.9 cm. wide with well-
rounded corners. One side is highly polished; the other side has two
sawed planes with an irregular break at their juncture. The maximum
thickness is 0.6 cm. The smaller of the two rectangular objects is
2.3 cm. long by 2 ecm. wide, again with well-rounded corners. One
side is very highly polished and the other is rough. Maximum
thickness is 0.3 cm.
Earspool manufacture.—While the collection reveals little new data
on jade-working techniques, there are a number of the flares for
earspools that were carelessly or poorly made, or apparently were not
quite finished at the time the offering was assembled, which between
them show clearly the steps in the process of manufacture. This
statement must be qualified slightly, for there are two possible
56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 157
sequences in which these steps could have been applied, but it is
probably noteworthy that either possible procedure differed from those
used by various Maya, as reported by Kidder, Jennings, and Shook
(1946, p. 124) and in the Nebaj report (Smith and Kidder, 1951, p.
39, fig. 6), and seem to duplicate the Teotihuacin method. Figure 6
SAW CUT
=
rf)
SAW_CUT
NK
d
Figure 6.—Steps in manufacture of earspool flare.
shows in schematic fashion what are believed to be the steps in the
manufacture of a pair of jade flares. In a, the nodule of jade (perhaps
already trimmed to a fairly even circumference) was drilled less than
halfway through from both sides with a heavy-gage hollow drilli
The cores thus left formed the necks of the two flares. The next step
was probably that of sawing the nodule in half, as in 6, although step ec,
involving sawing out the material between the back of the flare and
the neck could have been taken at this time. Most important is that,
in every flare in the offering on which indications of work methods
could be seen, the horizontal sawing was done in four cuts. A little
rectangular platform left from the junction of the cuts at the base of
Nod) ds CERRO DE LAS MESAS OFFERING—DRUCKER 57
the stem can be seen in various specimens (pls. 41, a’’, 42, c’’, 43, c’, b’).
It may also be noted that the lapidaries who made the Cerro de las
Mesas flares were not the most accurate of artisans. In a number of
cases one or another saw cut went too far, leaving a deep cut on the
base of the stem; in others, the hollow drill cut went too deep, or the
nodule was not lined up properly either during the drilling or sawing
the piece in two, for one side of the drill cut is deeper than the other.
The next step was the drilling out of the throat, by means of two
conical drill holes, the larger and deeper in every case in which indica-
tions remain being that from the face. The final step or steps con-
sisted in reaming out the throat, thinning and polishing the lips of
the flare, etc. It is of course possible that the sequence of steps, as
indicated earlier, may have differed slightly, beginning with step 3,
sawing the nodule in two, then performing step d, drilling out the
throat, and following up with steps @ and c, in that order. In any case,
the difference from the Maya methods is probably significant.
Discussion of earspool flares ——The discussion of earspool flares and
other parts, or presumed parts of earplug assemblages from Cerro de
las Mesas, brings out a number of points of difference in form, method
of assembly, and even of manufacture of the pieces from those, for
example, of highland Guatemala and other parts of the Maya area.
The variants of the Type B flares show more kinship with Mexican
highland forms, particularly, I believe, to those from Teotihuacan.
We have no positive information on the assembly of the earplugs, but
there are the significant negative data: the absence of the sort of
backings found at Kaminaljuyt and Nebaj. The absence of shell and
shell-and-mosaic backings at Cerro de las Mesas cannot be attributed
to poor preservation, for, owing to peculiar soil conditions, shell and
other calcareous materials suffered very little damage in the ground.
If the disks with large central perforation actually had anything to do
with the earplugs, something we can no more than guess at, they may
have been backings, but were of a type quite different from the
Guatemalan ones. Because of the way in which the offerings were
dumped into the pit, it is not possible to tell whether any of the long
perforated cylinders of jade were parts of earplug assemblies or not.
It may be noted however that there are relatively few such pieces
(which for descriptive purposes have been included with the ‘‘tubular
beads’’), so presumably if the tubular elements were used with earplugs
at all, such use was rather infrequent. The manufacturing processes
appear to relate more closely to those of Teotihuacan, at least if the
few specimens recovered by Linne are really typical of that Highland
complex (Linné, 1934). Linné’s figure 279 shows a fragment of
earspool flare apparently broken during manufacture; the throat was
obviously being drilled out by means of two conical perforations (the
265191548
58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 157
specimen itself seems to have been intended as a Type B variant with
round outline). His figure 281, although neither the linecut nor the
text make clear whether the throat was drilled biconically or not,
shows use of hollow drill in cutting out the neck, and the same four
horizontal saw cuts as noted in the Cerro de las Mesas specimens to
remove the material between back and neck. The finished specimen,
incidentally, was an example of the Type B variant with rectanguloid
outline.
CEREMONIAL PERFORATORS (?)
A number of elongated pointed objects, or fragments of such ob-
jects, were found which resemble the ‘‘ceremonial perforators” (per-
haps for ear, nose, and lip-piercing?) from La Venta. These speci-
mens are shown in plates 49, a—c, e; 50, a-d. Four complete objects
of this type were found in the cache. Two have expanded bases or
handles, one having a slightly irregular bulbous end marred by a deep
transverse saw cut. The handle tapers rapidly into a slender point,
cylindrical in cross section. The other specimen has a flattened
wedge-shaped handle that merges abruptly into an irregular, roughly
cylindrical point. ‘The former piece is 14.6 cm. long, the latter, 13.6
em. The remaining complete pieces are even more similar in form.
Both are evenly cylindrical for most of their length. At the “handle”
end, they taper sharply to a blunt squared-off end. The points are
worked down with more gradual tapers. ‘Two rather short specimens
suggest in their form reworked broken tips of similar objects (pl. 49,
c, e). Both are elliptical in cross section, not cylindrical. One has
two deep conical drill pits near the reworked end, as though it had
been intended to be perforated for suspension (pl. 49, e). A third
reworked specimen looks as though the shaft had been ringed with a
rather wide saw, then cut off square with a narrower one, leaving the
end with a short steep bevel (pl. 49, a). The remaining pointed ob-
ject has a quite cylindrical cross section and an irregular break at the
handle end (pl. 49, 6).
CELTS
There were very few celts among the Cerro de las Mesas jades.
One of these, short and stubby, with a slanted bit, suggests consider-
able use and regrinding (pl. 49, k). A second example is long, flattish,
and quite thin, being elliptical in cross section. It is 20.7 cm. long
by 6.2 cm. in maximum width, and has a maximum thickness of 1.4 em.
Another example, this time a smaller one, presumably of a slightly
different function, has a biconical perforation just back of the bit.
Like the preceding, this piece is rather flatter than the usual Meso-
american celt and in addition tapers abruptly to a small pointed poll.
No 4d) «= CERRO DE LAS MESAS OFFERING—DRUCKER 59
It is 7.5 cm. long, 2.2 cm. wide, and has a maximum thickness of 0.8
cm.
One of the more unique pieces in the collection is the decorated celt
shown in plate 36, f. The poll has been worked into a birdlike head
with a heavy down-turned beak reminiscent of that of the Olmec
Bird-monster. The outline has been accentuated by sawed lines
above and below the back and alongside the upper end. The area
just below the decorated head or between poll and bit has a very
marked cavity which perhaps served to make the lashing more rigid.
Two cylindrical perforations run transversely across the long axis of
the celt in the same plane as the bit, one just above, the other just
below the concave surface (fig. 7). Presumably these two also serve
for lashing purposes, although it is possible the celt was made to be
worn on a two-strand necklace, and not hafted. In general ‘style
Ficure 7.—Suggested hafting of decorated celt.
60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 157
this piece is unquestionably Olmec, although no exactly similar ob-
jects have been found among Olmec remains; this piece probably was
a trade object, made to be used for ceremonial purposes. It is made
of dark-green jade with a pronounced bluish cast, somewhat mottled,
and definitely blue in tone at the bit end.
Four other celts were found which I could not locate in the collec-
tions. Among them was a neatly made celt of alabaster, with green-
ish tones. Valenzuela’s inventory gives its dimensions as 9.7 cm.
long by 4.0 cm. wide.
BEADS
Beads of various types, totaling 303, were examined. In the cache,
the beads did not occur in any definite patterns or rows, but appar-
ently were thrown in unstrung, so we have no information on the
way in which they were used. There does not appear to be any-
thing very distinctive about the forms represented; most of them
are fairly common throughout Mesoamerica.
Trregularly shaped beads —There are a good many beads which are
little more than pebbles, ground smooth, polished, and drilled. They
vary all the way from quite irregular shapes to a form approximating
that of the ubiquitous subspherical bead. I am not completely
satisfied with the way in which I typed these specimens; a check of the
photographs suggests that some poorly made subspherical specimens—
examples with a flat side, or small irregularity left from the original
surface—were included which probably should have been counted
with the subspherical beads. As a matter of fact it is very difficult
to draw a hard and fast line between the two classes, since they more
or less shade into each other, although extreme specimens of either
type are quite obviously distinct. However, the photographs are
not adequate material on which to base a revision of the original
classification, so it will have to stand. Plates 51 and 52 show the
range of the irregular or “pebble” forms. A total of 126 pieces was
included in this category, although a more liberal treatment of the
subspherical type would probably reduce this number by at least
some twenty-odd. In size the pieces range from one with a maximum
diameter of 3.1 cm. to a specimen whose greatest diameter is 0.9 cm.
There is considerable variety in the type of stone used, only a rela-
tively few being of what we regard as jade of high quality. A number
are of other types of stone, chiefly calcite, with quartz and chlorite
inclusions, and serpentine. Two rather flattish pieces are of a pale
blue and white material that suggests turquoise (or amazonite?) in
appearance. There is one group of about 30 pieces that may have
formed a single string, since they are all small in size, are of mottled
green and white jade, and are quite highly polished. The drilling
Soda) F 4?) CERRO DE LAS MESAS OFFERING—DRUCKER 61
pattern of this entire type, if it can be regarded as such, is very con-
sistent, for 110 of the 126 pieces are drilled biconically, so that the
perforations intersect close to the middle of the stone; in eight cases
only is the intersection of the two drill pits markedly to one side or
the other, and in eight instances only was the bead drilled with a
single conical hole.
Subspherical beads.—There were 57 beads of fairly regular to quite
regular form. In size they ranged from one whose greatest diameter
(at right angles to the axis of the perforation) was 4.1 cm. to three
beads whose maximum diameter was 1.1 cm. As in the preceding
group, these specimens varied considerably both in color and polish.
Only three had conical perforations; the rest were all drilled from both
sides (biconically), and in all these cases the two drill pits met at
about the center of the piece.
Gadrooned beads.—Beads with sawed cuts or arcs down the sides,
parallel to the perforation, are really a subvariety of the subspherical
type (pl. 52, 2 left-hand specimens in third, fourth, and fifth rows).
There are seven of this form in the cache materials. The depth of
the sawed lines varies greatly. In two instances, the lines are very
light. Possibly they were not finished when deposited. The rest
have pronounced grooves: one small bead, in fact, being cut away to
the point of being cross-shaped in plan (pl. 52, third from left in
fifth row). There is one of these beads in which the grooves are
slightly spiraled clockwise. There are four beads with four grooves,
one with five, one with seven, and one with three (these are spaced as
though four were planned, however). All but one have biconical
perforations. Sizes range from 2.3 cm. in maximum diameter (trans-
verse to the perforation) to 1.5 cm. in the same dimension.
Tubular and “‘barrel-shaped” beads—While these two forms may be
differentiated at some sites, they grade into each other in the Cerro
de las Mesas series (pls. 53, 54). Several of the long, well-made pieces
that would ordinarily be classed as ‘tubular’ show a very slight
taper toward either end; a few of the ‘‘barrel-shaped”’ specimens
have but slight taper, and, partly because of the rather wide openings
of the perforations, appear to have square-cut ends. There are 33
definitely tubular specimens, 9 intermediate ones, and 52 that con-
form to the definition of the barrel-shaped type. Incidentally, most
of the last-named are in a group quite evenly graded in size and all of
which are of calcite (?), suggesting that they may have been a single
lot. A fragmentary specimen, larger than the rest, is of alabaster.
In addition, there are 14 short stubby pieces with square-cut ends
which seem more like modifications of one or the other of the foregoing
types than of the subspherical form.
62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 157
There are several decorated pieces in the tubular series. One of
these (pl. 53, top row, left, and fig. 8) has a highly conventionalized
face indicated by sawed lines and drill pits. The bead is 5.5 cm.
Ficure 8.—Decorated tubular bead.
long, and 1.2 cm. in diameter. Three specimens are decorated with
lines that run in spirals down the long axis. (These are described from
photographs, not the actual specimens.) The first, a massive piece
8.9 em. long and 2.3 cm. in diameter, has four (?) wide grooves al-
ternating with an equal number of narrow ones, spiraling in a clock-
wise direction. The lands bisected by the narrow grooves are about
twice the width of the wide grooves. The rate of twist is about one
complete turn in seven diameters. The second bead decorated with a
spiral is encircled by two (?) lines that proceed in a counterclockwise
direction, and appear to twist at the rate of about one turn in two and a
half diameters. This specimen measures about 6.8 cm. in length, and
about 1.6 cm. in diameter. The third, 4.5 cm. long, and 1.0 cm. in
diameter, with slightly slanting rather than squared off ends, has a
closely spaced pair of lines, circling in a clockwise direction, that made
a complete turn in less than two diameters. Five specimens have
encircling grooves about one or both ends (pl. 53, middle row). The
most elaborate of these, a bead of brownish color (calcite apparently),
5.6 em. long and 1.1 cm. in diameter, has two wide shallow, somewhat
irregularly cut grooves at each end. Two other pieces, also of calcite,
have, respectively, one and two narrow grooves cut about one end.
A fourth bead, a short stubby one, has a wide shallow groove at the
middle, and the fifth is constricted at the end, probably having been
cut off from a longer bead.
An approximation of the type of tubular bead with flared end
occurs in the collection (pl. 53, bottom row, left). It is 6.6 em. long.
NO 44a) Par. CERRO DE LAS MESAS OFFERING—DRUCKER 63
It differs from the Kaminaljuyti examples of this type (Kidder,
Jennings, and Shook, 1946, p. 113), in that there is no pronounced
taper from the flared to the opposite end. The greatest diameter at
the flare is only 0.6 to 0.7 mm. greater than that of the maximum
diameter near the other end. Hence, this might conceivably be an
imitation of the flared-end type, but patently was not made of a core
cut out with a hollow tubular drill as the Kaminaljuyi pieces are
believed to have been made.
Two specialized beads, both of which are of the transitional group,
have multiple perforations. One of these, of light grayish-green jade
with pronounced crystalline structure, has a hole drilled at either end
(1.5 mm. from one end and 3 mm. from the other), both of which
intersect the longitudinal perforation along the main axis of the bead,
at an angle slightly greater than a right angle. The specimen is 2.9
em. long, and 1.5 cm. through the maximum diameter. The other
bead has a single large perforation drilled vertically to intersect the
longitudinal perforation, just to one side of the longitudinal midpoint.
This piece is 2.5 cm. long, and 1.1 cm. through its greatest diameter.
One of the short tubular beads (this particular piece has rounder
sides than most, but is proportionately longer and much flatter on
the ends than the subspherical forms) has two pairs of small shallow
drill pits spaced close together about its circumference, and a light
saw cut below the pits, as though it had been undergoing the initial
steps of carving when put in the cache.
Miscellaneous forms.—Two beads have a definitely angular outline,
although with rounded corners (pl. 52, a, fourth row, right).
MISCELLANEOUS OBJECTS
Among the miscellaneous objects is a flat thin blade with serrated
edges formed by sawing slanting lines from one side only (pl. 48, &).
The form suggests a blade or projectile point, but the piece is probably
a stylized, not very realistic copy of a sting-ray spine. The material
is dark-green jade, moderately well polished on both sides, 7.6 cm.
long by 1.9 cm. wide, and carrying a fairly even thickness of 0.3 cm.
Two peculiarly fashioned rectangular objects are without a doubt
a pair, whatever they may have been. Just how they were meant to
be used is not known. They are almost exactly of a size and are of
the same opaque pale-green jade mottled with small areas of medium-
green color (pl. 39, a, b). The stone is so much alike that they must
have been sawed out of the same piece. Both are long narrow
rectangles in form. The long sides are very nearly parallel but the
ends are not quite square. The face of each piece shows traces of two
planes formed by two longitudinal saw cuts that did not quite center.
Each piece has a perforation about 2 cm. long drilled in from either
64 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 157
end. These are slightly tapering holes that average a little over 0.7
cm. diameter at point of entry. At either end of both pieces other
holes were drilled in from the face to intersect those just described.
Between these perforations in the face a longitudinal saw cut was
made in each piece, being cut through quite deeply; in fact, in the
case of one specimen it very nearly goes through. .The cuts curve,
being deepest at their centers, and indicate a rigid saw, not a cord
saw, was used (fig. 9). A cord could be strung through each piece
Ficure 9.—Cross section of rectangular slotted objects of jade. a, a’, Large-bore drilled
holes at ends of object; b, b’, drilled holes entering flat face at slight angle, and intersecting
with a and a’; c, longitudinal sawed slot, partially intersecting 5 and b’.
longitudinally without showing on the surface. The objects give the
impression of having been tools rather than ornaments despite their
moderate over-all polish. It should be mentioned that one of them
is considerably battered here and there along the edges and on one
end. The other has no corresponding nicks. Both of the pieces
have a maximum length of 19.5 cm. and a width of 4.4 cm. One
has a maximum thickness of 1.4 cm. and the other of 1.3 cm.
Another object of unknown use is thin and flat, and has the form
of a slightly irregular ovoid. It is of opaque dark-green jade mottled
with very dark-green areas and small light-green spots. It is quite
even in thickness and the edges are evenly rounded. At the narrower
end it has a biconical perforation. Down the center is a long string-
sawed slot 9.4 cm. long and 0.4 cm. wide with a short transverse slot
joining the longitudinal one at the middle. The short slot is 1.2 cm.
long. The object is moderately well polished all over. It has a
maximum length of 15.7 cm., is 7.3 em. across the wide end and 5.7
cm. across the narrow end, and is 0.7 cm. thick.
A small object of calcite (?) with inclusions of quartz and chlorite
is of an elongated semilunar form (pl. 49, 2). At the ends, a little
nearer the straight than the curved edge, are two large conical per-
forations. One face of the object is quite flat; the other is assym-
metrically convex, being thickest near the curved edge. At the center
of the curved edge is the remnant of a conical drilled pit which did
not penetrate all the way through the stone. The object is 7.7 cm.
long, 2.1 cm. in maximum width across the flat face, and 0.6 cm. in
maximum thickness.
A rodlike object of the same material has three sets of three en-
circling grooves, two wide ones with a narrow one between them,
AgtBROP: PAP. CERRO DE LAS MESAS OFFERING—DRUCKER 65
above the ends and middle (pl. 49, m). The back of the object is
slightly irregular and the grooves do not go clear across. Two pairs
of intersecting conical perforations, one at either end, were drilled
from top and back edges. This object is 8.0 cm. long, 1.6 cm. wide,
and 1.1 cm. thick.
A small flat pendant of opaque blue-green jade is 2.3 cm. long
and 1.7 cm. wide (pl. 48, h). The general outline is approximately
rectangular. It has a conical perforation near one end and a shallow
drilled pit halfway down along one edge. Six shallow saw cuts
tapering from the edge toward the central area of the stone give a
form suggesting a highly conventionalized bird. The sawed face is
highly polished and the other face has only a moderate polish. The
thickness is 0.3 cm. Another pendant is a small very highly polished
piece of green jade whose original form was apparently approximately
that of a trapezoid. It has a small biconical perforation close to the
narrower edge. It is 2.5 cm. long.
There was an imperforate sphere of pale greenish alabaster found
among the offering. I apparently overlooked it in assembling the
materials for study at the Museum. Valenzuela’s list gives its diam-
eter as 5 cm.
A small rodlike object of light-green jade flecked with medium
green was apparently made or broken from some larger object (pl.
49, d). Sawed grooves encircle the ends, one a short distance from
one end, the other right at the point of fracture. Both ends are
rough and unworked, although the rest of the specimen is moderately
well polished. The cross section of the piece is elliptical, and one
side retains traces of two longitudinal drilled holes which just barely
intersected. These were made prior to the cutting out and working
down of the present specimen. The length of the object is 6.5 cm.,
the width at maximum diameter is 0.9 cm., and the minimum diam-
eter is 0.7 cm.
DISCUSSION
The foregoing, and I fear somewhat wearisome, descriptions of the
specimens from the offering, bring out a few significant points. One
of these is the need for more detailed typologies of Mesoamerican
artifacts of jade and similar materials, especially those from controlled
excavations, if we are to be able to make useful comparative studies,
define regional styles, and recognize trade pieces when we see them.
The great bulk of the objects from the offering are either of what
appear to be ubiquitous forms, or else types that cannot be related
with any certainty to other regions or epochs. Some of these may
eventually prove to be Central Veracruz or even Cerro de las Mesas
specializations, others may turn out to be imports. The few
66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
pieces that we are able to identify will be discussed in the following
paragraphs.
Olmec specimens.—Cerro de las Mesas, of course, was not an Olmec
site, although it is situated close to the northwest boundary of the
Olmec region of southern Veracruz and western Tabasco. There
are actually rather fewer definitely Olmec style pieces in the offering
than we might expect to find among the neighbors of those skilled
lapidaries. ‘Two figurines, the canoe-shaped ‘‘plaque,” the decorated
celt, and perhaps the death’s head, exhaust the list, unless the so-
called ‘ceremonial perforators” are discovered to be an Olmec trait
(they have not yet been reported from other regions, although three
similar objects of jade, two of which are bipointed and one of which
has one sharp and one blunt tip, come from Teotihuacin (Gamio,
1922, pl. 121). The plaques in the form of clamshells suggest
another parallel, although it must be noted that we found evidence
of a cult associated with shells and other marine forms at Cerro de
las Mesas. It also appears that most of these pieces should be
attributed to the La Venta (Middle Tres Zapotes) phase of that cul-
ture, since as far as we know now, that rather long period represented
the florescence of the pure strain of Olmec art. However, ceramic
and figurine cross checks between Cerro de las Mesas and Tres
Zapotes indicate that the horizon designated Lower I at the former
site was contemporary with at least part of the Middle or La Venta
phase, and Lower II, from which the offering comes, was coeval with
Upper Tres Zapotes. Hence the pieces must have been kept as
heirlooms for a considerable length of time before they were placed
in the offering pit beneath the stairway of the mound. The esteem
in which the specimens were held, if they really were treasured all
that time at Cerro de las Mesas, as well as the scant number of them,
reemphasizes a point Stirling and I have been making ever since the
Cerro de las Mesas dig: not only was that site not Olmec, but it
seems to have had relatively little contact with Olmec culture
throughout the contemporary periods.
Highland influence.—Similarities of certain earspool flare types and
methods of manufacture to published specimens from Teotihuacén
have been mentioned. If the assumption is correct that the highland
pieces used for comparison are typical, we have additional cor-
roboration of the ceramic evidence that indicated that highland
(Teotihuacaén, and later Mixteca) influence was the predominant one
during the history of the site. Some archeologists are coming around
to the view that perhaps Teotihuacén culture itself was derived
from the Gulf Coast, but the fact that in post-Teotihuacdin times
Cholula lacquer polychrome ware was either imported in some
Sot) Y)~) CERRO DE LAS MESAS OFFERING—DRUCKER 67
quantity or was duplicated at the coast site, and strongly influenced the
local ceramic pattern, might be taken as a hint that there was an old,
well-established route of communication and diffusion from highland
to the coast. The Danzantelike figurine plaque may well have been
imported via the same route from its Oaxacan place of origin, if its
style has been correctly identified.
Maya and Mayoid specimens.—Aside from the nearly obliterated
engraving, which seems to have a definite Maya flavor, on the small
plaque, there are no pieces that can unhesitatingly be singled out
as representing Maya art. Yet many of the small flat pendants in
figurine form (both heads and full figures), in a nebulous way remind
one of small anthropomorphic pendants from the Maya area, partic-
ularly those in which the nose is formed by a continuation of the
lines marking the tops of the eyes, or the eyebrows. If one compares
them with, for example, the small flat heads in the Rossbach collec-
tion (Lothrop, 1936, especially figs. 58 and 59), or with some of the
Nebaj specimens (Smith and Kidder, 1951, figs. 52 a, c, g; 53 6, ¢;
58 c (3)), a generic similarity may be noted. Common traits, in
addition to the subject matter, include the use of small flat, often
odd-shaped pieces of stone; carving in very low relief—actually,
drawing is a better term, for there is little or no third dimensional
representation; the cuts are wide and shallow, and the lands between
them of even height; the hollow drill was frequently resorted to for
marking circles and arcs.
If these objects in the Cerro de las Mesas offering are simply
trade objects, and none was made locally in imitation of the exotic
pieces, they indicate little actual Maya influence, and there probably
was very little, except in the most indirect manner. None of these
figurine-pendants are unfinished, as though they were in process of
manufacture (locally), when the offering was made. In this they differ
from the earspool flares believed to be of Teotihuacéin type, which
were interred unfinished, the throats incompletely reamed out, etc.,
suggesting that at least part of their manufacture may have been
carried out at the site itself, following techniques prevailing in the
highland.
LITERATURE CITED
Caso, ALFONSO.
1938. Exploraciones en Oaxaca, quinta y sexta temporados, 1936-1937.
Inst. Panam. Geogr. Hist. Publ. 34. México.
DrvuckKER, PHILIP.
1943. Ceramic stratigraphy at Cerro de las Mesas, Veracruz, Mexico.
Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 141.
Gamio, M.
1922. La poblacién del Valle de Teotihuac4n. Vol. 1. México.
JENNINGS, JESSE D. See Kipprr, ALFRED VINCENT, ET AL.
68 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 157]
KippErR, ALFRED VINCENT; JENNINGS, JESSE D.; and SHoox, Epwin M.
1946. Excavations at Kaminaljuyu, Guatemala. Carnegie Inst. Washington
Publ. 561.
See also Smitu, A. L., and Kipper, A. V.
Linn, SIGVALD.
1934. Archaeological researches at Teotihuacdn, Mexico. Ethnogr. Mus.
Sweden, n.s., Publ. 1. Stockholm.
Loturop, SAMUEL KIRKLAND.
1936. Zacualpa; a study of ancient Quiché artifacts. Carnegie Inst.
Washington Publ. 472.
SHoox, Epwin M. See Kippmr, ALFRED VINCENT, ET AL.
Smitu, A. L., and Kipper, A. V.
1951. Excavations at Nebaj, Guatemala. Carnegie Inst. Washington
Publ. 594.
Stirtine, MatrHew W.
1941. Expedition unearths buried masterpieces of carved jade. Nat.
Geogr. Mag., vol. 80, No. 3, pp. 277-302.
TuHompson, J. Eric 8.
1948. An archaeological reconnaissance in the Cotzumalhuapa region,
Kscuintla, Guatemala. Carnegie Inst. Washington Publ. 574,
Contrib. Amer. Archeol. and Hist., vol. 9, No. 44.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
265191—54—
9
BULLETIN 157 PLATE 27
ront, side, and rear views of Olmec figurine.
4
I
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 28
a, Olmec figurine of hunchbacked (?) personage, of serpentine; b, Olmec (?) style skull
pendant.
BULLETIN 157. PLATE 29
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
‘onbejd ouiinsy apAqs (2) uvda}0de7 Jo yorq
WO
¢
q pure ‘yuouy ‘v
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 30
Large figurine of ‘‘crossed-arm style,”’ of diorite (?).
BULLETIN 157 PLATE 31
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
“speoy oulin
Sy pue soulinsy ope
[BUS
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 157 PLATE 32
Front, side, and rear views of stone figurine.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 157 PLATE 33
Figurine of dark-green stone: front, side, and rear views.
BULLETIN 157 PLATE 34
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
‘spray oulmnsy pur sourmnsy apel jews
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 35
Miscellaneous figurines, front and rear views.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 36
CM.
Miscellaneous jade objects. a, a’, crude figurine; b, b’, c, c’, figurine beads; d, figurine head;
e, fragment of clamshell-shaped plaque; f, f’, f’’, decorated celt.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 37
as
i
Miscellaneous figurines. a’ and b’ are views of a and b turned upside down to show back
(inner) surfaces.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 38
Plaques. For original design of a, a’, see figure 3. b, b’, b’’, Olmec “‘canoe” plaque.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 39
’
ie
6 Ad es cS,
|
Plaquelike objects of unknown use (both sides of each ot the three pieces are shown). a@and
b are of nearly identical size.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 157 PLATE 40
Plaques. a, convex, a’, concave, sides of clamshell-shaped plaque. Obverse of b is smooth
and plain.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 41
Earspool flares. (In pls. 41-54 the prime or primes after a letter indicate other views of
the same specimen designated by the same letter.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 42
Earspool flares.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 43
Earspool flares
265191—54 10
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 44
Earspool flares. (Note that, through the writer’s error, the order of specimens shown in-
side view (middle photograph) was altered.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 45
d
Q.4 2
i c cM.
Earspool flares and decorated perforated disk. a, a’, b, b’, pair of decorated earspool flares;
c, decorated perforated disk; d, one of pair of earspool flares found with throat disk
in place. (c, Courtesy National Geographic Society.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157. PLATE 46
Small flares, perforated disks, and imperforate disks.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 47
Disks with large central perforation.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 48
|
Miscellaneous objects.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 49
cM.
Miscellaneous objects. Lower group shows different view of same specimens indicated
by corresponding letters in upper group (primes inadvertently omitted in makeup).
BULLETIN 157. PLATE 50
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
(‘Aqats0g stydeis0a4H [RuCIye NY AsoqINOD)
Pp
“@
) $10} e10j.10d [etuoWotoc)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 51
Subspherical and “pebble” beads.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 52
CM.
Subspherical, gadrooned, tubular, “pebble,” and miscellaneous bead types.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 53
Tubular and barrel-shaped beads.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 54
wi
by
Barrel-shaped, and short tubular beads.
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
Bureau of American Ethnology
Bulletin 157
Anthropological Papers, No. 45
Archeological Materials from the Vicinity of
Mobridge, South Dakota
By WALDO R. WEDEL
265191—54——_11
69
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CONTENTS
PAGE
Hhiknge[s (504 iitcy1 a © aeeeeee | Es. 5 OLS ee 5 eee |; eer, See OO | he Ra ee ee Cee a 73
fine environmental backeround #2 2) 22. 2 ue J ee 75
Résumé, of Arikara Iistory (5A Me BAe er ee Ieee, ole Pee eat 77
“ameatimont of the datas. <b atk Arh te edt ee 84
Dites:-and) bunial Gata te Oe eo ye OE et Ee te 86
Site J-and @emetery Is = 4) Spy ee ole bt See ok 86
SSUES, 2 BCs GTM EGET I ith 18 sarc a a OR le sh cP ek 89
Site sian COMOCery Osan ce fa ek Bee A Ee pce doe 95
DItE 4 anos Cemetery 22 12.6 std nd feel ae ea ee ee ca 96
Apne apiackss. -F 6 A Ss 2 OTL lee TEE ae he ue Re 102
WORRY apo te Ng 3 See Ae ery seb eat ie oy oe ba oe eh Se le ah 102
Obiectsiofichippedistones2 43s 4e_ ey at ee es 108
Obieets,of eranundistone.. 2h mtr!) be erg Bee ek es 109
Objects of unworked stone; pigments_--___-____________-_______-_- 114
Obietis Or eons pt baa ae hk A reas ee ee. Sih 118
Objects Granger. 27 UA CORE fee Ot ee le et Sie 20 Oe 132
Obiectsioftshellac ate suitse Lee 8 Serre eerie Bit fairl 5 sie kel A 133
Objects of pernshableanaterialsee 4. sese se eee pee ee eee 136
Leatherwork, hairwork, and quillwork_______._____-___-_____- 136
WIGOG WHITE: = Se. ak Pd ns ce en Stone kee Le eae 141
Vereal remaing = 22. Seo oe oe ear ak pias Aes AES See ee 145
Objects of: Huropean manufactures se 2 Lb Le ie ge es SS 146
aR ONE pe eo 4. cess Rind Satan a oe Pe Ot ate ak ee ht 146
Glass and earthen ware i= 20h ce i ee 149
rapier, Trae cle T Re as che eB da tk a ere Bb Reed 155
REIN cr ck wg nd a a ges 160
White mie hal., oa ot yee bad See De eG ee ee 163
Miscellaneous trade arti¢less0502. . 228) _ Soh. eu. ge 165
Résimi6 C2 821 Beare ee oe. ee me oa yey dg phe ee pe at 2 eee 166
ATTINKENDETSPE CULV meat a nok wind Bh fh Be cate a RE oe Ry ey eS 174
Cultural relationships 9... 3. Sey Oe as ee 176
SoU eed CE TEEN US an 53 aE KS ie A RR el te Ava eis Re Sipe eae Tats A A Siw en ret yc 179
Conclusions and general discussion... 2 L- ee eee eee ee 180
WHETAUUPO CILEG ys ae eee ce ome ee ne a ee Set Oe a ee 185
55.
56.
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59.
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
Ts
10.
11.
12.
ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATES
FOLLOWING PAGE
Small pottery vessels from Cemeteries 2 and 4, near Mobridge, S.
Catlinite and other ground-stone objects from sites near Mobridge,
S. Dak. a-c, Cemetery 2; d, g, Cemetery 4.__.....-_.-_________
Red pigment (a, 6), ground stone (c-e), and Halymenites fossil (f),
from -burials- near ‘Mobridge; 8: Dak-=---====:2.[26Sie7_208 1 os
Spatulate bone objects, or “quill flatteners,’’ from Cemeteries 2, 3, and
4; near-Mobridge; 'S.-- Dale: = <=<.=2<22<22 2525-222 ae an oS
Miscellaneous bone artifacts and wood-hafted iron knife (f) from
burial sites: near -Mobridge, 5: Dak---.<-<:=:2222222222e7 et Oa
Perforated claws, teeth, and phalanges, and metal ear ornaments,
from burial sites near Mobridge, S. Dak___-___-..-.-----.-.- _-
Ornaments of shell and gypsum, and hair pipes, from burial sites near
Mobridge; S.-Dale =< 2=2+2-~ 2-290 CIG 198098 DOW LOW GE 10 WOOT
Miscellaneous articles of hair, leather, wood, and metal from Ceme-
tery-4; near-Mobridge; §.-Dak~~--22+-2222222222222¥oe Be
Wooden club (a, length 75 em.), wood-backed mirror, and leather
rosette, from Cemetery 4, near Mobridge, S. Dak_______--_---___
Metal lace trim on wool shirt from Grave 11, Cemetery 4, near Mo-
bridge, 8. Dak. Suggested arrangement of lace at shirt opening
and-on shoulders (a), and-on-cuffs (6; €}= 222.224.2220 ee
Details of lace shown in plate 66: front (a) and reverse (6)_________-
Native and trade glass and earthenware objects from burial sites near
Mobridge; §.-Date: =). 222 cost ie SU ee ee ee
Miscellaneous trade metal objects from burial sites near Mobridge,
TEXT FIGURES
Map showing location of burial sites investigated by M. W. Stirling
in 1923, in the vicinity of Mobridge, S. Dak_____..--_--.------~-
Incised decoration on spatulate bone implement from Grave 4, Ceme-
tery.2, noar Mopriuiee, po aks 252. 2 8 eo oe eee
Method of fastening porcupine quills to leather, showing additional
sewing element (a) of sinew; Cemetery 4, near Mobridge, S. Dak_-
72
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188
188
188
188
188
188
188
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PAGE
76
125
138
ARCHEOLOGICAL MATERIALS FROM THE VICINITY OF
MOBRIDGE, SOUTH DAKOTA
By Watpo R. WEDEL
INTRODUCTION
The archeological materials with which this report is primarily
concerned were collected by M. W. Stirling, then assistant curator
of ethnology, United States National Museum, during the month of
June 1923. They originate chiefly from excavations at four burial
sites which, with certain nearby and presumably culturally associated
village sites, are located on the banks of the Missouri River between
Grand River and Elk Creek, north of Mobridge, S. Dak. In addition
to the archeological collections brought back from the field, there is
in the Division of Physical Anthropology, United States National
Museum, a series of skeletal remains from the same sites, representing
approximately 110 individuals. A preliminary statement on the arch-
eological findings has been published (Stirling, 1924), as have certain
measurements of the skeletal materials (Hrdlitka, 1927, pp. 60-66);
but definitive reports have not been available.
Despite the lapse of nearly 30 years since these collections were
gathered for the National Museum, they have lost no part of their
interest or potential significance. In considerable part, they originate
in a comparatively well-documented site which can be identified
beyond cavil as Arikara, and whose period of occupancy (circa 1803-
32) can be estimated with a possible error of not more than 3 or 4
years at the beginning and less than a year at the terminal date.
These latest materials, fortunately, include perishable items that are
seldom recovered from sites unprotected as these are against the
vagaries of climate. Moreover, some of them can be checked against
the remarkably exact pictorial evidence left us by Catlin and Bodmer,
contemporary artists who saw in actual use, and faithfully painted,
many of the objects about to be described in this paper. Other and
obviously related materials are almost certainly from earlier sites, so
that the entire series offers interesting insights into the changing
culture of one of the foremost native peoples in this section of the
Missouri Valley.
%3
74. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
Finally, there is the fact that the cultural materials from all four
sites are accompanied by well-preserved skeletal series; and since the
series culminate in a historic Arikara population, itself a key group for
racial studies in the Plains, the physical variability as seen in culturally
related sites spaced in time ought to be of the highest interest. Strange
to say, despite the demonstrable richness of this upper Missouri region
for the study of human prehistory, no comparable body of data corre-
lating cultural and somatological materials on the Arikara—or for
that matter on any of their neighbors—has yet been published. All
this, plus the stubborn fact that the Federal water-control program
on the Missouri will all too soon efface a great proportion of the sites
from which alone can come the basic data for study of human prehis-
tory in the region, give an added timeliness to the present paper.
As will become apparent in the course of this study, I am under a
heavy debt of gratitude to many individuals for their assistance. To
Dr. M. W. Stirling, now director of the Bureau of American Ethnology,
I am particularly obligated for his generosity in permitting me to study
and publish the materials he collected, and for freely placing at my
disposal his field records and other data. Dr. W. D. Strong, Columbia
University, has been most helpful in extending advice on the location
and nature of the sites involved, in furnishing me with maps for study,
and in providing additional burial data collected by himself. Paul
Cooper, field director of the Missouri River Basin Surveys, also aided
me with maps, site information, and other materials, and, in addition,
he was, perhaps unwittingly, in large part responsible for my under-
taking this project.
To professional colleagues, anthropological and otherwise, at the
National Museum, I am obligated for their unending patience in the
identification of various materials and in guiding me through the
maze of specialized data required in the analysis of the materials.
Among these colleagues I wish to thank especially the following:
John C. Ewers, Division of Ethnology, and M. T. Newman, Division
of Physical Anthropology, with whom I have had numerous discus-
sions that were uniformly to my benefit; E. P. Henderson, Division of
Minerals; G. A. Cooper, Division of Invertebrate Paleontology and
Paleobotany; H. A. Rehder and J. P. E. Morrison, Division of Mol-
lusks; D. H. Johnson and H. W. Setzer, Division of Mammals; Herbert
Friedmann, Division of Birds; Mendel L. Peterson, Department of
History; W. N. Watkins, Section of Wood Technology; J. R. Swallen
and A. C. Smith, Department of Botany; G. B. Griffenhagen, Division
of Medicine and Public Health; and Grace L. Rogers, Section of Tex-
tiles. J. E. Anglim drew figure 12.
Outside the Museum, I have had the able assistance of S. P. Young
and Raymond Gilmore, Fish and Wildlife Service; Glenn A. Black,
Aaa, ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 75
Indiana Historical Society, in the identification of trade beads; and
of the Federal Bureau of Investigation in the identification of certain
hair specimens.
Last but not least, to my wife, Mildred Mott Wedel, who read the
entire manuscript and made suggestions for its material improvement,
besides foregoing many things during the long evenings and week ends
spent in its preparation, I am under especially heavy obligation.
THE ENVIRONMENTAL BACKGROUND
The Mobridge locale (see fig. 10) is in north-central South Dakota,
roughly 1,275 miles above the mouth of the Missouri and at an eleva-
tion of about 1,500 to 1,800 feet above sea level. The region gen-
erally consists of rolling plains, once more or less completely grass-
covered, with rugged hilly zones mainly along the dissected margins
of the stream valleys. The Missouri winds through a flat-floored
trench from 1 to 2 miles wide, bordered alternately by alluvial bot-
toms and by steep shale bluffs, some of which attain a height of nearly
300 feet. Stands of cottonwood, willow, oak, and other deciduous
trees are found almost exclusively on the bottoms, the islands, and
along the immediate stream banks. Three miles northwest of Mo-
bridge, the Grand River joins the Missouri from the west; and 2
miles farther upstream, Oak Creek enters from the northwest. Both
these tributaries, like the lesser creeks that join the mainstem from
time to time, flow in tree-lined valleys. Some game animals still
inhabit the wooded areas, but in greatly reduced numbers; and the
larger forms, such as bison and antelope, are no longer found in the
locality.!
Climatically, the Mobridge area is characterized by long, cold
winters and hot, dry summers. Recorded temperature extremes
range from —44° to 116°; and the frost-free growing season is approx-
imately 100 days. Annual precipitation averages close to 16 inches,
of which about two-thirds falls from June to September. Drouths,
and resultant crop failures, sometimes occur.
As the above data suggest, the locality is one of some uncertainty
from the standpoint of agriculture, whether native or modern. It is
evident, however, that the challenge was more or less successfully
met by the Indians throughout a period of as yet undetermined
length, for within a radius of 10 miles of Mobridge there are 30 or
more sites of semipermanent villages whose inhabitants probably
subsisted partially on domestic crops. With a few exceptions, most
of these still await systematic investigation and identification.
1See Tabeau (Abel, 1939, pp. 55-98) for a first-hand description of the Missouri Valley and its natural
resources in the early nineteenth century.
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RESUME OF ARIKARA HISTORY
The history of the Arikara prior to the closing decades of the
eighteenth century is very imperfectly known, and exhaustive treat-
ment of the subject cannot be attempted here. Northernmost of the
Caddoan-speaking peoples, they were also the last major group of that
stock to come into direct contact with White chroniclers. The
evidence of linguistics and tradition indicates that they were at one
time in close association with the Skidi Pawnee, who resided in
historic times in what is now east-central Nebraska (Wedel, 1936);
but the time and place of separation remain uncertain. Inferentially,
the split took place somewhere in the region south or southeast of the
Niobrara River, from which area the Omaha claimed to have dis-
possessed the Arikara and forced them northward up the Missouri
(Fletcher and La Flesche, 1911, p. 75). There is documentary
evidence that the Arikara were established somewhere in present
southern or southeastern South Dakota by the early eighteenth
century.
Among the earliest, if not actually the first, comments pertaining
to the Arikara are those by Bourgmond in 1717 and by Renaudiere
in 1723. The former in 1714 ascended the Missouri as far as the
Platte River of Nebraska; whether he subsequently went up still
farther, or learned through hearsay of the tribes higher up, is not
certain. At any rate, in an enumeration of the tribes residing along
the Missouri, Bourgmond (de Villiers, 1925, p. 62) observed that
above the Smoking River ? (i. e., the Niobrara or White?) and the
Mahas blancs, ‘‘one finds three villages called Aricaras; their commerce
is in furs like all the other savages. They have seen the French and
they know them .. . Still higher, on the said river, there are 40 villages
of Caricara; they are on both sides of the river. They are very
numerous... .” This information by Bourgmond is presumably the
basis for certain representations on the Delisle map of 1718 (Paullin,
1932, pl. 24; Tucker, 1942, pl. 15), whereon the Aricara appear on the
next northerly tributary of the Missouri above the R. du Rocher
(probably the Big Sioux River; see Mott, 1938, p. 245) and 40 Villages
des Panis are shown to the west on the Missouri itself. The Re-
naudiere memoir, dated August 23, 1723 (Margry, 1886, vol. 6, p.
395), and probably not based on first-hand observation, merely notes
2“. |. s’appellent par les Sauvages Nidejaudege, que les Francais appellent la riviere Fumeuse; le sable
volant comme de la fumee, et rend l’eau de la riviere toute blanche et boueuse. Elle est tres rapide et affreuse
dans les grosses eaux ...’’ (de Villiers, 1925, p. 62).
Ficure 10.—Map showing location of burial sites (Cemeteries 1-4) investigated by M. W.
Stirling in 1923, and some of the principal known village sites, in the vicinity of Mobridge,
S. Dak. Inset: Some Arikara locations after ca. 1743.
78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
that 10 leagues from the Mahas “‘you find the nations of the Ricaras;
they are allied with the Mahas and wandering like them . . .”” Needless
to say, it is impossible {to pinpoint the localities alluded to in the
documents just cited;
For most of the eighteenth century, there seems to be little extant
documentary material on the Arikara. Spanish traders ascending
the Missouri apparently did not reach the tribe until the 1790’s; and
I have been unable to track down concrete information as to the
nature and extent of Arikara contacts with French and English
traders from the East and North. There are, to be sure, a few
leads. When the elder Verendrye in 1738 visited the Mandan some-
where on the Missouri in present North Dakota, he was informed
(Burpee, 1927) that ‘‘at a day’s journey from the last of their forts
were the Panaux, who had several forts, and beyond them the
Pananis ...”’ both of whom “built their forts and lodges in the
same way in which they themselves [i. e., the Mandan] did. . .”
Unlike the Mandan, both the Panaux and the Pananis, he was told,
were provided with horses. Nearly 5 years later, in March 1743,
Verendrye’s sons spent 2 weeks with a people they called the Gens
de la Petite Cerise, whose fort was situated ‘‘on the bank of the Mis-
souri.” They were informed that at a distance of 3 days’ journey
“there was a Frenchman who had been settled there for several
years.” Just before their departure for the Mandan towns, 16 days
to the north, they buried an inscribed lead plate on an eminence near
the fort. Discovery of this plate in 1913 on a hill near Fort Pierre,
S. Dak., suggests that the village or fort of the Gens de la Petite
Cerise, where the two younger Verendryes sojourned in 1743, may
have been at one of the several archeological sites situated in the
vicinity of Pierre. ‘There is no conclusive proof, so far as I am aware,
that any of the native peoples referred to by the Verendryes as the
Panaux, the Pananis, and the Gens de la Petite Cerise were actually
the Arikara; but such fragmentary data as are given regarding their
mode of life seem to me to lend support to the view that the Arikara
may well have been the people, or one of the people, about whom they
were writing.
Concerning the location of the Arikara during the 40 years immedi-
ately following the Verendrye expeditions, I have found no eyewitness
accounts. In 1785, Governor General Miro mentioned (Nasatir,
1930, p. 536) the ‘‘seven villages of the Arricaras or Riis . . . located
along the Missouri nearly 400 leagues from its mouth. They are
about 900 men-at-arms. ... 7% Lewis and Clark, writing in 1804
pee league, Miro’s estimate would place the Arikara near White River, which enters the
Missouri from the west about 1,000 miles above the mouth of the latter. Bad River, variously known in
earlier days also as the Teton or Little Missouri, joins the Missouri about 1,120 miles above its mouth; the
Cheyenne enters at circa 1,170 miles.
Rouen Par. ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 79
but referring to the same period as Miro, stated of the Arikara (Coues,
1893, vol. 1, p. 162) that ‘' ... They were originally colonies of
Pawnees, who established themselves on the Missouri below the
Chayenne [Cheyenne River], where the traders still remember that
20 years ago they occupied a number of villages. From that situa-
tion a part of the Ricaras emigrated to the neighborhood of the Man-
dans, with whom they were then in alliance. The rest of the nation
continued near the Chayenne till the year 1797, in the course of which,
distressed by their wars with the Sioux, they joined their countrymen
near the Mandans .. .”
Beginning in the final decade of the eighteenth century, the picture
of Arikara movements becomes appreciably clearer, owing in large
part to the activities of the Commercial Company for the Discovery
of the Nations of the Upper Missouri, at St. Louis, and later to the
numerous exploring, trading, and other expeditions that ascended the
Missouri from time to time. For a semihorticultural village-dwelling
tribe, the Arikara are seen to be at this period a surprisingly restless
and mobile people. By 1795, they had been reduced by smallpox
from 32 villages and “four thousand warriors,”’ according to Trudeau
(Beauregard, 1912, pp. 28-31), to two villages with “about five
hundred fighting men,” situated on the west (right) bank of the
Missouri about 3 miles below the mouth of the Cheyenne.* From here
the Arikara, or a considerable part of them, moved some 250 miles
upriver to settle for a brief time a short distance below the Mandan
villages near the later Fort Clark, N. Dak.’ Somewhere in this
locality they were visited the following year, 1796, by Evans, who
said that the Arikara village was 10 leagues below the Mandan on
4“Tn ancient times the Ricara nation was very large; it counted thirty-two populous villages, now de-
populated and almost entirely destroyed by the smallpox which broke out among them three different
times. A few families only, from each of the villages escaped; these united and formed the two villages now
here, which are situated about a half a mile apart upon the same land occupied by their ancestors...
{From Trudeau journal, 1795 (Beauregard, 1912).]’’
5 On their ascent of the Missouri in the fall of 1804, Lewis and Clark observed the remains of several re-
cently abandoned villages which they attributed to the Arikara. These included: (a) one just above No
Timber Creek [present Chantier Creek, Stanley County, S. Dak.] on the west bank of the river, where ‘‘the
Panies had a Village five years ago’’; (6) one about 5 miles below Cheyenne River, on the west bank, undated;
(c) a walled village of 17 lodges on La hoo catt island [presumably present Lafferty Island, 4 or 5 miles below
Cheyenne Agency], which “ . . . appears to have been deserted about five years . . .”” and where dwelt
«« . .. the Ricreries in the year 1797 . . .”’; (d) a stockaded village of about 80 closely spaced lodges which
“« . . . appear to have been inhabited last spring . . .,’”? some 5 miles below present Swan Creek, Walworth
County; (e) a fortified village or ‘‘ Wintering Camp’’ of about 60 lodges which “‘ . . . appears to have been
inhabited last winter ... ,’’ at or just below the mouth of Moreau River; and (f) the walls of a village,
undated and not tribally identified, on ‘‘Grous Island” [present Blue Blanket Island ?] 8 or 9 miles below
Grand River (Thwaites, 1904-5, vol. 1, pp. 172-183).
During their descent in 1806, Lewis and Clark camped again just below No Timber Creek, and Clark’s
journal includes the following under date of August 25: ‘‘. . . a little above our encampment the Ricaras
had formerly a large village on each side which was destroyed by the Seioux. there is the remains of 5 other
villages on the S W side below the Cheyenne river and one on Lehocatts Island. all those villages have been
broken up by the Seioux . . .” (Thwaites, 1904-5, vol. 5, p. 360). In his Summary Statement of Rivers,
Creeks, and Most Remarkable Places, Clark records at 5 miles below Cheyenne River“ . . . the upper of
five old Ricara Villages reduced by the Seioux and abandoned .. .”’
80 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
the south side of the river, and that there was here a fort built 3
years before and continuously occupied by traders from Canada
(Nasatir, 1931 b, pp. 450-451). A letter dated St. Genevieve, April 10,
1796, by James Clamorgan, director of the Commercial Company,
speaks of the need for medals “‘for the two Ricara villages”’ (ibid., p.
455; cf. also Zenon Trudeau, Jan. 15, 1798, in Houck, 1909, vol. 2).
Difficulties with the nearby Mandan caused the Arikara to move down-
river again within a few years, but apparently not as far as the
Cheyenne River. A clue to the time of this southward move is given
by Lewis and Clark, who in 1804 near present Hensler, N. Dak., saw
on the right bank of the Missouri, ‘‘two old villages of Ricaras, one
on the top of the hill, the other in the level plain, which were deserted
only five years ago’? (Coues, 1893, vol. 1, p. 177). This date, if
correct, would place the return of the Arikara downriver at
about 1799.°
By 1803, the Arikara were settled in a group of three villages on
the west side of the Missouri a few miles above the Grand River.
Here, in October, 1804, they were visited by Lewis and Clark, who
reported them living in three villages—one on an island (modern
Ashley Island) 4 miles above Maropa River (now Oak Creek), the
other two on both sides of a small unnamed creek 4 miles upriver.
The island site was abandoned before 1811; according to Bracken-
ridge (Thwaites, 1904-7, vol. 6, p. 111), its inhabitants had “removed
a few miles farther up .. .”
The upper villages seen by Lewis and Clark had a somewhat longer
existence. They were the principal residence of the Arikara when
Bradbury and Brackenridge traveled up the Missouri in 1811. In
August, 1823, in reprisal for Arikara depredations against Ashley’s
fur traders, the village was shelled by United States troops under
Colonel Leavenworth; and in consequence, the Arikara again moved
upriver to a point near the Mandan winter villages a short distance
below the later site of Fort Clark (Maximilian, in Thwaites, 1904-7,
vol. 23, p. 224). According to Dale (1918, pp. 85, 125), they were
committing various outrages near the Mandan villages, as well as
“in the Platte country’? during the months following the shelling;
and in the winter of 1825 the Ashley-Smith party ascending the
Platte was informed that 100 Arikara were camped on the Arkansas
River in present eastern Colorado. Maximilian, on the other hand,
indicates that in the spring of 1824 they removed from the vicinity
of the Mandan and apparently reoccupied the villages where they
had been attacked by Leavenworth. They were still at this location
6I have attempted to reconcile the Le Raye journal of 1801-03 (Robinson, 1908, pp. 150-180) with the
contemporary historical sources used in this sketch, but without success; and I am inclined to view with
misgivings the account attributed to Le Raye.
Nous) TY» ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 81
in 1832 when Catlin, passing on the steamer Yellowstone, painted a
view of the village, which he said contained 150 lodges incompletely
surrounded by a palisade (Catlin, 1913, vol. 1, p. 229). Apparently,
the site was permanently given up soon thereafter, for when Maxi-
milian passed the spot on June 12, 1833, he said that “. . . it is not
quite a year since these villages had been wholly abandoned .. .”
Its abandonment was attributed by Maximilian to several factors:
Arikara fear of the Sioux, their expectation of further chastisement
at the hands of the Americans, crop failure due to drought, and the
scarcity of bison.
For the next few years, the Arikara appear to have remained away
from the Missouri, leading a nomadic life in the plains far to the
west and southwest. They spent the winter of 1834-35 hunting with
their Skidi Pawnee kindred on the upper Platte in Nebraska, return-
ing in spring with the Skidi to their village on the Loup River north-
east of present St. Paul, Nebr. By May 1835, when the two tribes
had been living together for 8 months, friction between them had
reached the point where the Skidi were contemplating driving away
their unwelcome guests, 2,200 in number, according to Allis (Dunbar
and Allis, 1918, p. 701). On learning of the imminent arrival of
Colonel Dodge and his dragoons, the Arikara hastily departed to the
west. Dodge subsequently was in council with them “about one
day’s march above the forks of the Platte River’; and in August, on
his return trip to Fort Leavenworth, he met a party of Pawnee and
Arikara at a Cheyenne village on the upper Arkansas (Dodge, 1861).
In 1837, the Arikara returned to the banks of the Missouri, this
time to Fort Clark; and the following year they took over the nearby
Mandan village whose original inhabitants had removed upstream
following the devastating smallpox epidemic of 1837. Here they re-
sided until the destruction of Fort Clark in 1861, after which they
too moved farther upstream. In 1862 they were building a new
village on the south bank of the river opposite Fort Berthold (Mor-
gan, 1871; U. S. Office of Indian Affairs, 1863, p. 194) and from this
point they finally moved across the river to join the Mandan and
Hidatsa. In this general locality they have since resided.
Incomplete as they undeniably are, the historical data just re-
viewed have interesting implications for the study of Arikara history
and prehistory. For one thing, they suggest that the Arikara villages
until the last decades of the eighteenth century were mainly situated
below the Cheyenne River. Moreover, with few exceptions, the
historic allusions to occupied towns, as also to abandoned sites, by
Trudeau, Lewis and Clark, Bradbury, Brackenridge, and others,
place these features on the west (right) bank of the Missouri. For
the most part, unfortunately, the references apply to a time after
82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 157
the smallpox epidemics of the eighteenth century had done their
work, when the Arikara were said to be only a remnant of their for-
mer numbers.
We cannot be sure, of course, to what extent the Arikara and their
early chroniclers inflated the estimates of the former numerical
strength of the tribe. Archeology has already shown, however, that
the remains of earth-lodge villages, both fortified and unfortified,
some of very considerable size, and many with some traces of contact
with White men, occur in great number along both banks of the
Missouri throughout most of its course in present South Dakota.
Some of these may have been temporary and late winter villages;
at others, the Arikara may have been only the last of a series of
occupations; and it is very probable that not all are to be ascribed
to the Arikara. Granting these qualifications, the feeling still per-
sists that a considerable number of these historically undocumented
sites very likely are of Arikara origin. Unless it be assumed that, for
environmental” or other reasons, the Arikara moved about as fre-
quently in their earlier days as they did after 1790, which seems
rather improbable, we then have the problem of segregating and
accurately dating the village sites that belong to the heyday of the
Arikara, whether in the early eighteenth century or, as seems possible,
even earlier. Also to be evaluated is the role of the westward-pushing
Sioux in forcing abandonment of the earth-lodge villages on the east
bank—a factor that might have been of minor importance until the
Arikara had been considerably reduced in numbers by smallpox. It
would certainly seem to be more than mere accident that the his-
torically documented villages and village sites ascribed to the Arikara
do not include some of the many late prehistoric and protohistoric
sites now known to exist along the east bank of the Missouri in South
Dakota, as well as on both banks between the Cheyenne and Grand
Rivers. Isuspect that when further controlled data on the archeology
and physical anthropology of the Arikara are available, it will be
evident that they were, in fact, a numerous and powerful people with
a long history of occupation of the Missouri Valley in what is now
South Dakota.
Our primary concern here is with archeological materials from four
burial sites situated north of Mobridge, S. Dak. Since these all
yielded various quantities of evidence of Indian-White contacts, it is
in order to comment briefly on the native settlements historically
stated to have stood in the same locality. As already noted, these
seem to have been three in number at the beginning of the nineteenth
7 According to Tabeau, the Arikara ‘‘cultivate only new lands, being forced to change their habitation
often for want of wood which they exhaust in five or six years. The Mandanes, also tillers of the soil, are
more constant in their homes; because the timber begins to increase in their territory and the larger points
are far better supplied with trees’’ (Abel, 1939, p. 69).
ANTHRO. Par, ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, 8. DAK.—WEDEL 83
century; references to earlier villages, if such references exist, have
escaped my notice. The documented locations include one island
site, of which all traces have apparently vanished; and, 5 or 6 miles
upstream, two nearly contiguous sites, variously known as the Leaven-
worth, or Lewis and Clark, Site. Contemporary observations were
made at these villages by Tabeau, a French trader residing with the
Arikara in the island village from 1803-5 (Abel, 1939); by Lewis and
Clark in 1804; by Bradbury, and also by Brackenridge, in 1811;
and finally, by Catlin in 1832 and Maximilian in 1833. To these eye-
witness descriptions can be added a preliminary account of archeo-
logical excavations in 1932 by Strong (1933; 1940, pp. 366-370) at
the Leavenworth Site. Strong’s investigations, when published in
full and supplemented by the present recounting of skeletal and
cultural materials from the associated burial grounds, will give an
unusually complete archeological check on Arikara material culture
as described by the early White visitors to the occupied villages.
From the various contemporary accounts, it appears that the
Leavenworth Site consisted of approximately 150-160 circular earth
lodges placed without regularity in two groups about 80 yards apart,
and on opposite sides of a small stream [now known as Elk or Cotton-
wood Creek]. Brackenridge says the village ‘appeared to occupy
about three-quarters of a mile along the river bank . . .” According
to Bradbury, it was “‘fortified all round with a ditch, and with pickets
and palisadoes, of about nine feet high.’ Catlin reported this
stockade in ruinous condition when he passed the town in 1832.
Numerous horses were to be seen around the village, according to ©
Brackenridge, who noted further that “amongst the Arikara, the dead
are deposited in a grave as with us, which I think, clearly proves their
origin to be different from that of their neighbors . . .” Catlin’s paint-
ing in 1832 shows what appear to be poles on the summit behind the
east part of the village, probably indicating the location of the burial
ground.
Several of the early nineteenth century observers stated that the
villages represented by the Leavenworth Site were inhabited by the
remnants of formerly distinct bands of Arikara. According to Lewis
and Clark, there were 9 or 10 such subtribes ‘‘who had formerly been
Seperate, but by Commotion and war with their neighbours have
Come reduced and compelled to come together for protection . . .”
(Thwaites, 1904-7, vol. 1, p. 188). Elsewhere, they asserted that the
two lower villages, evidently including the west half of the Leaven-
worth Site, were occupied by those Arikara who, sometime before
1797, had emigrated from the Cheyenne River locality to the Mandan,
and who “‘may be considered as the Ricaras proper. The third village
[on the east side of Elk Creek] was composed of such remnants of the
84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu 157
villages as had survived the wars; and as these were nine in number,
a difference of pronunciation and some difference of language may be
observed between them and the Ricaras proper, who do not under-
stand all the words of these wanderers’ (Coues, 1893, vol. 1, p. 162.)
Brackenridge (Thwaites, 1904-7, vol. 6, p. 122) stated that
. . . These villages are the remains of 17 distinct tribes . . .”
As to the other three sites from which burial-ground materials are
to be here considered, I have been unable to find any historical docu-
mentation. Two of these are on the west bank of the Missouri just
above Oak Creek, which enters the Missouri below Ashley Island.
The third is on the east bank about a mile northwest of the town of
Mobridge. The evidence itself indicates that these are probably
earlier than the Leavenworth material; but by how many years I
have no means of determining at present.
“c
TREATMENT OF THE DATA
In analyzing and presenting this material, I have been confronted
with several problems that should be noted here. First and thorniest
of all is the manner in which the collections were processed at the time
of accessioning. The materials, as already indicated, are from four
sites, but by no means in equal proportion. The permanent catalog
record comprises about 150 cards, many of which pertain to lots rather
than to individual specimens. The collection probably comprises in
the neighborhood of 1,000 items. Unfortunately, in many cases the
specimens were simply grouped into categories by material or type,
assigned a single group catalog number, and then given no more
detailed provenience data than ‘‘From grave,” or ‘Found with infant
burial,’ or even merely “Vicinity of Mobridge, South Dakota.”
Thus, it is often impossible to determine from which of the four burial
sites involved a given specimen or group of specimens was taken.
This difficulty I have been able to overcome in part by painstakingly
working through the field record and charting the artifacts found in
association with each grave. Specimens of rare or unique type, or
those which are distinctive for other reasons, could often be traced to
their exact provenience. But in the case of other objects, as for
example, certain glass beads, all specimens collected were strung or
lumped together despite their certainly diverse origin, and it is now
impossible to segregate those from any given site.
Faced with this rather discouraging situation, I have chosen to
treat the entire collection by categories rather than by sites. Thus,
the ceramic remains are considered as a unit, then the stonework,
the bone, shell, etc. Wherever possible in the descriptive sections, I
have indicated the origin of the specimens as to cemetery and, if
feasible, as to grave. Table 2 (p. 169), generalized from a’much more
Aanie) ?) ~~ ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, 8. DAK.—WEDEL 85
detailed working chart, indicates the distribution of specimens or ma-
terials by individual graves and cemeteries as determined from the
field records; and if this table is consulted along with the descriptive
text, the materials become much more meaningful.
Another problem involves the designation of sites. All of those
from which material is included in this discussion have been variously
designated from time to time. Largely for my own convenience, but
also to minimize error in transcribing information from the field notes
to this report, I have retained the simple numerical designations used
in the field by Stirling. As already intimated, four sites are chiefly
involved—three on the west (right) bank of the Missouri, in present
Corson County, and one on the east bank, in Walworth County.
Stirling refers to the village sites as Site 1, Site 2, Site 3, Site 4, etc.
The burial ground presumed to have been associated with each of
these was assigned the same number, that is, Cemetery 1 was near
Site 1, Cemetery 2 near Site 2, etc. In other words, Cemeteries No.
1 to No. 4, as referred to hereinafter, correlate respectively with
[Village] Sites No. 1 to No. 4, both series of numbers paralleling each
other in serial order. On the accompanying map (fig. 10), the ceme-
teries are similarly designated from No. 1 to No. 4; but the presum-
ably associated village sites have been assigned designations in accord
with the system adopted by the Smithsonian’s Missouri River Basin
Surveys.
To facilitate comparison between the data contained in this report
and those previously presented by other workers from named sites in
the locality, I offer the following synonymy of site designations:
Smithsonian
Institution River
Stirling field notes Previous designations Basin Surveys
Site No. 1, and Cemetery 1__ Mobridge Site__.......___-- 39WW1
Site No. 2, and Cemetery 2__ Nordvold No. 2_____-_----- 39C032
and/or and/or
Wortlyol@, No.) 3422264226 5< 39C033
Site No. 3, and Cemetery 3_. Nordvold No. 1_-._._-_----- 39CO031
Site No. 4, and Cemetery 4._ Leavenworth Site; Lewis and 39CO9
Clark Site.
In the next section, I have presented brief descriptions of each
of the four principal sites and burial grounds from which the present
materials were taken, based in part on Stirling’s field notes and in
part on relevant data from other sources. Accompanying each site
description is a condensed summary of each grave opened and its con-
tents, as described in the field record. Then follows the description
of the artifacts, arranged according to material categories. The
final sections are devoted to a recapitulation of the principal findings,
2651915412
86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
to a discussion of some of their implications for upper Missouri
Valley prehistory in terms of inferred cultural change, chronology,
and human populations, and to the formulation of certain problems
that seem to merit additional investigation.
I had hoped that it would be possible to include in this paper a
condensed statement on the skeletal materials, based on a more pene-
trating analysis than that made by Hrdli¢ka. The reexamination of
the materials, however, has had to be deferred for various reasons, one
of the reasons being the anticipated inclusion of measurements on
another series of crania from Site 1. Pending completion of this
expanded study, by M. T. Newman, I have included herein only
a few provisional generalizations based largely on Hrdlitka’s obser-
vations.
SITES AND BURIAL DATA
In this section, all quotations are from Stirling’s field notes unless
otherwise credited. Catalog numbers are included in parenthesis
wherever the specimens can be surely identified in the national col-
lections. Numbers given for crania and skeletal parts refer to speci-
mens now in the Division of Physical Anthropology (see also Hrdliéka,
1927, pp. 60-66); those for archeological items refer to specimens in
the Division of Archeology.
SITE 1 AND CEMETERY 1
Site 1 is located on the east (left) bank of the Missouri River
less than a mile northwest of the Mobridge airport and a few hundred
yards southeast of the Chicago, Milwaukee, St. Paul, and Pacific
railroad bridge across the Missouri. Here, near the edge of the flat
uplands overlooking the Missouri bottoms, and about a half mile from
the river itself, middens and other village remains cover an area of
several acres. Little systematic work, other than test-pitting, has
been done in the occupational area, but tentative suggestions have
been made regarding the cultural relationships of the village site
(Strong, 1940, p. 380).
According to Stirling’s field notes, the burial ground he examined
and to which he assigned the designation Cemetery 1, was “located
about 300 yards north of the village [site], on the crest and slope of
the bluff overlooking the river.’”’ An excellent map of the site, pre-
pared in 1932 and kindly made available to me by Strong, indicates
that burials have been found on knolls immediately to the west of the
occupational area and also on a ‘Burial Hill’ some 300 yards to the
south. Unless Stirling’s notes are in error as to the direction of his
excavations from the village site, it would appear that the cultural
No as} ™~=©—-« ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 87
and skeletal materials he collected in 1923 came from a cemetery area
not included on the map prepared for Strong’s work.
Burial methods at this site (Cemetery 1) differed from those at
the other sites investigated in the vicinity, according to Stirling.
The graves opened usually showed secondary interment, that is,
burial of the disarticulated bones after exposure of the corpse. All
the graves, apparently, contained the remains of more than one
individual; and in many or most instances, the bones were more or
less broken up and in a poor state of preservation. Artifacts in
association with the burials were very scarce.
Eleven graves were opened at Cemetery 1. For one, there are no
data regarding the findings. Of the remaining 10, 1 each had the
remains of 8, 6, and 4 individuals; 2 each contained the parts of 5
and 3 persons; and 3 each had the remains of 2 individuals. Accord-
ing to the field records, therefore, a total of 40 individuals was repre-
sented in the results of this project. They included 5 infants, 2 chil-
dren, 2 adolescents, 15 adult males, and 16 adult females.
Of the 10 graves for which there are field data, 4 (Nos. 1, 4, 5,
and 7) contained no artifact materials whatsoever. Among the
others, mortuary accompaniments were few and unexciting. They
included: some red paint and two stone balls from Grave 2; a few
glass beads around the head of an infant in Grave 3; potsherds and
flint chips in Grave 9; red paint from a child burial in Grave 10;
and a “fungus-like mass (tinder?) in which was embedded a white
arrowhead (by knee)” in Grave 11. In addition, one of three male
skulls in Grave 8 ‘‘was discolored by copper.”
None of this material is particularly diagnostic, except insofar as
the glass beads and possibly the copper stain suggest contacts, direct
or indirect, between the natives buried here and white traders. The
scarcity of grave goods of any kind, as compared to the relatively large
quantities recovered at the other nearby burial sites worked, suggests
an earlier time period for Cemetery 1. Possible confirmation of this
inferred time difference lies in the variant burial methods exhibited
here. Grouped secondary or communal burial is known to have pre-
ceded primary interment in the Pawnee area of Nebraska, and it is
possible that a similar change in custom took place here in the Mo-
bridge area. Alternatively, there is also the possibility that we are
concerned here with another group than the Arikara, and that the
deviant methods here shown represent tribal variations rather than
time differences. For reasons to be discussed later, this seems to me
the less likely alternative.
Descriptive notes on the individual graves and their contents at
Cemetery 1 follow.
Grave 1.—This grave contained the skeletons of an infant, a young
88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
child, and an adult male (USNM 325388). The infant was near the
surface; the child just above the body of the man, who was on the
bottom of the grave, flexed and facing south. The bones were not
disarticulated.
Grave 2.—Near the surface were the badly decomposed bones of
three infants. At a depth of about 3 feet, four adult skulls (three
male (USNM 325434, 325435) and one female (USNM 325398)) were
encountered in close proximity but not in a nest. Two of the male
skulls were without their lower jaws. At a depth of 5 or 6 feet, the
remainder of the bones were encountered in a somewhat disarticulated
condition. Scattered throughout the earth which filled the grave
were the charred remains of a fifth adult male.
By the shoulders of the deepest burial, a male, were found some
red paint and also two stone balls, each about an inch in diameter.
One of the male skulls rested upon a large piece of buffalo skull and
had a piece of wood wedged between the teeth. Another, minus the
lower jaw, rested on a section of human tibia obviously from another
individual.
Grave 3.—This grave contained the bodies of a female (USNM
325394) and an infant (USNM 325413). They were flexed, facing
south, the adult lying on the side, the skulls touching. A few glass
beads were scattered about the head of the infant.
Grave 4.—This contained the bodies of two adult females (USNM
325392, 325393), one superimposed over the other. There were no
artifacts.
Grave 5.—This contained the bodies of six adult females (USNM
325399, 325417, 325423, 325427, 325432). The grave was about 6
feet deep. The lowest burial was obviously secondary, the long bones
being neatly piled together with the skull placed near them. One
of the skeletons was headless.
The two lowest skeletons had the heads joined to the rest of the
bodies. They were lying on the right side, head to the north, facing
west. Three skulls were scattered through the earth above these
bodies; and above these, the incomplete and fragmentary skeletons
belonging to the three skulls. The very badly decomposed remains
of another individual were found just below the surface.
Grave 6.—No data.
Grave 7.—About 3 feet below the surface lay two skulls, side
by side and facing south. They were those of an adult female
(USNM 325400) and an adolescent (USNM 325411), the latter with
the teeth removed post mortem. A foot below the skulls were the
other bones, broken and scattered.
Grave 8—This grave contained the remains of three adult males
(USNM 325395, 325396) and two adult females, together with scraps
Aaa)’ ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 89
of bone from other individuals. The lowermost skeleton was headless.
The skull of one of the males was discolored by copper, but this had
_ evidently taken place before burial. The heads in each case were
to the north.
Grave 9—This held the remains of three adult males (USNM
325390, 325391) and an adolescent. The bones were fragmentary and
scattered. No. 3 had a lower jaw but no skull (adolescent). By the
leg of No. 2 were found some flint chips and a potsherd.
Grave 10.—This contained two adult males (USNM 325425,
325433), two adult females (USNM 325415, 325422), and a child
(USNM 325402). The bones were fragmentary and much scattered.
The lower jaws were absent from one male and one female. The
skull of the child was covered with red paint.
Grave 11.—One female (USNM 325389) and two males (USNM
325397, 325418), all lymg semiextended with heads together. In the
hand of one of the males was a funguslike mass (tinder?) in which
was embedded a white arrowhead (by the knee).
SITE 2 AND CEMETERY 2
Site 2 is a large occupational area, apparently representing actu-
ally two village communities, known also as Nordvold 2 (39CO32)
and Nordvold 3 (39CO33). Located about 3 miles, airline, north
and slightly east of our Site 1, and on the opposite (right) bank of
the Missouri, it is on an upland tongue in the upper angle formed by
the junction of Oak Creek valley with the main trench of the Missouri.
The southernmost portion of this area, Nordvold 3, is partially en-
closed by a ditch. North and northwest of this, house pits and
village refuse occur over a considerable area marked near its north
edge by what appears to be another defensive ditch curving from the
Oak Creek side of the upland tongue to the Missouri Valley edge.
This larger area is known as Nordvold 2. Strong informs me (letters
of February 13 and April 3, 1951) that these two village sites seem to
be of dissimilar age, Nordvold 2 apparently being prehistoric or pro-
tohistoric Arikara (?), and Nordvold 3 perhaps protohistoric or
historic Arikara. This would make Nordvold 2 the older site.
The burial ground from which were taken the materials ascribed
by Stirling to his Cemetery 2 lay along the edge of the uplands just
east of Nordvold 2, overlooking a small timbered ravine and, beyond
that, the Missouri River. Since there seems to be a cultural and
time difference between Nordvold 2 and Nordvold 3, it is thus pos-
sible that Stirling’s burial ground finds include materials that are not
all of the same tribal or temporal origin. If they are such a mixed
lot, however, I can see no way of determining at this writing which
of the graves dug by Stirling should be ascribed to Nordvold 2 and
90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
which to Nordvold 3. We shall return to this problem in a later
section.
The burials in Cemetery 2 differed in nearly all particulars from
those in Cemetery 1. Single interment was here the rule; of 39
graves, only 8 contained more than 1 burial and none more than 3.
In one or two, the remains lay barely beneath the ground surface;
others were in dug pits as much as 5 or 6 feet deep. Characteristic-
ally, the bodies were covered with driftwood, presumably to give
them and the accompanying objects some protection against the
superincumbent earth. This was accomplished by setting two up-
right poles in the corners at one end of the grave, with a crosspiece
extending between them, and then leaning against this support
sloping poles covered with smaller sticks and brush. In a few in-
stances, a series of fairly heavy logs up to 15 or 20 cm. in diameter
were laid side by side against the end frame, and the brush covering
was dispensed with. The field notes say that the “uprights [were]
usually absent,’”’ in which event I presume the ends of the sloping
timbers or poles were set directly against the end of the grave pit.
Field stones were occasionally placed on the surface of the grave,
with “generally a single good-sized rock sunk in the soil over the
head.”
There seems to have been no fixed manner of placing the body in
the grave, but ‘normally the body was placed on the right side, head
to the north, facing east, the head somewhat higher than the rest of
the body. There are many exceptions to this general rule. Some
are laid flat on the back at full length, some face down. The hands
are placed by the head, along the sides, or folded over the abdomen.”
Artifacts accompanying the burials were usually placed back of the
head and on the same level with it. Where they occurred in the hand,
by the side, or near the feet, these were usually in addition to others
placed back of the head. Red paint was almost invariably present;
less common were pigments of other colors, such as yellow, purple,
white, and black. In several instances, the bodies had evidently
been laid to rest in leather or cloth garments and with a wrapping of
bison robes; and here the skeletal remains were usually in very poor
condition. Usually, there was no indication of a grave lining; but the
bottoms of several graves were lined with ashes.
It is of interest to note that the burials of infants and children,
though decidedly in the minority as compared with adult burials,
included some of the best-stocked graves opened. Thus, while small
infants sometimes were given short shrift, children seem in general
to have been buried with considerable care and with an unusual
number of personal property items.
Of the 39 graves opened in Cemetery 2, 2 contained the remains of
Node] .’)~«) ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 91
three individuals each; 6, the remains of two individuals each; and
the remaining 31, each a single burial. These 49 individuals break
down into the following categories: 5 infants, 6 small children, 3 ado-
lescents, 18 adult males, and 17 adult females.
Tabulation of the data in the field notes regarding mortuary
accompaniments indicates that these were considerably more abun-
dant than was the case in Cemetery 1. For nine graves (Nos. 12,
14, 20, 24, 25, 31, 33, 35, 37) no associated artifacts are listed, al-
though in at least three of these there were sherds in the fill above the
skeletons. Six or eight others were accompanied only by paint, a
few beads, or other comparable small items, which, it will be remem-
bered, was about the extent of the accompaniments in the few fur-
nished graves in Cemetery 1. Most of the remaining graves were
much better stocked, with various quantities of items of stone, bone,
shell, leather, wood, copper, iron, and glass. Interestingly enough,
the only pottery vessels found were two small bowls with the burial
of a child in Grave 3; and although infants, children, and adolescents
together comprised a smaller number of graves than did the adults,
they included some of the best-stocked and most interesting graves
found.
Condensed field data on the individual graves in Cemetery 2
follow.
Grave 1—Two adult females (USNM 325355, 325356), each lying
on the right side, body flexed, hands drawn up to the face. A quan-
tity of red paint by the head of No. 1.
Grave 2,—Adult female (USNM 325357), lying on right side, head to
north, legs flexed. By the head were: a lump of potter’s clay; two
copper knives; a highly polished spatulate bone tool, engraved and
stained green, evidently by copper; one Olivella shell bead. On the
arms were five iron bracelets.
Grave 8.—Young child (USNM 325408), body tightly flexed. By
the head were two flat catlinite ornaments, one disk-shaped, engraved,
and perforated in the center (USNM 325526), the other shaped like
the cross section of an hourglass and decorated with a few engraved
lines (USNM 325527); two small pottery vessels, one decorated and
one plain; a perforated elk tooth; six disk-shaped shell beads about
one-half inch in diameter; and a copper knife. The head rested on a
large pottery fragment. In the soil surrounding the body were a
large number of large porcelain beads of many different sorts.
Grave 4.—Adult female (USNM 325358), body flexed, lying on
right side, hands by the knees, head to the north. On each arm, two
iron bracelets. Back of the head, a Unio shell, copper knife, and
incised bone spatulate implement 10 inches long (USNM 325510;
pl. 60, f (?)).
92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 157
Grave 5.—Adult female (USNM 325359), body flexed, head to the
north, depth about 4 feet. A broken bone hoe by the head, also
some red paint.
Grave 6—Adult male (USNM 325360); body lying on right side,
facing southwest, body straight, knees flexed. ‘The head rested on a
cache of stones consisting of three large obsidian flakes, two flint
flakes, and a water-worn piece of quartz crystal.
Grave 7.—Adult female (USNM 325361); body flexed, facing south-
west, depth about 4 feet; red paint by the head. Just above was the
body of an infant; by its head was a catlinite gorget (USNM 325528),
about 2 inches in length, hourglass shaped, with corners minutely
perforated, the edge grooved, and incised designs on each side.
Grave 8 —Adult male (USNM 325362); body flexed, lying on right
side, head to north. In front of the face were seeds and tobacco;
back of the head, a large quantity of yellow paint and some ashes; the
head lay on a large crude flint implement.
Grave 9.—Adult male (USNM 325363); feet placed higher than
head, which was lying face down. Some red paint on the head.
Grave 10.—Adult male (USNM 325364). Large quantities of red
and white paint by the head. Back of the head were: four obsidian
flakes; two round white pebbles; a quartz crystal; a flint knife; a
copper knife; a lance head; several copper beads; a bone tube made
from the leg of a heron; a Unio shell; an eagle claw; a prairie dog jaw;
and an arrow straightener with three holes. By the right side and
close to the right hand was a mass of purple paint and six polished
bone gaming tubes (USNM 325556). Fragments of the leather
garments surrounding the body remained, and pieces of white paint
were scattered throughout.
Grave 11.—Adult male (USNM 325365), senile, depth 4 feet.
Back of the head were placed 12 Olivella shell beads, a large Unio
shell, and four heron beaks.
Grave 12.—Adult male (USNM 325366), depth about 5 feet. No
paint or other accompaniments.
Grave 138.—Adult female (USNM 325367), depth 4 feet. By the
head, much red paint in which was embedded a polished and engraved
bone spatulate tool; by the right knee, a flint knife and a flint scraper.
Grave 14.—Adult male (USNM 325368). No artifacts.
Grave 15.—Adult male (USNM 325420); shallow burial, not much
more than a foot beneath the surface; no wood covering. By the
head, a bone knife.
Grave 16.—Adult male (USNM 325369); depth 5 feet; head rested
on right hand, with left arm extended along the side. By the head
four Olivella shell beads.
Noda) |’) ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 93
Grave 17.—Adult female (USNM 325370), with young child by the
side. Back of the head of the adult, a long cylindrical shell bead.
Grave 18.—Adolescent; depth about 4 feet; the “body had been
wrapped in a buffalo robe, evidently, the fragments of this and of the
leather costume worn, were preserved, as was also the remains of a
skin pouch decorated with copper bangles.’”’ Along the right arm
there were ‘seventeen strips of bark, each about three inches in
length and one quarter inch wide, wrapped in porcupine quill”
(USNM 325538).
Grave 19.—Adult female (USNM 325371); depth about 3 feet;
the body ‘‘was in the usual position, the right hand by the head hold-
ing a Unio shell filled with red paint.” Back of the head, a large
shell disk perforated in the center (USNM 325539), and a single white
porcelain bead. Around the left arm, a copper-wire bracelet. About
the pelvis were ‘‘the bones of an unborn child.”
Grave 20.—Adult male (USNM 325372); depth about 4 feet; body
lying on back, face upward, knees flexed in such manner that they
were the first bones encountered. No artifacts; grave bottom lined
with ashes, particularly abundant about the feet.
Grave 21.—Adult female (USNM 325373); depth about 2 feet;
body of an infant placed on the left side so that the two skulls touched.
Back of the head of adult was a mass of red paint in which was
embedded a triangular white stone about an inch in length, and a
number of squash and wild-cherry seeds. Scattered throughout the
earth covering the body were many fragments of a pot, and a Unio
shell.
Grave 22.—Adult female (USNM 325374); lying on the back with
knees high. Back of head were a quantity of red paint, three tubular
copper beads, and a polished bone spatulate tool.
Grave 23.—Adult male (USNM 325375), depth about 3 feet; body
“placed in the usual position, the arms extended along the sides’’;
by the head, five small iron rings, four copper beads, and a cache of
stone chips.
Grave 24.—Adult male (USNM 325376); depth 4 feet; the body “‘in
the usual position but with no accompanying artifacts.”
Grave 25.—Adult male (USNM 325377); depth of 5 feet; normal
position. No artifacts, although the soil over the body contained a
number of potsherds.
Grave 26.—Adult male (USNM 325378), depth 3 feet. The body
had been wrapped in buffalo robes. Back of the head were two flint
knives; two large shell beads; two oblong stone beads about 2 inches
in length, one perforated longitudinally, the other undrilled; two
heron beaks; and a bone spatulate tool.
94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 157
Grave 27.—Infant; depth about 3 feet. Around the body, 27 large
and 50 small Olivella shell beads, and a large quantity of small blue
and white glass beads.
Grave 28.—Adult female (USNM 325379); depth about 3 feet.
Under the head, four large cylindrical shell beads.
Grave 29.—Infant; depth 3 feet. ‘The leather costume which cov-
ered the body was profusely ornamented with copper beads and small
copper bells . . . [and] . . . was partially preserved by the action of
copper salts. . . .” Back of the head, 7 Olivella shell beads, a
perforated bear claw, and a highly polished chalcedony pendant
about 2 inches long.
Grave 30.—Young child (USNM 325414); depth about 3 feet.
Back of the head, a mass of red paint.
Grave 31.—Adult female (USNM 325380); ‘‘Back of the head the
body of a young child was placed at right angles to the usual posi-
tion. By the feet of the adult was the body of an infant. There
were no artifacts accompanying the burials.”
Grave 82.—Adult male (USNM 325381), adult female (USNM
325382), and adolescent. Male buried at the bottom, 4% feet deep;
back of the head, two massive cylindrical shell beads and a potsherd.
Female and adolescent lying side by side just above male; no arti-
facts reported. Grave carefully covered with logs of exceptionally
large size, placed close together.
Grave 38.— Young child; depth 3 feet. No artifacts.
Grave 34.—Adolescent (USNM 325404). Back of the head, seven
large white glass beads and a polishing pebble; in the soil above, a
Unio shell and a potsherd.
Grave 85.—Adult male (USNM 325383); depth 3 feet. No arti-
facts.
Grave 36.—Adult female (USNM 325384). ‘‘No offerings in the
usual way, but in the soil above the body were scattered numerous
stone chips, a large broken flint implement, a horse (?) tooth, and
several potsherds.”
Grave 87.—Adult male (USNM 325385) and young child. A few
potsherds scattered through the soil above the bodies.
Grave 388.—Two adult females (USNM 325386, 325387); one fully
extended, face upward, at the bottom of a deep grave. By the head,
some carved wooden sticks, probably gaming sticks, a broken bone
spatulate tool, a Unio shell, a large bear claw, a large flint scraper, a
rectangular piece of chalcedony, a copper strip about 3 inches long
with copper bangles attached, a small polishing pebble, several pot-
sherds, and a quantity_of,red paint’ in which some of,these articles
were embedded. ‘Just over the knees was a secondary burial of
Nous] ~~ ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 95
another adult female. The long bones were piled in a heap and the
skull laid upon them.”
Grave 39.—Young child; depth about 3 feet. By the head, 17
dentalium beads (USNM 325543), several copper beads, a very fine
polished and engraved bone spatulate tool, and ‘‘some quill wrappings
which had been preserved although the object about which they were
placed had completely disappeared.”
In August 1932, several additional graves were opened at Cemetery
2 by Dr. W. D. Strong (letter to Wedel, April 3, 1951). From the
notes generously furnished me by Strong, it appears that these all
contained the remains of children. Burial 1 included the skeletons of
3 children, with which were found two shell beads. Burial 2 was that
of a child, at a depth between 2 and 3 feet; no artifacts are reported.
Burial 3 was that of a child of perhaps 14 years; the skeleton was
semiflexed and lay on its back, with the bent knees turned toward
the right side. About a foot above the skeleton and 10 inches below
the ground surface, was a layer of horizontal cedar poles. <A few feet
away, and at about the same level, was Burial 4, also that of a young
child. Accompanying it were two shell beads, 145 ‘“‘porcelain” beads,
and three cylindrical copper beads. Under and around the bones of
both these latter burials, Nos. 3 and 4, there was a thin brown layer
that may have been decomposed skin or textile wrappings. Between
the burials, at a depth of 28 inches, were several large potsherds
described as “rounded portions of buff-colored thick cord-marked
ware,” and some broken bison bones, suggesting a food offering.
SITE 3 AND CEMETERY 3
Site 3, also known as Nordvold 1 (89CO81), is a cluster of earth lodge
pits encircled by a defensive ditch that encloses an area some 400 by
500 feet in extent. It lies a few hundred yards northeast of the
preceding Site 2, from which it is separated by the shallow upper course
of the timbered ravine already mentioned.
The burial ground designated by Stirling as Cemetery 3 lies to the
north of the ditch-encircled area, “. . . about a quarter of a mile to
the north of [Cemetery] No. 2, on the crest of a high ridge overlooking
the river. The graves were few in number and much scattered. The
ground on this ridge is hard and contains a great many stones, which
makes digging dificult. Probably because of this fact, the graves were
generally more shallow than those of the other cemeteries worked.
Stones seemed to have been used as markers and to help fill the graves,
simply because there were plenty at hand.
“This cemetery undoubtedly belongs to the small village (No. 4)
[an error, evidently; should read No. 3—WRW], and is of more recent
date than No. 2.”
96 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 157
Six graves were excavated in Cemetery 3. Each contained the
remains of a single individual. They included two adult males, three
adult females, and one child. In every instance, there were artifacts
in association; but these were in no case abundant nor did they present
much variety. Three graves yielded glass beads; none contained
metal. No pottery vessels or sherds are recorded from the site.
So far as I have been able to determine, there is nothing in the
artifact series or in the individual grave inventories to support the
suggestion made in the field notes that this cemetery is more recent
than No. 2. According to Strong (letter of February 13, 1951),
however, the surface materials from the village are more closely
related to those from Stirling’s Site 4 (Leavenworth Site) and with-
out doubt represent, as suggested in the field notes, a later horizon
than that at Site 2.
The field data on individual graves at Cemetery 3 follow:
Grave 1.—Adult male (USNM 325334); covered with large stones;
body lying on back, extended at full length; two large shell beads
back of the head.
Grave 2.—Adult male (USNM 325335); bone hoe placed just above
the skull; back of the head was a large bone spatulate tool, unpolished;
in the left hand, a dozen or more small round white pebbles, two bears’
teeth, a bear’s claw, a cigar-shaped piece of wood, and skull of a
prairie dog.
Grave 8.—Young child; depth 2 feet, body covered with large
stones; back of the head were placed five large white glass beads, a
cache of flint flakes, a bundle of grass wound with rushes (?), some
petrified wood, and a quantity of red paint.
Grave 4.—Adult female (USNM 325336); back of the head were a
number of small white glass beads, a bone arrow straightener with
two holes, and a quantity of red paint.
Grave 5.—Adult female (USNM 325337); lower leg bones missing;
back of the head, a few small white glass beads and a bone spatulate
tool.
Grave 6.—Adult female (USNM 325338); body extended, head to
east; by right hip were a flint knife, a piece of pumice, a piece of
petrified wood, and a polishing pebble.
SITE 4 AND CEMETERY 4
Site 4, also known in the scanty literature as the Leavenworth, or
Lewis and Clark, Site, is about 6 miles upriver from Sites 2 and 3 on
the north (right) bank of the Missouri. Unlike the preceding three,
all of which are on high uplands, this site is on a terrace perhaps 25
or 30 feet above the alluvial bottoms. It consists (Strong, 1940, p.
366) of two groups of closely spaced house sites, each group number-
Axtunor. Par. ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 97
ing in the neighborhood of 60 or 70 lodge rings. The two groups,
about 150 yards apart, are separated by Elk Creek, an inconsequential
streamlet that shortly loses itself in the brushy bottoms immediately
south of the site. Of the palisade that surrounded the village during
its occupancy, no traces now remain.
The burial grounds worked by Stirling, as previously by W. H.
Over in 1915 and 1917 (letter from Strong, April 3, 1951) and later
by Strong in 1932, are situated on the bluffs about 300 yards north
of the east part of the village site and immediately east of the Elk
Creek valley. According to Stirling’s field notes, it “lay along the
crest of the bluff just back of the village. The methods of burial
are similar to those found in Cemeteries 2 and 3. Articles found
with the burials are much more abundant than in the others, and
objects of European manufacture are relatively much more frequent.
‘The soil in which the graves are dug is hard and gravelly, which
makes digging rather dificult. However, the graves on the average
are as deep as in Cemetery No. 2, where digging is quite easy in the
sandy soil. Some graves were in a kind of muck which has aided in
the preservation of a number of objects of wood and other perishable
material.”’
Twenty-two graves were opened in Cemetery 4. Two contained
the remains of 3 individuals each; 7, those of 2 individuals each; and
13, those of single burials. Among the 33 individuals represented,
there were 8 infants, 2 children, 7 adolescents, 9 adult males, and 7
adult females. I offer no suggestion in explanation for the relatively
large number of individuals other than adults—a proportion con-
siderably higher than was found at the other three, probably earlier,
cemeteries.
Even more striking than the disproportion in age groupings of the
deceased here, is the much greater profusion and variety in mortuary
accompaniments as compared to the other three cemeteries. Accord-
ing to the field notes, only one grave (No. 20) was without any arti-
facts. The others yielded, occasionally in some quantity, a variety
of objects of chipped and ground stone, bone, horn, shell, leather,
woven fabrics, wood, copper, iron, brass, white metal, glass, and
porcupine-quill work. Of especial interest are a number of beads
and pendants exemplifying native glass-working—specimens not
duplicated in the materials from any of the other three cemeteries.
A single pottery vessel is recorded from Grave 13, but this, regret-
tably, cannot be isolated in the collections as now cataloged. Also
of much interest are the textile and leather garment fragments,
which in a number of details compare nicely with the records left by
Catlin, Bodmer, Maximilian, and others concerning early nineteenth
century costume.
98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 157
Grave 1.—Adult female (USNM 3825339); depth 2% feet. Back of
the head and by the right hand were placed quantities of red, purple,
green, and black paint. Also back of the head were the following: a
rectangular glass mirror with wooden frame 2 inches by 4 inches
(USNM 325467); a circular leather ornament 2 inches in diameter,
perforated in the center and notched about the periphery like a
circular saw (USNM 325474); a fossil belemnite; several [5] large
blue glass beads and a great quantity of small blue and white glass
beads; a silver finger ring; three flint arrowheads embedded in a mass
of red paint; two small cone-shaped stones, one of gypsum, one of
chalcedony, together with a curious pear-shaped piece of solid glazed
porcelain (USNM 325534) of the same size; five Olivella shell beads;
one long cylindrical shell bead 2 inches in length; the rounded bottom
of a small cylindrical glass bottle of plain bluish-white glass (USNM
325468) ; two iron spikes with the imprint of textile wrapping on them;
an iron scraper; a quantity of sunflower and wild-cherry seeds; a
polishing stone; a cigar-shaped piece of wood 8 inches in length;
two prairie dog skulls; a gun flint; 16 copper and 7 iron conical tubular
beads; a quantity of funguslike material, probably tinder; a disk-
shaped wooden object 2 inches in diameter, perforated in the center;
a large knife of zine (?) [white metal] which had been folded upon
itself (USNM 325486); two large copper armbands 2 inches wide, of
sheet copper; two pairs of copper bracelets; and a flat piece of wood 3
inches long by one-half inch wide, wrapped with porcupine quills.
Grave 2.—Adult male (USNM 325340); depth 2% feet. Skull
missing; where the skull should have been were: a quantity of red,
white, and black paint and of pulverized micaceous schist; several
shell beads; small blue glass beads; a piece of petrified wood; an iron
spike (?); and a quantity of squash seeds. In the left hand was a
bone whistle 8 inches in length (USNM 325507 ?).
Grave 8.—Adult male (USNM 325341); back of the head were a
single perforated Cypraea shell, several shell and glass beads, a turtle
shell, and a “small natural formation of chalcedony which simulated
closely the shape and structure of a turtle shell’; by the left side
‘was what had probably been a buffalo-skin bag with the fur on the
inside and which contained a silver [white metal] double cross of the
Jesuit order.”
Grave 4.—Young child; a few glass beads and some red paint.
Grave 5.—“Contained two burials, an infant and an adolescent
(USNM 325410), the former lying above that of thelatter. The infant
had been wearing a headdress which was sufficiently well preserved,by
copper salts to reconstruct.
“Tt was evidently a leather hood with a band across the forehead
ornamented with a row of brass buttons flanked on either side by a
Neaa) «= ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, 8. DAK.—WEDEL 99
band of red, blue, and yellow quillwork, and beadwork of blue and
white glass beads.
“Back of the head were placed an iron knife with wooden handle,
an iron scraper, a piece of brass, a horseshoe, a copper bead, a ball
of catlinite, a piece of petrified wood, and a copper bracelet.
“Back of the head of the adolescent were placed a mass of yellow
paint and a shell bead. On the breast was a perforated elk tooth.
By the side was the remains of a pouch ornamented with braided hair
and containing a copper bell, an Oliella shell bead, and two flint
arrowheads.
“The body had been wrapped in a buffalo-skin robe.”
Grave 6.—Skeletons of two adult females (USNM 325342) overly-
ing that of an adolescent, which had been wrapped in a buffalo robe.
Adolescent accompanied by three large copper sleigh bells and four
smaller bells; a bone whistle; 13 good-sized blue glass beads of native
manufacture, 17 disks of blue or blue and white glass, and four tri-
angular glass pendants—all of native manufacture; “the flat glass
disks and pendants were ornaments upon a woven buffalo-hair bag
[which] was decorated with braids of human and buffalo hair weav-
ing’’; there were also a great quantity of blue glass trade beads.
By the head of the second adult were: a piece of silver [white
metal] wire about 4 inches in length; an oval copper breast ornament
about 3 by 1% inches; a perforated human tooth (USNM 325532);
a quantity of blue glass beads; and one clear-cut glass bead about an
inch in length.
Grave 7.—Adolescent (USNM 325343); under the head were a
large round blue glass bead and a disk-shaped bead of catlinite
(USNM 325536); ‘“‘about the neck was a necklace of large oval glass
beads of native manufacture, each about an inch in length; seven
were of blue glass, six of white’ (USNM 325459, see also p. 151).
Grave 8.—Adolescent (USNM 325344); head to east, feet to west;
red paint at the head and feet. Back of the head were: the bones of
a small animal; two porcelain disks of white glazed chinaware; an
iron knife; a bear’s claw; a quantity of micaceous shale; a broken glass
mirror; and a quantity of small blue glass beads. Across the abdomen
lay a complete buffalo rib. By the left side lay a cigar-shaped
wooden object about 10 inches long, and a ‘‘wooden club of Salish
type,’”’ 30 inches in length (USNM 325592).
Grave 9.—Adolescent male (USNM 325346); depth 3% feet; above,
was secondary burial of adult male (USNM 325345), from which the
lower mandible and about half the bones were missing. With the
lower burial were a steel strike-a-light (USNM 325521), a flint
scraper, a white stone bead, and a piece of petrified wood.
Grave 10.—Adult male (USNM 325419), immediately above which
100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 157
was an infant skeleton. Back of the head of the adult were: a large
Unio; a steel razor (USNM 325479) ; two flint scrapers; two gunflints;
a lump of white paint; a glass bottle with inscription (USNM
325462); an iron spike; an iron arrowhead; two copper beads; a ball
of blue slate; a broken flint knife; and a braided hair headdress.
Grave 11.—Infant, with head resting ‘‘on a pouch of blue flannel
decorated with green and white porcupine quills and brass buttons.
On the head had been a hood with many small glass beads. By the
side was a bundle of small sticks, probably gaming sticks.”
Grave 12.—Adult female (USNM 325347), with infant by head.
“The head of the adult was directed west, the feet east’’; by the head
were: red, green, and white paint; a lump of potter’s clay; two large
Unio shells, one filled with red paint; two iron scrapers; 10 Olivella shell
beads; a bear’s claw; two wooden cigar-shaped objects; a flint chip;
three copper bells; a quantity of sunflower seeds. In the left hand
was a natural sandstone concretion shaped like an ear of corn (USNM
325584).
Grave 13.—Adult male (USNM 325348), head west, feet east.
Accompanying artifacts included: an inverted pottery bowl; an
inverted wooden bowl; a wooden spoon; white paint, and a very large
quantity of red paint; micaceous schist; five blue glass beads of native
manufacture; a large quantity of small blue and white beads; two
paint brushes (USNM 325509) made of bison bone; a decorated antler
flaking tool; a piece of silver [white metal ?] wire; a disk-shaped polish-
ing stone; an iron blade and another unknown object of iron, oval in
shape; two Unio shells; a turtle shell; perforated bear’s claw; six unper-
forated claws; a large perforated bear’s tooth; two cigar-shaped wooden
objects; a rectangular piece of wood about 6 inches by one inch,
perforated at each end; a crane’s skull; two armlets each made of
four coils of very heavy copper wire (USNM 325496); a number of
copper and iron beads; a ball of catlinite; two smaller stone balls;
two double-barred silver [white metal] crosses; a crescent-shaped
breast ornament of silver [white metal]; and a quantity of squash
seeds. ‘The copper armlets and the silver crosses were in a fur
pouch by the side, the silver breast ornament was on the breast.
The remainder of the articles were placed back of the head.”’
Grave 14.—Adolescent (USNM 325401). Back of the head were:
three copper strips which may have been used as knife blades; an
iron blade hafted in a bone handle (USNM 325511); and a quantity
of red and yellow paint in a leather pouch.
Grave 15.—Adolescent male (USNM 325403). About the neck was
a necklace of bear [eagle] claws (USNM 325552); by the head were:
five large and three small copper beads; two silver [white metal]
buttons; one large brass button; a silver [white metal] nose ornament;
No ds]. «= ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 101
two iron beads; two triangular blue glass pendants of native manu-
facture; a quantity of white oval beads; a quantity of blue glass beads;
two long cylindrical shell beads [hair pipes?]; a paint pouch which
had been fastened with a silver button and contained red paint, a
piece of petrified wood, a flint arrowhead, and a flint knife.
Grave 16.—Adult male (USNM 325350), depth 4 feet. By the feet
was a quantity of red paint. By the head were: red and white paint,
a catlinite pipe, a flint knife, a flint arrowhead, a number of large
glass beads, a piece of pumice, a potsherd, an iron blade, a stone
polishing tool, a gunflint, a bone arrow-straightener with two holes,
an antler flaking tool, an Olwvella shell bead, a bear’s claw, a copper
knife, a fragment of male human parietal, a catlinite ball, two horse
teeth, an eagle skull, a quantity of tobacco, a sandstone shaft smoother,
four gaming bones for cup and ball game (USNM 325557); by the
side were two arrows with iron points and a wooden spoon; in the dirt
over the body were a broken bone hoe and the complete scapula of
an elk.
Grave 17.—Adult female (USNM 325351). By the head were: a
flat polished disk-shaped stone, an antler awl, a bone whistle, a quan-
tity of red paint, and four bone paint brushes (USNM 325509).
Grave 18.—Adolescent (USNM 325407), wrapped in a fur robe and
“wearing a leather shirt profusely ornamented with copper bangles
and long copper tubes. As a result of this, most of the shirt was pre-
served... .” By the head were: “‘three large glass beads of native
manufacture, two black and one white’’; a mass of small blue glass
beads and a number of larger glass trade beads; a flat piece of worked
bone with a circular hole in it (USNM 325505); an iron awl with an
antler handle (USNM 325514?); a large quantity of red and white
paint; a bracelet made of four beads, ‘‘each made from a closely wound
coil of copper wire’ (USNM 325498); a disk-shaped piece of polished
red stone; a white stone ball; a potsherd; a “‘rectangular piece of wood
10 inches long by 1 inch in width, concave on one surface and orna-
mented with closely drawn cross-hatched lines’”’ (see USNM 325574).
Just above the chest was the body of an infant.
Grave 19.—Adult female (USNM 325352). By the head were: a
pair of moccasins ornamented with quillwork and stuffed with grass;
two heavy copper bracelets; a blue glass disk of native manufacture,
somewhat resembling turquoise; and ‘‘a curious bone spatulate tool,
forked at one end and notched along the edges’ (USNM 325510).
Just above lay the body of an infant.
Grave 20.—Adolescent (USNM 325405), above which lay two infants
side by side. No artifacts.
Grave 21.—Adult male (USNM 325353), with child above; by the
head of former were two silver earrings (USNM 325487) and traces
2651915413
102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
of red paint; by the left side was a rectangular piece of mica about 2
inches wide by 3 inches long, and a round white pebble; by the head
of the child were a few small blue glass beads.
Grave 22.—Adult female (USNM 325354). In a fur pouch back
of the head were two bracelets of wound copper wire and “six large
glass beads of native manufacture, four white and two black”; a very
large quantity of small blue glass beads were all about the body from
head to foot; by the side a “‘wing-shaped brass hinge mounted on a
stick and ornamented with feathers and tufts of hair;” by the feet a
quantity of red paint.
Several additional graves were opened at Cemetery 4 in August,
1932, by Dr. W. D. Strong (letter to Wedel, April 3, 1951). The notes
Strong has kindly sent me show that three graves were investigated
at this time. Burial 1 had been smashed by the building of a road,
and there are no other details concerning its nature. Burial 2 was
that of an adult, apparently semiflexed and lying on the back, with
head to the east. The bones lay at a depth of 2 feet, apparently on
top of two parallel horizontal poles or logs. Between the ribs were the
remains of an infant, with which was a bird beak. The right arm of
the adult was partially preserved by copper bracelets. Artifacts in
the grave included: 12 iron dangles, four coiled copper bracelets, one
small copper coil, one coiled lead ring, one copper dangler, a long
tubular copper bead, ‘3 long tubular (imitation [glass ?]) shell beads”
[=hair pipes], copper cloth braid, one copper button, five large blue
glass beads and numerous small ones, and two split feathers wrapped
with sinew. Burial 3, 2 feet deep, was that of an infant in poor condi-
tion, accompanied by some small blue glass beads. All the artifacts
here reported parallel closely Stirling’s earlier collections.
THE ARTIFACTS
POTTERY
The Stirling collection from the Mobridge area includes a rela-
tively limited sample of the ceramic remains from the sites investi-
gated. There are three whole pottery vessels, all of small size; two
larger vessels reconstructed in the Museum laboratory from potsherds
whose exact provenience is uncertain; and about 250 potsherds.
Unfortunately, the exact origin of all these specimens as to site, and
as to specific features within identified sites, is not clear. Two of
the small vessels are without doubt from Cemetery 2, Grave 3; and
the third is probably the “inverted pottery bowl’ recorded in the
field notes as from Cemetery 4, Grave 13. All bear the permanent
Museum No. 325446. The two reconstructed specimens are attrib-
uted only to the ‘vicinity of Mobridge, South Dakota.” The pot-
Antupor. Par. ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 103
sherds are in six lots from as many sites, all of them apparently vil-
lage locations; and four of the lots are, inferentially, from village
sites regarded by the collector as associated with one or another of
the four nearby cemeteries at which most of the excavating was
done. The sherds found, according to the field notes, in several
graves in Cemeteries 1, 2, and 4 cannot now be isolated, if, indeed,
they were incorporated in the collections that finally reached the
Museum.
Sherd collections——For whatever light they may throw on the
problem of interpreting the more extensive burial site collections
hereinafter described, I include here a brief statement of the salient
characteristics of the village site ceramic materials at hand. De-
scriptive data only are offered; I make no attempt to set up sherd
types or wares, for which much larger samples would be desirable
and are undoubtedly available in other institutions. It is worth
noting at this point, I think, that the chronological leads afforded by
the burial site materials generally seem to be reflected, or at least are
hinted at, also in the village site sherd samples here discussed.
The potsherds are rather variable in color, ranging from buff and
tan through brown to various shades of gray. Tempering material
in all cases appears to be crushed granite, so that various amounts of
feldspar, quartz, and mica are nearly always visible. The heavier,
coarser sherds are often thickly tempered with particles that may be
as much as 3 to 5 mm. in maximum dimension; in the thinner pieces,
the inclusions are 1 mm. or less in size. Freshly broken edges have
a granular appearance, varying somewhat with the quantity and
coarseness of the aplastic. Hardness of exterior surfaces ranges in
the neighborhood of 3 or 4.
Common to all four sites with which we are here primarily con-
cerned ® are thick, rough sherds that suggest large utility jars.
Vessel shapes are indeterminable. Medium to high necks with slightly
§ Included here are the following lots of material, with Museum numbers and the site designations as
shown on the permanent catalog record: 325448, 15 sherds from ‘‘Near mouth of Grand R., —Site No. 2”;
325449, 90 sherds from “Village Site No. 1”; 325450, 11 sherds from ‘‘ Mouth of Elk Creek”; 325452, 19 sherds
from “Village Site No. 4.” Not included are: 325447, 95 sherds from ‘“‘ Bamburgh Place—Site No. 7”; and
325451, 18 sherds from “ Village Site No. 5.”
I am somewhat puzzled by the presence of the two small lots listed as from “Mouth of Elk Creek” and
“Village Site No.4.” Village Site No. 4 is undoubtedly the so-called Leavenworth Site (89C 09), which is
located at the mouth of Elk Creek (see map, fig. 10). From this, it would seem that the two lots perhaps
originated from one and the same site; but if this is so, I am unable to explain why there should have been
any segregation of the two samples. Regrettably, there are no sherds credited to Site No. 3, which raises
the question whether one of the two lots just mentioned (for example, that said to be from Site No. 4) is
actually from Site No. 3.
Since preparation of the pottery notes presented herein, and transmittal of the manuscript for publication
in May 1951, all of Stirling’s Mobridge sherd samples have been turned over on loan to the Department of
Anthropology, Columbia University. There Paul Tolstoy has analyzed them and correlated them with
pottery types established by himself and Jack T. Hughes on the basis of Columbia’s much larger pottery
collections from the Mobridge locality. ‘The Tolstoy-Hughes classification, scheduled for distribution in
1951 but unwittingly delayed by myself, will presumably be made public at some future time.
104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 157
everted rims seem to be characteristic; the lip is thickened slightly or
not at all, and commonly is scalloped by pressure between thumb and
finger. The exterior surface of the neck is usually coarsely striated or
erass-wiped, the striations being vertical or nearly so; and a number of
sherds show similar marks running horizontally around the inside of
the neck.
Among the grass-wiped rimsherds from Site 1, the lip is usually
left undecorated except for the scalloping. Often, however, it is
flanged in such a manner as to leave a sort of narrow gutter on the
upper or upper outer surface. One or two have a slightly thickened
lip whose exterior surface bears broad shallow oblique incisions (or
nearly obliterated cord impressions?). The single specimen from
Site 2 has a scalloped lip. At Site 4 and the “Mouth of Elk Creek,”
what seems to be the same or a very similar ware has a slightly thick-
ened, often beveled, lip bearing short diagonal cord impressions.
About half the sherds we have from Site 4 are of this heavy ware;
and the entire series from the site closely parallels the sherds figured
by Strong (1940, pl. 7) from the Leavenworth Site.
Of much better quality are sherds with incised decoration or fine
cord impressions or both, applied to the neck, rim, and/or upperbody.
These occur only in the series from Sites 1 and 2. With few ex-
ceptions, these techniques are found only on a much thinner, better-
made ware than that carrying the grass wiping; most of the sherds
are from 3.5 to 5 mm. thick and have been smoothed. Commonly,
the neck bears 5 to 10 parallel horizontal lines of single cord impres-
sions or incising, the latter sometimes with short diagonal punctations
along the upper edge just below the rim. The body decoration con-
sists of various combinations of parallel incised lines, usually placed
in blocks in which the lines slant in different directions from one block
to the next. Among the few rimsherds present, there are some
S-shaped examples; but simple out-curved forms with rounded plain or
diagonally incised lip seem somewhat more common.
In most particulars, the fine-cord impressed sherds closely resemble
the incised specimens; and there is ample evidence that cord impress-
ing and fine-line incising were often used on the same vessels (see, for
example, pl. 55, a; 56, a, 6). So far as our sample shows, cord impress-
ing was used only on neck and rim, whereas incising may be found
on neck, rim, and upperbody. Several cord-impressed rims and neck
sherds unquestionably had incised body decoration as well. There
are a few S-shaped rims among the cord-impressed sherds; and at
both sites (No. 1 and No. 2) these include some which have both
horizontal impressions and the “rainbow” motif. Rather more
common is the narrow everted or beveled lip, apparently above a
cord-impressed neck, and decorated with corded lines or occasionally
Rois] )~6— ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 105
diagonal cord impressions. Loop handles are more common in the
corded series than among the incised sherds; they are characteristi-
cally widest at the top, where they merge into the outer edge of the
lip, and bear horizontal cord-impressed lines. Neither the fine cord
nor the fine line incising techniques appear on any of the sherds
from Site 4 or from the ‘‘Mouth of Elk Creek.”
There are only a few body sherds in the present collection. They
include simple stamped pieces from Sites 1 and 4; I suspect their
absence from Site 2 may be an accident of collecting. There are also
a few reddish sherds from both sites. Here it becomes particularly
clear, I think, that our samples are heavily weighted in favor of
decorated sherds, and cannot be regarded as truly representative of
the ceramic remains that occur on the sites involved.
On the basis of surface treatment, the sherds at hand from certain
specified sites in the Mobridge area may be grouped as shown in
table 1.
TaBLE 1.—Summary of data on sherd treatment at certain sites near
Mobridge, S. Dak.
Mouth P P . Bam-
Site Site Site Site
Sherd treatment of Elk burgh T
Grosk No. 4 No. 2 No. 1 Place No. 5
Grass-wined) jis: 2228 Sp ues ets 2 2222 5 9 1 22 18 [si he-Fo es
Mine-HNe\INCISOd aoe 5. oa eee ea eas Pekin eel sack ec odes 5 21 37
Rine-cord impressed? 4 2os 24 4. 2373 ese ees Ses es 1 7 21 12 5
ine-cord/and. imcisedee esse see eee esas (ue ee eee elt aateceeee 1 2 Ci eee
Cotd=wrapped Stick Sees 20ai yrs Ayes. ea Te Fee Ove 2 eee ea Ae Ue (esa eS
DIM ple Stam pedes se ssasee eee eae ee olan area oe Cl eee ees 11 WaAlseee eee es
Metiry Pee eee p eS | VARA EY by asa A bev sy eet ese a4) ee See Volesosset Zee
Other sto staat ee os 9 ee Bea (1 eee es 1 5 4 9
TO Gale ass os 5 FS eee ot ee 11 19 15 87 90 18
Despite the inadequacy of our samples, certain points of interest
emerge. For one thing, the sherds from Site 4 and “Mouth of Elk
Creek” are, on the whole, representative of a much simpler pottery
tradition than is manifested by the specimens from Sites 1 and 2.
They show much less variation in regard to decorative treatment,
less technological ability, and impress me as without much question
the products of a decadent ceramic art. These materials, moreover,
come from a site that can be pretty closely dated as an Arikara
occupancy of circa 1803-32. Sites 1 and 2, on the other hand, show
a free and competent use of several decorative techniques and a
variety of design motifs. Significantly, too, they are earlier in time
than the preceding, since neither can be identified with a village
visited by white traders even though our evidence indicates that
both were inhabited up to a time when trade goods were reaching
the vicinity. The materials from both differ appreciably from what
106 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
is usually thought of as historic Arikara. Strong (1940, p. 380) has
already noted some relationship between our Site 1 and the impor-
tant stratified Rygh site (39CA4; see map, fig. 10) a few miles up-
stream; and it would appear that Site 2, ceramically at least, is closer
to Site 1 than it is to Site 4 or to “Mouth of Elk Creek.”
Pottery vessels, whole and restored—Vessel A (USNM 325444) is
a small roughly fashioned oblong bowl, possibly warped or otherwise
compressed laterally before firing (pl. 55, c). It has a rounded base,
hemispheric body, slight shoulder, constricted neck, and an everted
rim with plain rounded lip. The unsmoothed exterior shows surface
cracks, scratches, and other imperfections; and the interior is like-
wise rough and uneven. Surface color varies from buff to almost
black. On the neck there are nearly obliterated traces of some sort
of surface roughening or ridging, as with a cord-wrapped (?) or scored
simple stamping tool. The piece has a maximum length of 11.5 cm.,
lip to lip, or of 10 cm. across the body; a width of 8.5 cm.; and a
height of 7.5 cm. It is rather sparingly sand-tempered.
Vessel B (USNM 325444) is a small deep bowl with round base,
vertical sides, very slightly everted rim, and thickened lip (pl. 55, 6).
It shows little evidence of care in finishing, and the surfaces are rough
and pitted. Color varies from light buff to dark brown. The body
bears simple stamping, with the ridges and hollows running hor-
zontally. On the rim there are short diagonal incisions or single cord
impressions on interior and exterior surfaces, but these two series do
not quite touch at the lip. The lip is drawn out slightly to form two
oppositely placed tabs. Maximum body diameter is 9 cm.; maximum
height is 7 cm. Tempering appears to be sand.
Vessel C (USNM 325444) is a small jar with hemispheric body,
rounded shoulder, constricted neck, and a thickened slightly everted
rim (pl. 55, a). As in the other two small pieces, the surface color is
blotchy and uneven, varying from light buff to nearly black. The
paste is gray, with sand tempering. Decoration is by single-cord
impressions and incising. Three parallel lines of single-cord impres-
sions encircle the neck. Immediately above is a band of short
diagonal, closely spaced, single-cord impressions; below, in oppositely
slanted blocks, is closely spaced incising. The thickened and rounded
lip has three lines of cord impressions, flanked on the inner upper rim
surface by short diagonals similarly produced. Two oppositely
placed strap handles connect lip and neck, joining the latter at the
horizontally corded zone. The handles narrow toward their lower
attachment, and are decorated with horizontal single-cord impres-
sions. Maximum body diameter is 10.8 cm.; the orifice exterior, lip
to lip, is 7.9 cm.; and height is 8.8 cm.
AoTiny FAP) ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 107
Vessel D (USNM 325445) has been reconstructed (pl. 56, a) from
a sherd including a rim section and handle to the shoulder, but none
of the base. The body is globular and slightly flattened; the neck is
constricted, the rim slightly outcurved, and the lip unthickened.
On the shoulder and lower neck there is an encircling band of incised
decoration about 5 cm. wide. This consists of quadrilateral kite-
shaped areas set end to end and filled with nested vertical chevrons.
The angles between adjacent units are filled with blocks of incised
lines slanting downward to the right in the upper angles, and down-
ward to the left in the lower angles. The lip has single-cord impres-
sions which continue as short horizontal lines down the tapering strap
handles, of which there are two in the restoration. The paste is dark
brown, with grit tempering. As reconstructed, the vessel has a body
diameter of 16.5 cm., orifice diameter (exterior) of 12.8 cm., and a
height of 13 cm.
Vessel E (USNM 325446) is reconstructed (pl. 56, 0) from a sherd
much like that on which the preceding piece is based. It has a
hemispheric underbody, rounded shoulder, flattened upperbody,
constricted neck, everted rim, thickened lip, and two oppositely
placed strap handles. On the inner lip is a row of shallow circular
pits averaging 2 to 3 per cm.; the outer lip has two or three single-cord
impressions encircling the vessel, and these are paralleled by short
horizontal lines down the handle. The neck is encircled by two
horizontal lines of single-cord impressions, which are interrupted by
the base of the handles. Just below, on the flattish upperbody, are
short radial incisions which continue down over the shoulder and
finally fade out. On the shoulder is a row of pits or rounded puncta-
tions somewhat larger than those on the lip and averaging about the
same in spacing. The sherd has a gray paste, with grit tempering.
The vessel measures 16.9 cm. in maximum diameter, 13.2 cm. from
rim exterior to rim exterior, and 11.5 cm. in height.
As already indicated, there is uncertainty regarding the exact
provenience of the whole and reconstructed vessels just described.
For some of the specimens, however, tentative suggestions can be
ventured. Thus, Vessel C is perhaps one of the two reported from
Grave 3, Cemetery 2; it carries decoration in cord impressing and
incising, techniques which are represented in our village site sherd
samples only from Sites 1 and 2. The other specimen from this
grave is either Vessel A or Vessel B; but so far as I can see, there is
now no way of determining which of these is from Cemetery 2 and which
came from Grave 13, Cemetery 4.
The two reconstructed vessels are probably, though not certainly,
based on sherds from the village site series. Since both bear cord
108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 157
impressions and incising in a style not represented in our Site 4 ma-
terials, I suspect that these vessels, too, should be attributed to
Site 1 or Site 2.
OBJECTS OF CHIPPED STONE
Arrowpoints—There are two lots of arrowpoints in the Mobridge
collection. The larger (USNM 325562) includes about 75 whole and
fragmentary specimens found, according to the catalog, ‘‘On surface,
various village sites.’”’ Seven other points (USNM 325560) are
“From graves’’; the field records mention eight specimens from this
latter source.
The village site specimens (pl. 57, a) are uniformly small and well
made, with a basically triangular outline. About half are provided
with a single pair of lateral notches, placed usually just above the base;
the rest are unnotched. With few exceptions, the retouching is
bifacial, producing a point that has a thin biconvex cross section.
Complete points range in length from 17 to 28 mm.; in width, from 14
to 22 mm.; and in thickness from 1.5to3mm. The materials of which
they are made include chalcedony, chert, agate, and fine-grained
quartzite.
The seven specimens recorded as “From graves” are larger (pl. 57,
b) and less skillfully fashioned than the preceding. Two are thick °
and subtriangular, without notches; the rest, including some damaged
pieces, seem to be mainly corner- or side-notched. With one ex-
ception, all exceed in size the largest village site points. They are
made of drab stone, such as chert and quartzite, which contributes
further to the unfavorable contrast they make with the village site
specimens.
Scrapers.—The commonest form of scraper here, as at most other
excavated Plains sites, is the “thumb-nail’’ or ‘‘duckbill”’ end scraper.
It is more or less triangular or oblong in outline and planoconvex in
profile; retouching is usually confined to the convex or keeled side.
There is a good deal of variation in details, but in view of the lack of
precise provenience data I doubt that a detailed form analysis would
be very rewarding. There are about 160 of these scrapers in the pres-
ent collection, varying in length from 1.5 to 4 cm.; width usually
approximates 60 percent of the length. The materials used parallel
rather closely those exhibited in the projectile point series—chalced-
ony, chert, jasper, agate, ete.
There are a few larger oblong, squarish, and other specimens that
resist easy classification. Some are planoconvex, with one steeply
chipped end that is reminiscent of the foregoing end scrapers. All
have retouched edges and could have been used as scrapers, knives, or
for similar purposes.
Asti, t{Y: ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 109
The field records indicate that scrapers accompanied two burials in
Cemetery 2 and two in Cemetery 4; but there is no way of identifying
the specimens so found.
Knives and blades —Abundantly represented is a cutting implement
fashioned from plates of whitish waxlike chalcedony. There are 31
worked fragments (USNM 325564) of this material (pl. 57, e). They
vary in size; none exceeds 8 cm. in length, 4 cm. in width, and 8 mm.
in thickness. The latter dimension depends in each case upon the
thickness of the plate from which a given artifact was fashioned, since
this material occurs naturally in the Badlands in thin seams sand-
wiched between layers of calcareous material. One edge of each
fragment shows thinning and retouching; occasionally, the opposite
edge is blunted or worn smooth to protect the user’s hand.
Artifacts of this general type have a wide distribution throughout
the western plains. Closely similar specimens made of the same
material have been found at preceramic sites near the Black Hills,
and their antiquity would seem to be measurable in terms of millennia.
Hughes (1949, p. 270) has suggested the term ‘“‘Badlands knife” for
this type.
Another large lot of chipped specimens (USNM 325561) includes
several complete blades and numerous fragments. Forms indicated
(pl. 57, c, d, f-2) vary from a thin narrow prismatic flake, 50 mm.
long, with both edges retouched, to lanceolate and other large speci-
mens with retouched and occasionally beveled edges. These range in
length up to 9 cm. and in width up to 3.5 cm. There are several
examples of a narrow chalcedony blade with allover chipping. These
range up to 7.5 cm. in length, with an average width of 1.4 to 2 cm.,
and a thickness between 5 and 6 mm.; they are biconvex in cross
section, with thin rounded ends, and are quite distinct from the Bad-
lands knife in all particulars except the material of which they were
fashioned.
Large chipped forms.—There are four of these objects (USNM
325567). They are oblong to subtriangular in outline, coarsely
chipped, with a thick heavy cross section. The edges show little
evidence of use, and have been retouched only slightly, if at all. In
size, they range from 6.7 by 3.6 cm. up to 9 by 6.5 cm. Presumably
they represent blanks, or they may have been little-used choppers or
hide scrapers.
OBJECTS OF GROUND STONE
Mauls and hammers.—Here I have included a small series of ground
and pecked implements made of hard fine-grained stone, such as
quartzite, sandstone, and diorite. Most of them are not very well
shaped or finished, and they were presumably intended for utilitarian
110 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
uses primarily. The field notes do not indicate that any such pieces
were found in the burial grounds, and I suppose that all those here
noted can therefore be presumed to have come from village site
investigations.
There are only three specimens that can be considered complete
and unbroken. One is more or less barrel-shaped, with circular cross
section and somewhat battered ends. Although symmetrically
shaped, it has no groove. It measures 6 by 4.8 cm. It is small
enough to have been used as a hammerstone, without haft, and there-
fore should perhaps not be classed as a hammer. Another specimen,
of crumbly granite, is beehive-shaped and measures 8 cm. across the
flat pounding surface by 6 cm. in height. It suggests the asym-
metrical club heads that were frequently set in a leather binding or
pocketlike sheath at the end of a handle; there is no groove. A third
specimen, illustrated in plate 59, e, consists of an elongate quartzite
pebble, irregularly circular in cross section, with rounded ends that
show very little abrasion. A shallow pecked groove encircles the
middle. The specimen measures 11 by 5.5 cm.; hafted at the groove,
it would have made an excellent weapon of the historic “‘war-club”’
type. The head resembles rather closely a number of club heads in
the ethnological collections of the National Museum.
Two other larger pieces, cataloged as axes (USNM 325568), are of
diorite and sandstone, and are partly or wholly grooved. In their
present form and condition they do suggest axes or cutting tools;
but they look to me very much like typical large mauls that have
been split—in one case, lengthwise, in the other diagonally through
one poll, and then were discarded. They measure up to 17 cm.
long, and from 10 to 12 cm. in maximum diameter, which would put
them easily within the range of sizes reached by such implements
elsewhere in the Plains area.
Pestle (?).—This is an elongate quartzite pebble, of rather ir-
regular form, with battered ends. It measures 13.5 by 5.5 cm.
Cataloged as a “muller,” it shows no evidence of the wear one would
expect to find on a muller; and the battered ends suggest its use as a
pestle or hammerstone.
Polishing stone-—This is a whitish quartzite pebble, circular in
outline and showing an asymmetrically biconvex cross section. The
less convex face is worn very smooth, and is much lighter in color than
the other face. Its size, 85-90 mm. in diameter and 40 mm. in
thickness, is such that it could have been conveniently grasped in the
hand and used as a rubbing or polishing tool.
Grooved ax.—This is a crudely shaped asymmetrical object made of
gray fine-grained stone, apparently a basalt. One side is deeply
notched, and a shallow groove extends across one face to the opposite
A Op. PaP.
No 45], ~=—s ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 111
edge, which has a very shallow notch. The ends are spalled and
broken. ‘There is no sign of smoothing, the piece evidently having
been fashioned from a spall of convenient size. It measures 13.5 by
9 by 2.5 cm.; one face is more or less flat, except for considerable
spalling on the edges.
Abrading stones.—These include two small sandstone specimens,
one of them fragmentary, that suggest the paired shaft-smoothers
used by historic Plains tribes; and a group of five larger irregularly
shaped abraders evidently used on larger surfaces. Of the first two
specimens, the complete one is 8 by 3.3 by 1.3 cm., roughly rectangular
in form, and has a groove on each of two sides. These grooves,
however, are variable in size and depth, and could not have been
produced by the usual method of using the paired smoothers. What
is suggested here is perhaps an awl sharpener or an implement for
dressing down the ends of sticks or other objects.
The larger pieces have smoothing facets of irregular size and shape,
as if they had been used on large surfaces of soft materials, for example,
hides or perhaps wooden vessels, etc.
““Whetstones”.—Here are included two well-made ground-stone
objects (USNM 325588) whose real use remains unknown. Both are
made from fine-grained quartzite or sandstone, have a nearly rec-
tangular cross section, and taper slightly toward each end. In the
longer piece, the taper is in one plane only, so that the extremities are
bluntly chisellike; in the other, it is in two planes so that the ends are
rounded as well as flattened. In every case, the ends show signs of
wear, as though they had served as pecking stones or light hammers.
The longer measures 15.5 by 2.1 by 2 cm.; the other is 10 by 2.8 by
1.8 cm.
There is an interesting resemblance between these two objects
(pl. 59, c, d) and a mounted specimen (USNM 200543) labeled ‘“‘Med-
icine wand club” from the Shoshoni, now in the U. S. National
Museum collections. Unfortunately, it is impossible to determine
whether these latter specimens are grooved or not without taking
them apart and perhaps damaging the bindings. None of the un-
mounted ethnological club heads resemble the two pieces from the
Mobridge sites.
Archeologically, similar pieces have been reported from the Hill
Site, an early nineteenth-century Republican Pawnee village on the
Republican River in southern Nebraska (Wedel, 1936, p. 79 and pl.
7, a-g). These are all grave finds, occurring singly near the left
hand of adult male burials. There, too, their purpose is unknown.
Catlinite objects —Artifacts of this material occurred in graves in
Cemeteries 2 and 4, and apparently in the village sites as well. They
were not abundant, however, and it would appear that the stone
112 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 157
was employed to a very limited extent only. Some of the pieces
certainly are from the widely celebrated pipestone quarries in south-
western Minnesota, some 250 miles distant in an air line; and it is
quite likely that all were imported from that locality.
The most interesting and best-made pieces, possibly excepting a
pipe, were three decorated objects, purpose unknown, from Cemetery
2. The first (USNM 325526) is approximately circular (pl. 58, c),
its diameter varying between 49 and 52 mm. and its thickness aver-
aging 4mm. From a 3-mm. central biconic perforation, four lines of
five small pricked dots radiate outward to quarter one surface. On
the other face, two incised lines intersect at the perforation, and two
of the triangular areas so delimited are filled with parallel incised
lines which, if they were extended sufficiently, would form chords.
A radial line from center to edge divides one of the remaining undec-
orated areas. The edges are plain, and the surface is generally well
smoothed. It was found in a child burial, Grave 3, Cemetery 2.
From the same burial, there is a flat subrectangular piece (USNM
325527) with rounded corners and slightly concave sides which give
it more or less the appearance of an hourglass in profile (pl. 58, 5).
Lightly incised lines occur on both faces, running more or less parallel
to the short axis of the specimen. Half of one surface carries five
pairs of lines; below the constriction, these continue as 7 or 8 incom-
plete single lines. On the other surface, there are only two or three
haphazard lines or scratches. The piece measures 55 by 27 by 5 mm.
A third specimen (USNM 325528) from an infant burial in Grave 7,
Cemetery 2, somewhat resembles the foregoing in outline (pl. 58, a).
The corners are rounded, and three edges are slightly concave; the
fourth is straight. A deep narrow incised groove runs along each
edge, but these do not continue around the corners, each of which is
pierced with a tiny hole. One surface is plain and well smoothed; the
other is rather elaborately decorated with incising (pl. 58, a). Two
diagonals, each running from corner perforation to corner perforation,
divide the surface into four roughly triangular areas. The triangular
spaces above and below the point of intersection are filled with 14 and
17 closely spaced incised lines, roughly paralleling the short sides of
the piece. The wide shallow triangles on either side of this hourglass
design have each an incised zigzag line that curves to conform to the
concave edge of the object. It measures 55 by 36 by 5 mm.
From the burial of an adolescent in Grave 7, Cemetery 4, came a
small plain flat disk (USNM 325536), approximately 20 by 4 mm. in
size, with a 4-mm. biconic central perforation (pl. 58, d). Perhaps
intended to be a bead, the specimen shows little evidence of use and
still carries some of the marks of the shaping process.
Three catlinite spheroids (pl. 58, e, f), found in as many graves in
fo 4s, .)~— ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 113
Cemetery 4 (Graves 5, 13, and 16), are part of a larger lot of similar
stone objects cataloged together under USNM 325523. All are
slightly compressed and tend to be somewhat imperfect in form.
Their diameters approximate 37-39, 30-33, and 26-27 mm. They
bear no markings or decoration of any kind.
Other than the foregoing, the only worked catlinite in the present
collection are the pipes, which are discussed elsewhere in this section
of the report.
Pipes.—These are not plentiful in the collection. There is one
nearly complete specimen; another includes the angle between stem
and bowl; the rest are fragments that cannot be satisfactorily grouped
as to form. With a single exception, they are apparently of catlinite.
All bear the same catalog number (USNM 325535), and their indi-
vidual provenience is indeterminable.
The most nearly complete pipe is a small L-shaped affair, with a
very slight projection of the stem beyond the front of the bowl (pl.
58, 9g). There are traces of a slight flange bordering the stem hole, as
if that end had never been finished off or else was shortened after
completion of the pipe. At its stem end, the diameter is 1.6 cm.; the
bowl enlarges slightly to a maximum diameter at the lip of about
2 cm. In over-all dimensions, the piece measures 28 mm. long by
35 mm. high. The boring is biconical. I am inclined to believe that
this specimen is the “small, plain, angular bowl of catlinite, about an
inch in length,’ recorded in the field notes as from Grave 16, Ceme-
tery 4, that of an adult male; but there is no sure proof of this identi-
fication.
The second specimen, broken at both stem and bowl extremities,
apparently was similar to the foregoing in size and form. Instead of
the round-pointed projection beyond the bowl base, however, this
has a well-rounded knob on which eyes are indicated by two small
pits below which is an incision representing a mouth. An upward-
curving line on each side sets off this crude, almost insectlike, face.
Seven other catlinite fragments are evidently from bowls or stems
of small pipes, whose size and form, if different from the foregoing,
must remain conjectural. These, like the piece just described, are
presumably from village-site excavations or else are surface-collected.
The single pipe fragment of material other than catlinite is a conical
piece, 55 mm. long, fashioned from gray limestone. At its large end,
it is 25 mm. in diameter, with a bowl cavity of 1l mm. The smaller
end, 17 mm. in diameter, is broken, and gives no evidence of an inter-
secting stem bore. There is no decoration.
Spheroids—In addition to the three catlinite specimens already
described, there are four others, apparently of quartzite or other hard
fine-grained stone (USNM 325523). They are somewhat inferior in
114 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buu. 157
shaping and finish to those of catlinite; but like them, come from
burials. The largest is 48 by 37 mm., whence they range downward in
maximum diameter to 26 mm. (pl. 58, 4, 7).
According to the field notes, stone balls not of catlinite were found
as follows: Two with an adult male in Grave 2, Cemetery 1; two with
a male in Grave 13, Cemetery 4; and one with an adolescent in Grave
18, Cemetery 4. Of these, only the four noted above have come to
light in the collection at hand.
Gypsum beads.—From a male burial, Grave 26, Cemetery 2, came
two massive objects of gypsum (USNM 325548). They are oblong
or subrectangular in outline, compressed laterally in one plane, and
tapered toward each flattened end (pl. 63, 7). The larger, 52 by 17
by 10 mm., is bored from each end; but the two holes do not quite
reach each other at the center. The other, 50 by 15 by 9 mm., is
undrilled. Both are heavy and solid, with partially smoothed
surfaces.
Of uncertain provenience, but quite likely from burials, are three
other specimens. Two are shaped somewhat like the foregoing,
with flattening in one plane, and squared ends (pl. 63, h). The
larger, 33 by 18 by 15 mm., has a 4-mm. bore lengthwise; the other is
broken, but was evidently of similar size and proportions. They are
strongly reminiscent of the massive barrel-shaped shell beads de-
scribed in another section, of which they may be locally made
imitations.
The remaining object in this group is a smaller bead, of an elongate
barrel shape, measuring 26 by 10 by 8 mm., with a 3.5-mm. cylindrical
bore. This, like the two preceding, is much weathered, and has a
chalky look and feel.
OBJECTS OF UNWORKED STONE; PIGMENTS
Miscellaneous pebbles —There are several lots of small to medium-
sized pebbles, most of which exhibit a minimum of modification or
none at all. They are generally well-smoothed, doubtless as a result
of stream action, and many of them were presumably used without
any modification as polishing and smoothing stones. Others show
some evidence of battering, and could as well be classed as pecking
stones or small hammerstones. Many of them doubtless came from
burials; the field records show that small round pebbles or “disc-
shaped polishing stones” occurred, usually singly, in four graves at
Cemetery 2, two graves in Cemetery 3, and five graves in Cemetery 4.
In no case, is the individual provenience preserved; all specimens are
cataloged under one or another of three permanent numbers (USNM
325524, 325537, and 325586).
The first of these lots includes 15 small pebbles, 12 of which have
ANTEROP. Par. ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 115
a maximum diameter of less than 10 mm. and range down to 3 mm.;
all, according to the catalog, were ‘‘Found in graves.”’ The smaller
pieces are somewhat reminiscent of ‘gizzard stones,’”’ but there is
nothing to confirm this identification. The field notes for a male
burial, Grave 2, Cemetery 3, indicate that ‘In the left hand were a
dozen or more small round white pebbles,” besides other miscellaneous
oddments. I suspect that the specimens under consideration here
may be the same as the lot found in this grave; and I suggest further
the possibility that the stones were perhaps once part of a rattle.®
The other two lots include pebbles of various sizes and shapes,
ranging up to 65 by 56 by 30 mm. Some of the more flattened
specimens are perhaps the polishing stones of the field record;’
others with slightly battered edges or ends, were probably pecking
stones. One is ochre-stained, perhaps from lying in a bed of this
material in a grave. Most are of quartz, quartzite, or fine-grained
sandstone, with an occasional specimen of hard limestone.
Miscellaneous objects and materials —These include slightly worked
or unworked odds and ends made from various materials of relatively
rare occurrence. In some instances, the raw materials were available
in the region, though perhaps at some distance from the villages where
the specimens were found. Others suggest trade with more remote
peoples.
There are nine unworked fragments and slivers of petrified wood, of
various sizes and shapes; none exceeds 13 cm. in maximum dimension.
Most of these, inferentially, came from burials in Cemeteries 3 and 4,
usually not more than one piece per grave.
Several small irregular plates of mica, none exceeding 2.6 by 3
cm. in size, are perhaps the remnants of a rectangular piece recorded
from Grave 21, Cemetery 4. They are not drilled or otherwise
modified.
Two irregular battered quartz crystals (USNM 325531) are pre-
sumed to be those found in Graves 6 and 10, Cemetery 2. One is
somewhat globular, and about 15 mm. in diameter; the other is
flattish, and measures 27 by 22 by 12 mm. They seem to have had
hard or long usage, or they might have been carried about in a bag
or medicine pouch for a considerable period of time.
The use of chalcedony, presumably from the Badlands, in making
edged cutting or scraping tools has already been noted. There are,
in addition, two shaped oblong pieces (USNM 325525), rounded at
9 Le Raye (Robinson, 1908, p. 164) mentions “dried prarow [prairie dog] and marten skins, tied up, in a
form to contain small stones . . .,”” as among the musical instruments of the Arikara in 1804.
10 In describing pottery-making among the Mandan, Hidatsa, and Arikara in 1833, Maximilian wrote:
‘““The workwoman forms the hollow inside of the vessel by means of a round stone which she holds in her
hand, while she works and smoothes the outside with a piece of poplar bark’”’ (Thwaites, 1904-07, vol. 23,
p. 278).
116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunt 157
one end and slightly notched or grooved at the other, evidently for
suspension by a cord or thong. Both have a well-worn, waxlike
appearance. They measure 43 and 53 mm. in length. A third
piece (USNM 325537) is conical, with a round base, and measures
15 by 16 mm. Its purpose is uncertain; like the preceding two, it is
a grave find.
Obsidian is represented by seven irregularly shaped flakes, evi-
dently including three from Grave 6, Cemetery 2, and four from
Grave 10, Cemetery 2, as noted in the field records. They range in
length from 4 to 6 cm., and for the most part hardly suggest finished
implements. Edges are occasionally slightly or partially retouched
or somewhat battered, giving one the impression of pieces that have
been lying around for along time. There is nothing to indicate that
the natives here utilized the full potentialities of the stone. Its
origin cannot be certainly identified, but the nearest known source
is probably in present Yellowstone Park, some 500 miles due west
in an air line.
Pumice.——In common with many other historic tribes, as well as
prehistoric groups, living along the Missouri River, the occupants
of the village sites near Mobridge made limited use of the pumice
that floated down the river from time to time. Two subangular
lumps in the present collection show little or no evidence of wear on
any of their surfaces. A third is somewhat elliptical and flattish,
measures 11 by 7.5 by 2.7 cm., and appears to have been used for
smoothing hides or other moderately large soft surfaces.
Fossils, concretions, etc—Fossils, concretions, and various oddly
shaped pieces of stone were found among the offerings in several
graves. The fossils all represent marine invertebrates from the
Upper Cretaceous deposits, which are extensively exposed in the stream
valleys throughout the upper Missouri watershed and have long been
celebrated for the evidences of extinct fauna they contain.!! Identi-
fied forms in the present collection include the following:
Baculites compressus Say
Belemnitella bulbosa Meek and Hayden
Discoscaphites sp. (probably a new form)
Ostrea glabra Meek and Hayden
Halymenites major Lesquereux
The last-named form is evidently the ‘natural sandstone con-
cretion shaped like an ear of corn,’”’ which was found, according to the
field notes, in the left hand of a female burial in Grave 12, Cemetery 4.
1 At Fort Clark in 1833, Maximilian wrote of the ‘‘many impressions and petrifactions of shell-fish, and
the singular baculites, which are found everywhere on the Missouri and its tributaries, and even here and
there in the beds of the streams...” Farther up the Missouri, above the Musselshell River, members
of his party collected “‘ most interesting impressions of shells, and very beautiful baculites. . .”” (Thwaites,
1904-7, vol. 23, pp. 60-61, 242-243),
AnTHnOP. Par. ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, 8. DAK.—WEDEL 117
It represents, I am told, what is believed to be the petrified filling of an
animal burrow, and superficially bears a rather striking resemblance
to a segment of an ear of corn (pl. 59, f). Since corn held an im-
portant position in the religious thinking of the Arikara *’, it is not
at all unlikely that the individual whose property the specimen in
question once was, cherished it because of its resemblance to an ear
of this cereal.
A small flattened oblong chalcedony concretion, whose larger sur-
faces are marked with a reticulate pattern of natural origin, is un-
doubtedly the specimen from Grave 3, Cemetery 4, described in the
field notes as “a small natural formation of chalcedony which
simulated closely the shape and structure of a turtle shell.”
Pigments.—In varying amount, paint materials of several different
colors occurred in many of the graves. Judging from the field notes,
red was by far the most abundant and also of the most frequent oc-
currence. It is specifically reported from 2 graves in Cemetery 1,
11 graves in Cemetery 2, 2 graves in Cemetery 3, and 13 in Cemetery
4. Much less common and, again judging from the field notes,
restricted apparently to Cemeteries 2 and 4, were several other colors,
including yellow, purple, green, black, and white.
Among the samples now in the museum collections, various reds are
also most common. The characteristic material is a rather dark red,
evidently hematite, which is represented mainly by several small lots
of powdery or slightly granular substance. This was occasionally
mixed with gritty clay, perhaps with animal fat added, and then
worked into small flattish oval cakes; one nearly complete specimen
(pl. 59, a) measures 3 by 6 by 8.5 cm., and there are fragments of one or
more others. In a few instances, a gritty hematite mixture was
contained in an unworked mussel shell (pl. 59, 6). Traces of a
brilliant red powder, suggesting the vermilion so popular among
all the Missouri River and Plains tribes in the early 1800’s,’* prove on
analysis to contain no mercury, and so are presumed to be hematite
also. A single lump of purplish material, not analyzed, is probably
an “off-color”? hematite.
The yellow pigment is limonite, another oxide of iron, present only
as a powder. A dull greenish earthy substance seems to be largely
clay, mixed with some unidentified iron salt. A single lump of very
fine soft white material is gypsum.
12 “*, | | The maize is one of the principal mediums of the Arikkaras, for which they show their reverence
in various ways .. .”? (Maximilian, 1833, in Thwaites, 1904-7, vol. 23, p. 391).
13 For which the American Fur Co., according to Maximilian in 1833, charged the Indians at the rate of
10 dollars per pound (Thwaites, 1904-7, vol. 23, p. 99).
14 Maximilian in 1833 found the Blackfeet around Fort Mackenzie using for blue pigment ‘‘the shining
earth from the mountains . . . which, being analyzed by Professor Cordier, at Paris, he found to be mixed
with an earthy peroxide of iron, probably mixed with some clay . . .” (Thwaites, 1904-7, vol. 23, p. 99).
265191—54—_14
118 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 157
OBJECTS OF BONE
Artifacts of bone constitute a rather large proportion of the speci-
mens in the present collection. They include a variety of implement
types, most of which are present in some quantity and in excellent
state of preservation. One or two of the types seem not to have been
reported heretofore from the Great Plains or Upper Missouri valley
region; but on the whole the material includes a good series of rather
characteristic artifacts of the region.
Since most of the articles came presumably from burial grounds
and from limited test pits in several village sites, rather than from
comprehensive excavations in areas which might be expected to yield
bone tools freely, it would seem probable that the present series does
not cover the range of types known to, and manufactured by, the
former inhabitants of the several sites concerned. Village-site exca-
vations on an extensive and thorough basis would probably bear out
the impression gained from the present series that Arikara bonework
of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century was comparatively
rich and well-developed, and included a wide variety of artifact types
used for different purposes.
Awls.—Awls comprise the largest series of bone artifacts in the
present collection. Including fragments as well as complete, or
nearly complete, specimens, they total about 60 examples. Without
exception, they appear to have been fashioned from the ribs and limb
bones of large mammals; no examples made from bird bone are
present. Unfortunately, the entire lot bears a single catalog number
(USNM 325508); and it is impossible to determine which specimens
came from a given site or from a specific locality within any one site.
In grouping the present series for descriptive purposes, I have found
it convenient to follow the scheme of classification used by Kidder
in describing the awls from Pecos (Kidder, 1932, pp. 203-220). This
separates them first into categories on the basis of materials used,
whether mammal leg bone or rib; and then further subdivides them,
where necessary, according to the amount of work performed in
bringing the awls to their final shape. There are in the present series
no specimens which do not fall readily into such a scheme; and not
all of the kinds recognized at Pecos are to be found among the
Mobridge materials.
Less than half the awls and classifiable fragments from Mobridge
are of mammal leg bone. Without exception, when the bone is iden-
tifiable, it is a metapodial of the deer or antelope; and the remaining
specimens, from which the identifying characters have been removed
in their manufacture, look as if they came generally from the same
source. In all cases, the metapodial has evidently had one extremity
ANTHROP. Par. ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, 8. DAK.—WEDEL 119
removed and has then been split and worked to a sharp strong point.
Among the 16 specimens assigned to this class, none retains the
head of the bone intact. Twelve retain one-half of the split head;
in seven of these the butt of the awl is from the proximal extremity
of the bone, whereas in five it is the distal extremity that was retained.
These are generally sturdy serviceable implements, ranging from 7.2
to 12.5 cm. in length, with evenly tapered polished shafts and well-
smoothed tips. In two other specimens, the head of the bone has
been partly worked down, but with recognizable traces of the articular
surface still apparent. They are of more slender construction than
the preceding, with a length of 10.7 to 12.2 cm. In the remaining
two, the head has been wholly removed and the butt carefully rounded
off. They measure 8.7 and 13.7 cm. in length.
Twenty-four specimens are fashioned from mammal rib. They
are of two distinct types. Least common, and represented by two
examples only, are implements made from rib-shaft sections or from
sections of split rib shaft. They tend to be relatively broad and
flat, with heavy tips, and show a slight curvature lengthwise. The
two specimens are 12.8 and 13.2 cm. long.
Twenty-two specimens appear to resemble in all particulars the
rib-edge awls described from Pecos. They are made of a section
cut from the edge of a rib or more probably, from the neural spine of
a bison thoracic vertebra; the cut edge of the detached section has
been ground down until the cancellous tissue is almost entirely
removed. This surface, which in nearly every instance still shows
cancellous tissue when subjected to close scrutiny, forms the base of
a triangular cross section, whose other two sides are formed by the
converging faces of the rib. The butts are either rounded off, or else
have a sort of pyramidal shape. Most of the examples of this type
here are broken; whole specimens range in length from 6.8 to 9 cm.,
but tipless fragments up to 10 cm. long show that much longer ones
were also in use.
Similar objects occur commonly in protohistoric sites of the Great
Bend aspect in central Kansas (Wedel, unpublished data); in proto-
historic Pawnee sites in east-central Nebraska (Dunlevy, 1936, p.
197 and pl. 12, B—D); in the Dismal River sites of the central Plains
(Hill and Metcalf, 1942, p. 197; Wedel, unpublished data); and
elsewhere in the region on what appears to be usually a protohistoric
time level. I have not seen them in surely prehistoric sites in the
central Plains, although publication of additional materials from that
area may show that they were also known and used before the proto-
historic period. Present evidence would seem to suggest that for the
Kansas-Nebraska region, at least, they have some usefulness as a
time marker.
120 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Buu. 157
As I have suggested in another place, I doubt that the ‘‘rib-edge”’
awls, at any rate in the Plains area, can be correctly so designated.
Many of those in the central Plains are as much as 6 to 8 inches long,
and show no curvature throughout this entire length. This suggests
that they were cut from another bone, one that lacks the slight but
consistent curve of a rib. These conditions are met by the dorsal
spine from the thoracic vertebrae of the bison, which are perfectly
straight for 30 to 40 cm. and have a construction similar to that of
the ribs. Incompletely worked “rib-edge’’ awls sometimes show
contours at one end that are indistinguishable from those of the
dorsal spine and are not found on bison ribs. I suggest, therefore,
that while the shorter ‘‘rib-edge”’ awls may sometimes be from the
edge of the rib, the longer ones should be attributed to the dorsal
spine and presumably to its anterior margin (cf. Hill and Metcalf,
1942, p. 197).
Digging tools—These are the familiar Plains type of digging
implement or hoe, which was still the principal agricultural tool of
the upper Missouri horticultural tribes in the early 1800’s. They
were fashioned from the scapula of the bison. In each case, one-
half to one-third of the original bone has been removed from the
proximal end, including the entire vertebral border. The scapular
spine has been roughly hacked away or more smoothly cut off, per-
haps depending on whether a steel cutting implement or a stone
knife has been used; and the ridge along the posterior or axillary bor-
der has been similarly trimmed away. Most of the present speci-
mens show rather ragged scars at these points, but in one or two
instances the marks are much smoother, as though the cutting was
done with a sharp steel tool or else had been followed up with grinding.
On three specimens, the distal extremity or “head”’ of the scapula
has been largely or entirely removed; on the others it remains either
unmodified or else has the borders of the glenoid cavity slightly
notched or cut away. All of the complete or nearly complete speci-
mens in the present collection are well worn and highly polished at
the working end. They are from 18 to 34 cm. in length, and vary a
good deal in details of width and form.
Shaft straighteners—Shaft straighteners or wrenches were made
from sections of bison rib, or occasionally from the dorsal spine of the
thoracic vertebrae of that animal. The bone selected was cut or
broken to a convenient length and was then provided with one to
three holes each averaging 8 to 11 mm. in diameter (pl. 61, 7). In
several instances the holes are elongated in a direction parallel to the
long axis of the bone, and their ends often show exceptional wear
polish from the passage or working of a circular stick. Most of the
present specimens have raggedly broken ends; one is cut square,
ANTHEOP. Par. ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 121
another ends in a short cut taper, and still another has a rounded
worn end. Five specimens have each a single hole; seven have, or
once had, two holes each; and one has three holes spaced at intervals
of 2.5 to 3.0 cm. Most show evidence of wear over the entire surface.
Of somewhat different type but possibly related usage is an irreg-
ularly triangular piece of bison scapula measuring 17.5 by 5.3 cm. It
has a carefully made circular perforation 10 mm. in diameter cen-
trally located 7 cm. from the pointed end. The edges of the hole
show some polish, but lack the slight elongation of many of those in
the specimens made of rib sections. The bone of which this piece is
made is much thinner and lighter than is the case with the rib sec-
tions, and it is doubtful that the piece would have withstood the
kind of use implied in the rib wrenches. Possibly the scapula speci-
men was intended for a gage or served in some other less strenuous
capacity.
With regard to provenience, three of the rib wrenches were found
in graves. The three-hole specimen was with an adult male in Grave
10, Cemetery 2. A two-hole wrench was found with an adult female
in Grave 4, Cemetery 3, and a similar specimen with a male in Grave
16, Cemetery 4. The dressed and perforated scapula fragment came
from a child burial in Grave 18, Cemetery 4. All other specimens,
inferentially, came from village site investigations.
Scored ribs.—There are but two examples of this common Plains
artifact type in the present collection. They are made from the rib
shaft of a large mammal, doubtless the bison, from which both ex-
tremities have been roughly broken off. The ends of the resulting
tools are ragged and uneven, with no evidence whatever of smooth-
ing. Each has a series of transverse grooves that extend across the
external surface of the bone; the grooves are unevenly spaced and
vary considerably in depth and length. The shorter of the two speci-
mens measures 18 cm. in length; it bears 28 grooves distributed un-
evenly throughout its length except for about 3 cm. at the broader
end. There is a perceptible smoothing of the bone lengthwise along
the midline and the grooves tend to be somewhat shallower where
they are crossed by the smoothed zone, which suggests that the piece
may have been a sounding rasp. The second specimen, 21 cm. long,
has 17 grooves, all of which are deepest at the center and show no
sign of the abrasion that might be expected if a stick had been drawn
across the scored surface.
Both these specimens are apparently from village sites, since I find
no record of their occurrence in graves. Similar scored implements
occur widely in historic and protohistoric village sites throughout the
Great Plains (Wedel and Hill, 1942, and references therein; Strong,
1940, passim), as also elsewhere throughout the New World. They
122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuuL. 157
have been variously termed tally-bones, musical rasps, etc. It has
also been suggested that they may have been used sometimes as
pottery paddles.
Objects of cancellous bone-—These specimens, six in number, are
oblong to subtriangular in outline, and usually have one round-
pointed end, two or more thin sharpened edges, and one thick blunt
end (pl. 61, d). They range in size from 6 by 4.5 by 1.7 cm. to 11.2
by 5.7 by 1.5 cm., are rather carefully shaped, and consist wholly of
cancellous bone. It seems probable that they were fashioned from
the distal extremity of the dorsal spine of the thoracic vertebra of the
bison, from which both outer surfaces have been ground away to
leave only a wedgelike remnant of the inner cancellous tissue (but see
Ewers, 1945, p. 15).
In all particulars, these objects conform to the paint applicators
used by many historic Plains tribes for decorating robes, tipi covers,
and other large leather objects. They have been reported for the
Omaha (Fletcher and La Flesche, 1911, p. 354, and fig. 78), the Man-
dan (Will and Spinden, 1906, p. 171), the Blackfoot (Ewers, 1945, p.
15), and the Pawnee (Wedel, 1936, p. 82 and pl. 9, g-m); and, on an
earlier protohistoric level, from sites of the Lower Loup focus (proto-
historic Pawnee) in east central Nebraska (Dunlevy, 1936, p. 199)
and in Great Bend aspect sites (Wichita?) in central Kansas (Wedel,
1942, p. 4 and pl. 7, k). I know of no records or unpublished data
for their occurrence in prehistoric sites in the Plains. Kidder (1932,
p. 238 and fig. 198, a, b) reports several similar specimens from post-
Columbian levels at Pecos, and is inclined to ascribe them to Plains
influence.
None of the specimens from the Mobridge sites show any trace of
pigment in the interstices, although two have a greenish stain suggest-
ing contact with copper.
Knife hafts—In this group I have included five specimens, but it
must be admitted that only two can be positively so identified. From
the close general similarity of the three doubtful pieces to these two,
however, it seems highly probable that all once served, or were
intended to serve, the same purpose. As a group, they consist of
sections of mammal rib, usually well-worn and often polished, with
one or both ends cut off square, obliquely, or rounding, and the cut
ends carefully dressed down. A portion of one edge is usually deeply
slotted, or one end may be deeply socketed. It seems obvious that
all were intended for fitting with some sort of thin metal blades or, in
other cases, with heavier pointed pieces.
The only complete specimen (pl. 61, g) measures 14.5 cm. long and
is slightly curved. A heavily rusted iron blade is set securely into a
slot running 9.5 cm. along one edge, so that the blade protrudes
ANTS) T.| ~©— ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 123
10 to 14 mm. all along its length. Another piece is 7.7 cm. long, and
has one cut and dressed end. About 7 mm. from this finished end is a
deep edge notch, and from this notch the edge is deeply slotted to the
broken end. The slot is too narrow to have accommodated anything
except a thin metal blade. In two other examples, each with one
dressed end, one has a suggestion of an edge slot; the other has an
edge notch as in the second specimen described above but is unslotted.
The fifth specimen (pl. 61, 4) has both ends dressed; the concave or
internal rib surface has 4 groups of short incised lines at each edge,
the groups on the two edges being opposite one another and including
2,3, or 4 lines each. At one end, the cancellous inner tissue has been
excavated to a depth of about 15 mm., as if to receive a moderately
thick object such as a stone knife blade, scraper, or drill point. The
specimen may therefore safely be classed as a haft, even though the
nature of the blade it once contained, or was intended to contain,
must remain conjectural.
Slotted bone knife hafts of the general type represented by these
specimens have been found at several other sites in the Great Plains
(see Strong, 1945, p. 60). In the Upper Missouri region, they have
been reported from the Leavenworth Arikara village site (Strong,
1940, p. 370); the Old Fort Abraham Lincoln Mandan site near Bis-
marck, N. Dak. (Strong, 1940, p. 365); the Sheyenne-Cheyenne site
near Lisbon, N. Dak. (Strong, 1940, p. 375); and from unspecified
sites along the Missouri in South Dakota (George and George, 1945,
pl. 8). I have the impression, but unfortunately cannot document it,
that similar objects have been found in protohistoric Pawnee sites in
east central Nebraska; and I have seen in a private collection at
Franklin, Nebr., several such slotted bone hafts set with chipped
blades, these specimens being ascribed by their owner to a local Upper
Republican or late Woodland horizon. Mulloy (1942, p. 80 and fig.
38, No. 10) reports two examples, one of which includes the chipped
blade, from the Hagen Site in eastern Montana. There can be no
remaining doubt, I think that the side-slotted knife haft with stone
blade was in use in the Plains area in prehistoric times, and that, as
would be expectable, the same instrument, eventually equipped with
a metal blade, continued on into the nineteenth century.
Spatulae—For this interesting and somewhat variable group of
objects, I retain the term used by the collector. ‘Ten specimens are
included. They vary rather widely in shape and size, and even more
in the degree of care shown in their manufacture and finishing; but
certain details appear consistently on nearly every piece, and they
intergrade in a rather convincing manner. All are made from long
thin flat strips of bone, usually more or less curved lengthwise;
commonly, one surface shows traces of cancellous tissue, indicating
124 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
that they were fashioned from split rib shafts of a large mammal,
probably the bison. On the better finished and more highly polished
pieces, very little evidence of the cancellous tissue remains. One
end is characteristically rounded off or brought to a blunt point;
and on nearly every specimen this end shows pronounced polish,
often in the form of small irregular but well-smoothed wear facets.
These facets look to me like the sort of surface that might result
from long-continued rubbing on some moderately soft, yielding
material. The other end may be rounded, squared, or more elabo-
rately shaped. Four have decorative incising, edge notching, or other
markings on one or both surfaces. The complete specimens vary in
length from 13.3 to 27.4 cm., and in width from 1.7 to 2.3 cm.
A representative series of these implements, including also the
better-made specimens, is illustrated in plate 60; e and f are the
finest of the lot. Both are made from the internal half of a split rib
shaft and retain traces of cancellous tissue on their convex surfaces;
both surfaces, the edges, and the ends are highly polished, and the
smooth concave face is decorated with fine-line incising or edge notches.
The pattern of incising on f, done with a deft sure hand, is shown in
figure 11. Along the edges of the body of e there are 27 and 28
small notches, plus five more on each edge of the deeply notched tail
section, which is strongly copper-stained; c and d each bear an incised
X on their smoothed faces, and the latter is copper-stained.
All 10 specimens were taken out of graves; in no instance was there
more than 1 per burial. Seven were recorded from Cemetery 2
(Graves 2, 4, 13, 22, 26, 38, and 39), two from Cemetery 3 (Graves 2
and 5) and one from Cemetery 4 (Grave 19). Of the associated
crania from these graves, five in Cemetery 2, one in Cemetery 3, and
that in Cemetery 4, have been identified as females; one each in
Cemeteries 3 and 4 were males; and the remaining burial in Cemetery
2 was that of a child. Since the relative proportion between the
sexes among adults in the skeletal series from each of these three
cemeteries approximated a ratio of 1 : 1, the fact that 70 percent of the
spatulae occurred with females suggests that their distribution de-
pends upon factors other than chance. In other words, I suggest that
they were found in the graves of females because of their association
with some activity or activities of females among the living populations
of the communities concerned.
My search of the available literature on archeological findings at
other Upper Missouri or Great Plains sites has revealed no reported
instances of exactly comparable artifacts. This may not be of primary
significance, for I doubt that there are many collections of comparable
scope from the region, and it may be that the unpublished materials
in various museums include numerous similar items. In any case,
Node) Y)~)« ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 125
, Cemetery 2, near Mobridge,
(See also pl. 60, f.)
S. Dak.
Ficure 11.—Incised decoration on spatulate bone implement from Grave 4
comparisons would seem to be impossible at the present writing, so
far as the archeological literature is concerned.
As regards the possible use of such implements as this, there is
a lead of sorts in the ethnological literature. The highly polished and
rounded tips of the spatulae are reminiscent of the working ends of
certain bone tools that were apparently associated with porcupine-
quill working. One such quill-flattener attributed to the Sioux has
been described and figured by Orchard (1916, p. 9 and pl. 5); and what
may be another has been reported from the Fort Clark Mandan-
Arikara site by Morgan (1871, p. 37 and pl. 4, fig. 13) as a ‘“‘bone
126 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuw. 157
instrument for making moccasins.” These are both of much more
elaborate form than are even the finest of the present series from the
Mobridge locality; but there is still a suggestive similarity in the worn
working ends of the various pieces. Unfortunately for this sug-
gestion, there seems to be little evidence, archeological or ethnolog-
ical, that the Arikara were quillworkers to the extent that would
be implied in the numerous “quill flatteners” in the present series.
That much of their leatherwork was quill-ornamented is certain;
but the limited examples found in the burial sites could as well be the
results of intertribal trade as of alocal art. For the moment, therefore,
we must confess that the identification suggested is nothing more
than a possibility.
Whistles.—There are three of these, all from burials in Cemetery 4.
They are simple affairs, made by trimming the articular ends from
wing bones of large waterfowl, and then cutting an opening near one
end of the straight or slightly curved tube thus produced (pl.61, a, 6).
All of our specimens are made from bones of the white pelican (Pele-
canus erythrorhynchus), two being ulnae and one a humerus. Two
are complete; the third is broken off at the opening. In length, they
range from 12.5 to 18.7 cm.; in diameter, from 1 to 1.7 cm. The
neatly cut side openings are oblong to triangular in outline, and vary
in greatest diameter from 7 to 11 mm. All are well smoothed; the
largest specimen has a high polish (USNM 325507).
There is a fourth specimen made from the shaft of a white pelican
ulna, which may be an unfinished whistle. Both articular ends have
been unevenly cut off and left unfinished; the bone has not been
otherwise modified. ‘This piece, whether intended to be a whistle
or something else, is also a grave find, but from Cemetery 2.
Virtually identical bird-bone whistles, or war pipes, as seen among
the Mandan in 1833 by Maximilian, are illustrated by Bodmer
(Thwaites, 1904-7, vol. 25, pls. 54 and 56). According to Maximilian
(Thwaites, 1904-7, vol. 23, pp. 291, 298, 350), various sizes and kinds
of bone whistles served as badges of membership in the age societies
of the tribe, their size apparently increasing as the individual advanced
into a higher society. He observed also that ‘‘all the warriors wear
small pipes [i. e., whistles] round their necks. . .”
Bird-bone whistles of closely similar type in the ethnological col-
lections of the U. S. National Museum are attributed to the Arapaho,
Sioux, and other Plains tribes.
Incised tubes—From the burial of a male in Grave 10, Cemetery
2, according to the field notes, were taken seven bone tubes. One of
these is further described as ‘‘a bone tube made from the leg of a
heron;” the others were “close to the right hand’? and comprised
“six polished bone gaming tubes.” I suspect that these last six in-
Nous} | Y)~=©— ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, 8. DAK.—WEDEL 127
clude five incised specimens now cataloged together'under one number,
USNM 325556, and perhaps also a single plain tube of similar size
and shape lotted with other objects under USNM 325503.
The five incised pieces are closely matched series in every particular
(pl. 61, c). Each is slightly curved, with a flattish cross section;
they range in length from 8.7 to 9.8 cm., and in diameter from 1.3
to 1.8 cm. The ends are carefully cut off and dressed smooth.
Encircling both ends of each tube is a pair of fine incised lines 2 to 4
mm. apart and occurring at about the same distance from each end
of the tube. The specimens are uniformly well-worn and smooth;
one appears to be ochre-stained. All are made from the humerus
shaft of the white pelican.
The sixth specimen is broken at one end; otherwise it closely matches
the above-mentioned five pieces in size, shape, and material. There
are a few short nicks near each end, and the ends have been neatly
cut and dressed; but it lacks the paired circling incisions at each end
as well as the high polish of the above pieces. If not actually a part
of the foregoing group, it seems highly probable that this was an
unfinished article destined for a function similar to that of the decorated
and polished pieces above described.
Perforated phalanges.—These specimens, four in number, were
found in association with a male burial in Grave 16, Cemetery 4,
along with a large and varied assortment of other furnishings. They
are made from the phalanges of the deer. The distal extremities of
the bones have been ground away entirely while the proximal extrem-
ities have been pierced and then hollowed out, so as to produce, in
effect, four irregular hollow conical pieces ranging in length from 36
to 45 mm. All are well-worn and polished from use, besides being
unusually dark in color. They bear no incising or other markings
(pl. 62, d).
Kthnological specimens in the United States National Museum col-
lections suggest two possible uses for these four objects, namely, (a)
as bangles attached to fringes or thongs on clothing, or (b) as gaming
pieces for the widespread ring-and-pin game. Where similar phalan-
geal objects occur on native costume, they seem to include usually
many more pieces per garment. Ring-and-pin game sets, on the other
hand, include relatively few bones, sometimes as few as three, and
seldom more than twice or three times that number (Culin, 1907,
pp. 527-561). I am inclined therefore to view the present series as
evidence of the existence of the ring-and-pin game rather than as a
suggestion of costume decoration.
Similar phalangeal objects, not always as extensively modified as
the present examples, have been found from time to time in other
historic and prehistoric Plains Indian village sites. I recall no
128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
instances, however, of their occurrence in sets; usually they come
singly, suggesting use as pendants. Since they have been found
mainly in house fill, cache pits, and refuse deposits, rather than in
graves, it cannot be stated with certainty that they were in every
case used singly by their erstwhile owners. It is possible, in other
words, that only parts of game sets have been found.
Beads.—Bone specimens identifiable as beads are surprisingly rare
in the present collection, perhaps partly because of the relative abun-
dance of the more showy glass and other trade materials available at
the time period indicated. There are, in fact, not more than six
tubular objects that can with some reason be regarded as useful for
bead purposes. All are evidently bird bone. They include 3 pieces
with cut and dressed ends, from 16 to 55 mm. long, and showing worn
or polished surfaces. A fragment of pelican ulna (?) exhibits cut
and broken ends, presumably from the detachment of the articular
extremities, and may represent a bead blank. Another piece, meas-
uring 11 by 63 mm., has irregularly fractured ends and a well-polished
surface; it bears a deep narrow transverse cut 8 mm. long and has a
cut V-shaped notch in one end that somewhat suggests the vent in a
whistle. Perhaps the piece represents a whistle fragment intended
for reworking into a bead.
The field records make no mention of bone beads in the grave lists
and I am unable to state whether the few beads now in the collection
as described above are from the cemeteries or were found during the
brief tests in one or another of the nearby village sites. In any case,
it seems fairly certain that bone beads were far less important than
copper, iron, and other trade items in the material culture of the
Arikara in the period represented by the present collections.
Needle(?).—There are two or three fragments of dressed bone that
I have assigned somewhat uncertainly to this category. One is a
carefully shaped and finished piece 85 mm. long, subrectangular in
cross section and showing traces of cancellous tissue on one surface.
Both ends are fractured. In diameter the piece is uniformly about
3.5 by 5 mm. Closely similar in all particulars is another 29-mm.
fragment, which has a 1-mm. eye drilled through the short diameter
some 6 mm. from a rounded butt. Despite its similarity to the larger
piece, the two do not fit each other, nor is it possible to determine
whether the two fragments were found in association or widely sep-
arated. I am somewhat intrigued by the possibility that this speci-
men, or an instrument like it, might have been the pin used in the
ring-and-pin game, of which other evidence here has already been
adduced; but of course, a wooden pin is as likely to have been used
as one of bone. Other than the two fragments above noted, the
collection includes nothing suggesting a needle.
Aas) Te «= ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 129
Animal teeth and claws.—As noted in the burial lists, the perforated
and unperforated teeth of various large mammals, including man,
were occasionally found in the graves. Some of these may have been
fortuitous associations; and unfortunately it is impossible to be cer-
tain in every instance whether the particular specimens in the cata-
loged collection came from graves or were found in village site dig-
ging. I would suppose that the drilled specimens, at least, were
probably taken from graves, but even here the field information leaves
some room for uncertainty in at least one instance.
The perforated teeth were doubtless used as parts of necklaces. In
each case the drilling was biconical, and passed through the root, so
that the tooth hung point or crown down. According to the field
record, two elk canines were found—one in Grave 3, Cemetery 2, the
other in Grave 5, Cemetery 4—but a single specimen only (USNM
325530) has come to light in the collections (pl. 62,7). By the head
of a female in Grave 6, Cemetery 4, was a human third molar (USNM
325532; pl. 62, h). With a male skeleton in Grave 13, Cemetery 4,
was the canine tooth (USNM 325553; pl. 62, e) of a black bear (Hu-
arctos americanus). 'Two unperforated black-bear teeth are recorded
in the field notes as coming from a male burial in Grave 2, Cemetery
3, but these I have not been able to locate. A miscellaneous lot of un-
worked teeth (USNM 325553) includes five canines of the Plains wolf
(Canis lupus), plus two molars and four or five incisors of the elk
(Cervus canadensis).
Animal claws, some of them perforated, are reported in the field
notes from two graves in Cemetery 2, one in Cemetery 3, and four in
Cemetery 4. Of these, I have been able to locate only two specimens;
both carry the same catalog number (USNM 325551) and are part of
a large lot of miscellaneous bones. They are drilled at the enlarged
proximal end, that is, through the articular extremity, so as to hang
point down. One of the two, 5.4 cm. long, is a claw from the forefoot
of the grizzly (Ursus horribilis); the other, much worn and scarcely
half as long, is in all probability from the hindfoot of an animal of
the same species (pl. 62, f). Maximilian, Bodmer, Catlin, and other
contemporary observers have left us ample documentary and pic-
torial evidence of the extensive utilization of grizzly bear claws by
the various Indians of the Upper Missouri for adornment of their
persons.
Bird claws.—These, like the animal claws and teeth, were doubtless
used as parts of necklaces or singly as pendants. They were drilled
through the heavy articular end so as to hang point down; but since
the conformation of this portion of the claw is such that a string or
sinew could be easily and securely attached without recourse to a
130 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butu. 157
drilled hole, it is possible that some of the apparently unworked
specimens also were actually used as ornaments.
An unusually fine series of perforated eagle claws occurred with a
male skeleton in Grave 15, Cemetery 4. They were 23 in number,
all with biconic perforations from 2-5 mm. in diameter, and ranging
in length from 3.5 to 4.3 cm. (pl. 62, a). They lay about the neck of
the burial, and were undoubtedly the remains of a necklace. Species
identification of the claws is uncertain; both the bald and golden eagles
were available to the Indians of the locality at the time represented,
and either or both species may have contributed to the makeup of
the necklace.
There is one other pierced eagle claw in the collection; it resembles
in all particulars those in the necklace, except that the perforation is
cylindrical and about 2 mm. in diameter. Presumably, it is the spec-
imen allocated in the field notes to a male burial in Grave 10, Ceme-
tery 2.
Included in the same miscellaneous lot as the animal teeth and
claws referred to above as part of USNM 325551 are six unperforated
eagle claws and seven or eight smaller but similarly shaped members
that are probably from a hawk. We have no instances of the in-
disputable use of these smaller claws as ornaments, but further work
might show, of course, that they were also employed on occasion.
Miscellaneous worked bone.—There are several lots of bone fragments
that have been cut, polished, bored, or otherwise modified. Some are
perhaps unfinished artifacts; others are parts of broken artifacts
that have been either discarded as useless or else have been somehow
modified to serve a secondary function. They include chiefly pieces
of mammal scapulae and ribs or dorsal spines.
Worked scapula fragments include several pieces that are without
question parts of broken hoes or digging tools. Rounded or oblong
scraps frequently show one or more cut and dressed edges; all have a
high polish from prolonged use. Presumably they were for cutting or
scraping soft yielding materials.
A 35-cm. section of bison rib has been broken off at both ends so
as to leave two long jagged points. Both ends are worn smooth, and
one is highly polished; the midsection of the piece is unmodified.
A thin smoothly scraped slip of bone, transversely flat and longi-
tudinally curved, has two edges and one end carefully dressed down
(pl. 62, g). Near the dressed end are two biconic perforations each
2 mm. in diameter. The other end is broken. Somewhat similar
but smaller is a fire-whitened piece measuring 19 by 8 by 3 mm.,
also curved longitudinally, and with all edges finished smooth. Near
one end is a small perforation, suggesting that the piece was intended
for suspension in a necklace or in some similar capacity.
A OP. PaP.
No 45]... ~=ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, 8. DAK.—WEDEL 131
Unworked mammal and bird bones.—Included together with worked
and unworked teeth and claws noted above, under a single catalog
number, USNM 325551, are numerous unmodified skeletal parts of
small mammals and birds. I suspect that their provenience in the
field was varied, but that many or all came from one or another of
the burial grounds listed as Sites 2,3, and 4. The field inventory of
grave finds includes mention of bird beaks and skulls, and also of
prairie-dog skulls, from not fewer than seven graves. Unfortunately,
it is impossible at this time to determine which bones came from which
burial—or even to be sure that any of the cataloged beaks, skulls,
and mandibles are from the burials rather than from middens or
elsewhere in the village sites.
Among the cataloged small mammal remains the following have
been identified: Skunk (Mephitis mephitis), skull and both halves of
a mandible, all probably from a single individual; mink (Mustela
vison), maxilla and three mandible fragments; bobcat or lynx (Lynz
sp.), incomplete mandible of juvenile; muskrat (Ondatra zibethicus),
two mandible halves and several incisors; and marmot or woodchuck
(Marmota), portion of left maxilla. Other teeth and mammal bone
fragments are unidentifiable; but there is nothing in the available
series to suggest the prairie dog (Cynomys ludovicianus).
Bones that are certainly or probably from birds are mostly so
fragmentary as to be unidentifiable or else are parts which have
little or no diagnostic value. There are several beak fragments that
somewhat suggest long-billed waterbirds or waders. The single
identified item is the mandible of the raven (Corvus coraz sinuatus).
Conspicuously absent from the bone material at hand from the
Mobridge sites are several mammals and birds whose presence would
certainly be expectable in the locality, if it is assumed that the present
sample is representative. There are, for example, no horse or dog
remains although the former at least was described as plentiful about
the Arikara villages by Brackenridge in 1811. Absent also are beaver,
coyote, and other small fur bearers; and of course the waterbirds and
gallinaceous forms that must have been fairly plentiful on the Missouri
and its tributaries and in the nearby grasslands. It is quite probable
that extended excavations in the village sites and middens, where the
cast-off refuse from food-getting finally accumulated, would materially
extend the faunal list and would include additional forms that were
certainly available to the Indians. The collections at hand, in other
words, are very likely from the burial grounds and represent forms
whose bones either furnished raw materials for articles accompanying
the dead or which were buried as totemic symbols or as ‘‘medicine”’
with certain individuals.
js? BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuu. 157
OBJECTS OF ANTLER
In marked contrast to the abundance of bone artifacts, there are
only four specimens of worked antler in the present collection. They
consist of relatively short sections, cut from the tip so as to include a
portion of the adjacent antler shaft. It is impossible to determine
whether these pieces are from the deer or elk; probably large indi-
viduals of the former would have been capable of providing the raw
materials for all of the present specimens. Such well-known heavy
duty implements as hide scrapers and mallets, which required sub-
stantial materials such as could only be gotten from the shaft of the
elk antler, are not here represented.
Awl handle.—This piece is a slightly curved truncated cone, neatly
cut off and smoothed at each end (pl. 61, e). It measures 7.2 cm. long,
and tapers from 1.6 to 0.9 cm. in diameter. At the larger end, three
parallel incised lines nearly encircle the specimen, leaving a gap of 1.7
cm. The smaller end is similarly encircled by two parallel incised
lines, interrupted by a 9-mm. break exactly corresponding in position
to that in the lines at the other end. From the center of the small
end, an iron object protrudes about 2 mm.; and a crumbled portion
of the antler shows a streak of iron rust deep in the interior of the
specimen and about 15 mm. from the end. Though badly oxidized,
the iron suggests an awl fragment or punch. In the center of the large
end a 3-mm. hole has been drilled deeply into the antler, perhaps to
seat another awl point or punch. The entire handle is well-smoothed
and has a dark discolored look. It was found with a female burial in
Grave 17, Cemetery 4.
Knapping tool (?).—Accompanying a male skeleton in Grave 13,
Cemetery 4, was a well-smoothed antler section, 12.5 cm. long, with
a finely nicked tip. The base, 2.6 cm. in diameter, was neatly cut off;
it has a somewhat irregular cavity 3 to 4 cm. deep, but I am not cer-
tain whether this was purposefully made or is rotted out. Just above
the base, two carefully incised lines 4 mm. apart encircle the piece.
The surface is otherwise unmarked.
Worked tips.—Included here are two objects that have been worked,
but whose function remains obscure. One of these, measuring 13 cm.
in length by 2 cm. in basal diameter, is curved and has a cut base
which has been excavated or rotted at the center. The entire piece
is well-smoothed from use, but the tip is unmarred by the nicks that
one would expect in a knapping tool. If the base was indeed exca-
vated by the original maker, another tool handle is here suggested.
The remaining object is a short, heavy, well-preserved antler tip,
measuring 12.5 cm., and with a worn, nicked tip. The butt is irreg-
No as). ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, 8. DAK.—WEDEL 133
ularly broken or battered off, and has no traces of a socket. This
may be another flint-knapping tool.
OBJECTS OF SHELL
Work in shell constitutes a relatively minor proportion of the
materials from the Mobridge sites, this fact, of course, being in line
with findings at most other archeological sites so far excavated in the
Great Plains and on the Upper Missouri. Of the readily available
local fresh-water shells, only a few unworked or, at best, slightly
worked, examples are at hand. Evidently preferred for ornamenta-
tion of dress and person were marine shells of various kinds, most of
which seem to have been West Coast species.
Among the identifiable marine shells in the present collection, the
following species occur:
Olivella biplicata Sowerby; 51 specimens, used as beads
Olivella boetica Carpenter; 64 specimens, used as beads
Dentalium sp.; 17 specimens, used as beads
Cypraea moneta L.; 1 specimen, used as bead or pendant
Marine conch, species unidentifiable; used for heavy beads and gorgets
Fresh-water forms, whose shells show no modification, include the
following:
Proptera alata megaptera Rafinesque
Lasmigona complanata Barnes
Lampsilis ventricosa occidens Lea
Lampsilis siliquoidea Barnes
Beads of whole shell—Included here are 134 beads of various kinds,
made of shells representing four marine and one fresh-water species.
All retain substantially the original form of the shell, except for such
slight modification as was required to permit stringing or suspension.
The great majority of these, 115 in all, are made of Olivella shells.
According to the field record, Olivella beads were found in nine graves—
five in Cemetery 2 and four in Cemetery 4. In most of these, the
number of beads per grave was very small, ranging from 1 to 12;
but an infant burial in Grave 27, Cemetery 2, was accompanied
by ‘‘27 large and 50 small” Olivella beads. At present, all of these
shells are recorded under one of three catalog numbers, and it is
impossible to identify any of the individual grave lots.
As stated, these beads are made of virtually unaltered shells, except
that the spire has been ground away to permit passage of the string.
The smaller of the two species represented (Olivella boetica) is some-
what the commoner; individual shells range in length from 11 to 15
mm. (pl. 63, d). The others (O. biplicata) are from 17 to 30 mm.
long, and have a somewhat larger opening for passage of the suspension
265191—54 15
134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun. 157
cord (pl. 63, c). Both species here considered are West Coast forms,
and the shells doubtless were brought in by intertribal trade; but the
route by which they reached the Upper Missouri region remains
uncertain. I have been unable to find these two species named in
the available published lists of molluscan fauna from archeological
sites in the Great Plains or on the Upper Missouri.
Dentalium shell beads, 17 in number, were found by the head of
a single burial—that of a child in Grave 39, Cemetery 2. They are
slender, trumpet-shaped objects, 27 to 30 mm. long, with the tips
ground away to permit stringing lengthwise (pl. 63, f; USNM 325543).
Although species identification is not possible, it seems likely that
these shells were also received through barter and originated some-
where on the West Coast. According to Maximilian, the Blackfeet
in 1833 were obtaining Dentaliwm by barter from the nations west
of the Rocky Mountains, notably the Kutenai (Thwaites, 1904-7,
vol. 23, pp. 98, 259); and it is probable that the Arikara, like the
neighboring Mandan and Hidatsa, were supplied by an extension of
this trade system.
Among the miscellaneous items accompanying an adult male burial
in Grave 3, Cemetery 4, was a single shell of a marine gastropod
identified as Cypraea moneta (USNM 325545). It has a small end
perforation, and was undoubtedly used as a bead or pendant (pl. 63,
g). This, incidentally, is not a West Coast species, nor did it occur
until comparatively recent times in American waters. It is a cowry
native to the Indo-Pacific region, and represents one of two closely
related money cowries whose shells have been widely distributed by
man throughout the world. In North America, it has been recorded
archeologically from a prehistoric mound in Marshall County, Ala.,
and also from the general vicinity of the Otonabee ‘Serpent’? mound
group in Peterborough County, Ontario, Canada. According to
Willoughby, “cowry shells were sold to the Indians by the Hudson’s
Bay Company late in the eighteenth or early in the nineteenth
century” (see Jackson, 1916, p. 68). This trade, if correctly dated
by Willoughby, coincides nicely with the historical facts regarding
the Indian occupancy of the Leavenworth Site.
One other whole shell ornament remains to be noted. It is the
shell of a fresh-water gastropod identified as Goniobasis sp. A 1—mm.
perforation has been made in the wall on one side, so that in stringing,
the shell hung point down (pl. 63, ¢). Its exact provenience is
unknown.
Disk beads—With a child burial in Grave 3, Cemetery 2, were
found six disks of varied size and thickness (pl. 63, 7). They range
in diameter from 8 to 15 mm., and in thickness from 4 to 6 mm.
Five are biconically perforated at the center. The sixth and smallest
Ae as) FT)~«©) ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 135
also has a central perforation of the usual sort; and, in addition, has
two parallel cylindrical 1-mm. holes bored edgewise through the disk,
one on either side of the short central perforation. I do not recall
seeing similar examples of this particular style of multiple boring
from the Plains area.
Massive beads—Seven of these objects were found; all are of un-
specified provenience but presumably were taken from burials. Six
are short, heavy, barrel-shaped pieces, occasionally somewhat com-
pressed laterally in one direction, and with flattened ends (pl. 63, A).
They measure in length from 22 to 27 mm., and in maximum diam-
eter from 15 to 20 mm. They are cylindrically bored through their
longest axis, the holes being 2 to 4 mm. in diameter. They were evi-
dently fashioned from the shell of some thick-walled marine conch.
Of somewhat similar form but less massive is another specimen
measuring 35 by 8 mm. This, too, tapers slightly toward each
rounded end, and has a cylindrical lengthwise perforation. It is
chalky, and rather softer than the foregoing.
Gorgets—There are two perforated shell disks that were undoubt-
edly used as gorgets or neckplates (pl. 63, a, 6). One is from a female
burial in Grave 19, Cemetery 2; the other is of unspecified provenience.
The first is a slightly curved subcircular plate approximately 66 to 68
mm. in diameter. In the center is a 7—mm. perforation. The un-
decorated surfaces are extensively pitted and weathered.
The second specimen is somewhat larger, its diameter ranging from
65 to 75 mm. At the center is a pair of shallow pits 13 mm. apart,
apparently representing unfinished attempts, or abandoned inten-
tions, to pierce the object. Just above these, 23 mm. from the edge
and also 13 mm. apart, are two drilled holes each 3 mm. in diameter.
Like the first, this specimen is undecorated, and its occasionally al-
most porcelaneous surfaces are deeply and extensively eroded. Pre-
sumably, this and the preceding piece (USNM 325539) were cut
from the heavy wall of a marine conch.
Unworked shells——The field records indicate that one, or rarely
two, unworked shells of fresh-water mussels were found in each of 10
graves, including 7 in Cemetery 2 and 3 in Cemetery 4. Hight of
these occurrences involved single specimens; the others consisted of
two specimens each. With two exceptions—one in each of the two
cemeteries concerned—there was no direct evidence as to the purpose
of these accompaniments. The exceptions are shells of Lampsilis
siliquoidea which were found full of red paint, a function for which,
of course, no modification of the shell was needed. The other ex-
amples may have served a similar purpose at one time; or they could
have been used as spoons, scrapers, digging tools, or for like uses.
All of the four fresh-water species represented by the unworked
136 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLw. 157
shells in this collection are common forms locally. Since they nor-
mally shun any but clear streams, it is probable that they were
gathered not from the heavily silted waters of the Missouri but rather
from such sandy tributary streams as the Grand River, Oak Creek,
or other nearby silt-free watercourses.
OBJECTS OF PERISHABLE MATERIALS
It is not to be expected, of course, that a great wealth of perishable
goods would occur in graves situated entirely in the open, as were
those here reported from the Mobridge locality. At the same time,
the comparative dryness of the region and the relative recency of the
latest of the four cemeteries, operated toward the preservation here
and there of items that, given another century or two underground,
would probably have vanished without a trace. Meager as the
evidence admittedly is, it nevertheless furnishes interesting glimpses
of native crafts and industries not usually exemplified in archeological
collections from the Great Plains.
Among the perishable items and materials here inventoried are
included the remains of leather garments, pouches, and ornaments;
porcupine-quill work; hair products; worked wood; and various kinds
of vegetal remains.
LEATHERWORK, HAIRWORK, AND QUILLWORK
Ornamented leather shirt—This piece (USNM 325474) is presum-
ably from Grave 18, Cemetery 4, reported in the field notes as that
of an ‘‘adolescent wearing a leather shirt profusely ornamented with
copper bangles and long copper tubes. As a result of this, most of
the shirt was preserved and the upper part of the body mummified.”
Unfortunately, the shirt is now incomplete and in wretched condi-
tion; its remnants give little or no hint as to the original form of the
garment, though there are interesting hints as to its decorative
treatment.
The decoration on this garment was achieved by the use of copper
or brass cones and tubes, short cylindrical glass beads, and porcupine
quills. The metal tubes, ranging in length from 42 to 90 mm. and in
diameter, from 5 to 6 mm., were apparently fastened by a simple
spot stitch, that is, the thong passing through them went under the
leather and then emerged again a short distance away to enter the
next tube, proceeding always in the direction of the work. Between
contiguous tubes, a tightly knotted thong held two copper cones
which were free to swing at their lower expanded ends. Although we
cannot now be certain, it seems likely that such paired conical ‘‘tin-
klers’’ occurred regularly between each pair of the tubes. Unfor-
tunately, we cannot be sure, either, whether these tubular and conical
Nous). ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, 8S. DAK.—WEDEL 137
pieces occurred only on the front of the garment or alternatively,
extended over the shoulders and, perhaps, onto the back.
The remains of at least two rows of beadwork, some 65 or 70 mm.
apart, are visible on the garment. Dark blue and white beads alter-
nate; they are short cylinders, 4 to 5 mm. long by 2.5 to 3 mm. in
diameter. Each bead is on a stitch slightly oblique to the general
direction of the row, so as to produce a serrate effect. The sewing
element is sinew.
Here and there on the leather fragments may be seen lines of
porcupine-quill work. Uniformly, they are very narrow, seldom
exceeding 2 mm. in width. Wherever I have dissected the bands
under a binocular microscope, the quills are attached by loop-
stitching, with an additional thread employed along one edge. As
in the case of the beads, the sewing was done with sinew only.
Hardened masses of stringy material may be detected at a few
points, and I suspect that these represent fringes of leather along an
edge, an opening, ora seam. A single wide (5 mm.) flat strip appar-
ently 10 to 12 cm. long shows a greenish tinge, plus impressions made
by 5 to 6 mm. strips of copper pressed tightly about it. Other ex-
amples of this sort of work, in which the thong has not been pressed
flat, have been discussed in the section on copperwork.
There is no evidence that this garment ever carried wide bands or
large units of quillwork, comparable to the sleeve bands, rosettes,
and other features found on many historic Plains Indian garments.
Ornamented headband.—This specimen (USNM 325501), though
shrunken, warped, and obviously incomplete, is of considerable
interest. It consists basically of two cut pieces of leather, each
originally 3.5 to 4 cm. wide by 8 cm. long, which were sewed together
with sinew to form a single strip. Ten copper or brass buttons, each
22 mm. in diameter, were attached to this in a row down the center,
with their edges touching or very slightly overlapping; the loop at the
back of each button was inserted in a small hole punched through the
leather, and a single thong was threaded successively through each
loop and then securely knotted just beyond the last button at each
end. The only two buttons in the series that I have been able to
partially clean with acid show no identifying marks on the reverse side.
Just visible on each side of (i. e., above and below) the row of
buttons is a line of porcupine-quill work 3 to 4 mm. wide running the
full length of the leather strip. The quills are fastened with sinew in
a loop-stitching technique, i. e., each quill is caught by the sinew
between loops at the bottom, folded under itself, and then passes
diagonally across to the next position at the top, where another fold
and stitch are made (see fig. 12). There is no filler, nor are there any
stitches along the center of the band. The stitching has an added
138 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 157
Figure 12.—Method of fastening porcupine quills to leather, showing additional sewing
element (a) of sinew; Cemetery 4, near Mobridge, S. Dak
thread, also sinew, along one edge (the top?). These methods of
quill attachment are well illustrated by Orchard (1916, figs. 4 and 11).
The middle portion of each line of quillwork consists of 4 cm. of quills
dyed red; this is flanked by blocks of undyed (or yellow?), and then
of dark-blue or black, quills.
Outside the rows of quillwork, sewing holes are visible here and
there along the rather irregular edges of the strip, indicating that the
piece was at one time part of a larger item of headgear. Under the
same catalog number, there are some small blue and white glass
beads, and a few more metal buttons; and the field notes would seem
to indicate that the glass beads, at least, were probably originally a
part of the same garment in which the above-described headband was
used (pl. 64, c).
Leather roseite—This piece (USNM 325474), illustrated in plate
65, d, is presumably the “circular ornament” found with a female
burial in Grave 1, Cemetery 4. It is of dark-brown or black leather,
almost feltlike in appearance, with a diameter of 85 mm. The edge
is deeply serrate, with the serrations averaging about 2 per cm. On
one surface, shallow grooves run, raylike, from a 6-mm. central per-
foration to each of the marginal indentations. Each serration is
minutely perforated, as though by a fine wire or sewing thread, and
similar small holes are scattered here and there over the surface.
The reverse side is plain and ungrooved. I am inclined to think the
holes mentioned may have been made by the thread used to hold the
piece to a garment or other foundation of soft material.
Pouch fragments.—Of the various pouches of leather, fur, bison
hair, etc., reported in the field notes from several graves in Cemeteries
2 and 4, there are no certainly identifiable remains now at hand. A
few small bag fragments, more or less uncertainly so identified for
present purposes, are worthy of brief mention.
One small fragment 4 cm. wide looks very much like the lower end
of a small individual medicine bag. I suspect, but cannot be certain,
At TP) «= ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 139
that the two short sides of this piece are stitched; it was apparently
made by doubling a long strip of leather back on itself and then
stitching the edges, the bottom thus requiring no sewing. It is
tightly packed with some unidentified substance.
A second tiny fragment, heavily stained with red paint, shows two
stitched edges lying close together but apparently not secured to each
other. To these are attached several narrow fringes and a blue glass
bead. They suggest the corner of the opening of a small pouch which
probably once contained red paint.
A third fragment, unlike the two preceding, was made of a piece of
leather with the hair still attached. No sewed edges or seams are
visible. In what may have been the inside of the bottom, or of one
side of the pouch, assuming that it was such, are a number of small
glass beads. Several round-bottomed depressions appear to be
casts of small metal bells, of large globular beads, or of some other
spherical objects. Above these, on the walls of the erstwhile pouch(?),
are numerous fine closely spaced corrugations, stained greenish as from
contact with copper. Among the specimens at hand, only the coiled
wire bracelets described on page 156 could have produced impressions
such as these. The field notes, however, do not indicate that such
bracelets were found in a pouch. If the impressions in question were
not so produced, I am at a loss to explain their origin.
Braided human hair.—Of the “‘braided hair headdress” found in
Grave 10, Cemetery 4, only two pieces are at hand. Both are made of
dark-brown, nearly black, hair identified as human; and each consists
apparently of six loosely twisted strands. The braids are flat, from 2
to 3 cm. wide, and measure 16 and 32 cm. in length. There is no
indication as to how much longer each of the pieces may have been
originally, nor do the field notes amplify the simple statement that a
braided hair headdress was present (pl. 64, d).
Hair tufts —There are five or six of these, plus some small frag-
mentary bunches of hair that possibly represent additional examples.
The hair is predominantly human, mixed with some of bear or bison.
Of the relatively complete specimens, all are characterized by one
end that has evidently had some plastic substance, perhaps a resin or
other adhesive, pressed around the bunch of hairs and formed into a
blunt tip (pl. 64, a). In some cases, this was a relatively small wad
that barely held together the ends of the fibers. Three specimens
show distinct traces of red pigment on the adhesive, with the coloring
extending some distance down the hair fibers. In length, the tufts
range from 10 to 12 cm.
There can be no doubt, I think, that these hair tufts were attached,
when in use, to leather or other garments. The portraits painted by
Catlin and Bodmer in the early 1830’s among the Upper Missouri
140 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
tribes clearly show this type of adornment on headdresses, shirts,
leggings, moccasins, and on women’s dresses. Among the tribes so
represented in these paintings are included the Arikara, Mandan,
Dakota, Blackfoot, Comanche, Omaha, Oto, Kansa, and Osage.
Maximilian makes frequent mention of hair tufts in describing the
dress of Indians of various tribes seen by him on his Missouri River
trip (Thwaites, 1904-7, vols. 22 and 23, passim). Unfortunately,
there is no way of determining on what sort of garment the present
examples originally occurred.
Of somewhat different type are two or three other hair tufts, for
none of which the exact grave provenience can be ascertained. In
each case, they consist of small conical copper or brass tinklers, 20
to 23 mm. long, which were seemingly sewn at the apex to a leather
garment, so as to hang side by side in pairs. The thong by which
they were evidently held in place was knotted, with the end passing
out through the lower end of the cone and there surrounded by a tuft
of hair (pl. 64, 6). Just how the hair was secured in the cone is not
clear, although in one example there is a suggestion of a plastic coat
or adhesive which just shows below the larger end of the metal cone.
It is possible that these objects were intended for attachment to
moccasins.
In light of Stirling’s finds at the Leavenworth Site, it may be of
passing interest to note that in a paper published many years ago
Bushnell (1909, pp. 401-425) observed that ‘“‘the Western Indians did
not use buffalo hair to the same extent, or for the same purposes, as
did those east of the Mississippi.”” He cites Hunter for the manu-
facture of blankets ‘‘among the Osage and their neighbors;”’ and calls
attention to an incident reported by Brackenridge, who saw a blind
Arikara “in consequence of a dream” making a blanket with ‘‘coarse
threads, or rather twists of buffalo wool mixed with wolf’s hair . . .”
Though Bushnell is disinclined to accept Brackenridge’s inference
that this was perhaps the first effort by a member of the Arikara
tribe at bison hair weaving, it is noteworthy that few, if any, of the
other early nineteenth century observers in this region include the
art in their accounts of the native peoples. Tabeau, whose stay
among the Arikara gave him an exceptional opportunity for firsthand
observation, in discussing the importance of the bison to the Upper
Missouri Indians, says that ‘“‘the spun wool yields the women orna-
ments and other superfluities” (Abel, 1939, p. 72). Apparently no-
where in the early historic literature does there appear a clear-cut
statement that the northern Plains Indians wove articles larger than
ropes, halters, belts, bags, ete., from bison hair. And, so far as I am
aware, the available archeological data confirm the inference that the
Noa] «= ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 141
Arikara, as presumably their neighbors, did not manufacture gar-
ments, blankets, and similar larger articles from this material.
Porcupine-quill work.—The presence of porcupine-quill decoration,
always in very limited amount, has already been noted in one or two
instances in describing various articles of leather from the Mobridge
sites. Additional examples, noted here, although few and unimpres-
sive are nevertheless of interest. There are no pieces at all suggestive
of the quillwork bands and rosettes shown on the costumes painted
by Catlin, Bodmer, and others. All of the available examples are
limited to narrow lines of decoration or to wrappings on materials
no longer determinable.
Several small scraps of worked leather, bearing the number USNM
325538, appear to be from an infant burial in Grave 18, Cemetery 2,
from which were also taken 17 ‘‘quill-wrapped”’ (actually copper-
wrapped) wooden objects that have been described elsewhere. Two
of these scraps have single-line quill ornamentation. In both, the
quills, now black in color, are fastened at top and bottom by loop-
stitches, with an additional element added to one (the top?) edge.
All sewing was done with sinew, not commercial thread (see fig. 12).
There are faint traces of what may have been quillwork on one of
two moccasins (USNM 325474) found in Grave 19, Cemetery 4, which
contained a female burial. Close examination indicates that the
only quillwork here was a simple edging to one side of the ankle flap,
made by using the quills in the same fashion as one might use an
ordinary thread to prevent unraveling at the edge of a woven article.
The quills have been dyed red.
Although the present collection includes no objects wrapped with
quills, it is evident that this technique was also known. From Grave
39, Cemetery 2, came a small bundle of such wrappings, They con-
sist of a springlike mass, with flat loops about 8 mm. wide by 1 to 3
mm. thick. The successive quills were spliced by twisting together
the two ends and then presumably turning them under the adjacent
wrappings (see Orchard, 1916, fig. 6). There is nothing to indicate,
of course, the nature of the material wrapped, but strips of rawhide
were frequently used for this purpose among the historic quillworkers
of the northern Plains and adjacent regions.
Of the ‘‘flat piece of wood 3 inches long by % inch wide, wrapped
with porcupine quills,’’ recorded in the field notes as from Grave 1,
Cemetery 4, I find no trace in the present collections.
WOODWORK
The Arikara and their historic neighbors on the Upper Missouri
were not noted for outstanding accomplishment in woodworking, and
142 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 157
this phase of their material culture is usually barely mentioned, if at
all, by the travelers and traders who passed through the locality.
This, plus the fact that the present materials were all collected from
open and unprotected sites, makes it rather surprising that anything
as impermanent as wood should have survived the passage of a cen-
tury and a half, or more.
Bowl.—This specimen, found inverted in the burial of a male in
Grave 13, Cemetery 4, includes considerably less than half of the
original vessel. Though somewhat warped, it is obviously from a
flat-bottomed bowl with upcurving sides and a thin rounded lip.
The flat base seems to have been about 6.5 to 7 cm. in diameter,
whence the walls rose upward and outward to a height of perhaps 3.5
cm. to form a bowl with a rim diameter of about 12 to 13 cm. The
entire vessel has been scraped or sanded to a fairly smooth finish,
with a thickness ranging from 2 or 3 mm. at the bottom and 5 mm.
on the sides to about 8 mm. where the base and sides join. There
are no traces of efforts at ornamentation. The wood, very soft and
light, may be poplar (USNM 325576).
Spoons.—The field notes record the finding of wooden spoons or
ladles in Graves 13 and 16, Cemetery 4; but these cannot be cer-
tainly identified in the fragmentary material now in the national
collections. There are several thinned and shaped pieces exhibiting
a rather pronounced curvature, which may well be from spoons; but
it is quite impossible to determine their original size and form.
Club.—This most interesting and unusual piece (USNM 325592)
was found with the burial of an adolescent in Grave 8, Cemetery 4
(pl. 65, a). It is made of juniper and measures 75 by 7.2 by 3.2
em. From a narrow grip, 2.7 by 2 cm., it expands upward into a
broad blade, diamond-shaped in cross section and terminating in a
short point. Below the grip, there is a slight subtriangular expan-
sion pierced to receive a thong or cord which, inferentially, passed
around the wrist of the user. There is no ornamentation; and traces
of red paint along one edge may have resulted merely from contact
with the pigments which also occurred in the grave.
I have been unable to find any description of clubs or clublike im-
plements comparable to this piece from the Arikara or their neigh-
bors, although a vaguely similar specimen in the ethnological collec-
tions of the National Museum is credited to the Oto of Nebraska.
The Mobridge club seems rather light for service as a weapon of war
or the chase, but it is very probable that when in use it was appreci-
ably heavier and tougher than at present. It would certainly have
been a far less effective weapon than the familiar stone-headed club
of the historic Plains Indians, whose presence among the Arikara is
Meas) )~6©—) ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, 8. DAK.—WEDEL 143
indicated by at least one grooved stone club head in the present col-
lection. Moreover, its association with an adolescent burial hardly
seems in keeping with the idea that it was a man’s weapon, although
this is not conclusive evidence, to be sure. Whether implements of
this type were used for such operations as fish killing or for dispatch-
ing or stunning other small game, I cannot say; but this would seem
a more likely view than that regarding the club as a war weapon.
Carved sticks.—This is a varied lot of small wooden objects, mostly
fragmentary, but certainly worked, that doubtless served a variety of
uses among their owners. It would be most interesting to know just
how they were used, but I cannot venture even a satisfying guess on
this point. Most of them are certainly from graves, but it is im-
possible in most cases to identify the cataloged objects with those
inventoried from various burials.
A dressed stick measuring 11.3 by 2.3 by 0.7 cm. is slightly curved
lengthwise, with one end rounded and the other broken. There is
some suggestion of a hole, or perhaps two of them, at and near the
rounded end. Red ochre adheres to the object, but I cannot say
whether this represents the vestiges of a former coating of paint or
was acquired incidentally from paint materials buried with the
stick in the grave. This specimen may be the “rectangular piece of
wood about 6 inches by 1 inch, perforated at each end,” recorded in
the notes for Grave 13, Cemetery 4. It is of poplar.
The cut end of a carefully dressed stick is apparently all that
remains of an interesting piece inventoried from Grave 13, Cemetery 4.
This fragment, 35 mm. wide by 8 mm. in maximum thickness, has a
concave-convex cross section; the concave surface is criss-crossed
with fine incised lines spaced at intervals of 3 to 5 mm. In the
field notes, what is evidently this specimen is described briefly as
“a, rectangular piece of wood ten inches long by one inch in width,
concave on one surface and ornamented with closely drawn cross-
hatched lines.”’ There are traces of red ochre on all surfaces of the
surviving fragment.
Of the ‘‘cigar-shaped”’ sticks reported from several burials, there
are only two examples at hand. One, broken but restorable, measures
21.5 cm. long by 2.7 cm. in maximum diameter; it is approximately
circular in cross section and tapers toward each end. Part of another
broken specimen shows the same tapered form at one end. On
neither of these is there any evidence of a dressed surface; in ap-
pearance, they suggest rather pieces of stream-worn driftwood which
from long burial in the ground have acquired the partially rotted
surface that characterizes the lower end of an old fence post. The
fact that such objects are described in the field notes from at least
144 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 157
five burials—one in Cemetery 3, four in Cemetery 4—would indicate
that regardless of whether they were shaped fortuitously or purpose-
fully, they served some definite need of the Indians.
There is apparently no trace in the cataloged collections of several
other wooden objects mentioned in the field notes. These include:
“ta, flat piece of wood 3 inches in length by \ inch wide, wrapped with
porcupine quills,” from Grave 1, Cemetery 4; a ‘“‘disc-shaped wooden
object 2 inches in diameter, perforated in the center,’ from the
same burial; and several “gaming sticks’? reported from Grave 38,
Cemetery 2, and Grave 11, Cemetery 4.
Copper-wrapped(?) sticks——According to the field notes for Grave
18, Cemetery 2, in which was found the burial of an adolescent,
“there were along the right arm seventeen strips of bark, each about
three inches in length and one-quarter inch wide, wrapped in porcu-
pine quill.”” These are in all probability the group of seventeen or
eighteen specimens bearing the permanent catalog number 325538,
and recorded only as “found with burial.’”’ None of these is now
quill-wrapped (pl. 64, e).
Seventeen of the specimens are carefully shaped thin slips of soft
wood or bark, 8.8 to 9 cm. in length, 8 to 11 mm. in width, and about
2 mm. thick. The ends are squared, with the corners and edges
rounded off and worn smooth. All are more or less curved, probably
by warping; in transverse cross section, one surface is very slightly
concave, the other correspondingly convex. On the convex surface,
close inspection reveals a succession of very fine, closely spaced
transverse striations, more or less regularly spaced at intervals of 1 to
1.5 mm.; and these striae sometimes run over the edges but not onto
the concave back.
None of the above pieces bear any traces of the quill wrappings
attributed to them in the field notes. In the same lot with them,
however, there is a small slightly tapered piece of wood or bark, 5 to
7 mm. wide, and slightly curved lengthwise. Part of its surface
bears faint transverse striations that are indistinguishable from those
on the above-described objects. Elsewhere, however, on both sur-
faces, there are small areas that are covered with closely laid copper
or brass strips averaging 10 to 11 per linear cm. In no case do these
strips pass completely around the piece, so that I cannot be sure
whether a single long narrow flat wire of this material was wrapped
continuously around the stick or, alternatively, whether shorter
lengths were clamped around it and their ends fastened together
somehow on the back. In any case, it is obvious that the wrapping
here was of metal, not quills; and it seems very likely that the 17
objects described above were wrapped with the same material. I
doubt that quill wrappings, even if they were applied wet and allowed
Nous] «= ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, 8. DAK.—WEDEL 145
to shrink tight, would leave the regular striations that evidently
resulted from the hard, sharp edges of the metal strips. It must be
admitted here that not one of the 17 objects first described above
shows any traces of the green copper salts that might be expected if
the above view as to their manner of use is correct; but it should also
be pointed out that the greater part of the surfaces of the partially
wrapped fragment are free from such evidence, too.
As to the use made of these curious pieces, I have little to suggest.
They are somewhat reminiscent in size and shape of the quill-wrapped
leather or rawhide strips used in various ways by the Indians, as in
fringes on the lower edges of tobacco pouches. There is nothing to
indicate, however, that they were intended for attachment, that is,
they are unnotched and unperforated. I would suppose that they
were perhaps manufactured by white men for the Indian trade, but
this I cannot prove.
VEGETAL REMAINS
These include various seeds and other materials, both domesticates
and nondomesticates, found in small quantities in several graves.
Some are without doubt the remains of foodstuffs. Others are of
nonedible nature, and may represent medicinal or other nondietary
items. Needless to say, the list of plant materials found in these
investigations must represent only a small fraction of the ethnobo-
tanical resources available to, and doubtless utilized by, the local
Indian populace.
Domesticated food plants are represented by several charred corn-
cobs, all of them fragmentary, and by a few small lots of pumpkin or
squash seeds (Cucurbita sp.). So far as I can determine, all cob frag-
ments are from ears with eight rows of kernels. They range in maxi-
mum diameter from 12 to 15 mm.; none exceeds 38 mm. in length.
Species identification of the Cucurbita seeds has not been attempted.
Nondomesticated plant remains include: Plum pits, probably
Prunus americana Marsh, whose fruit, fresh, cooked, or dried, was
widely used by many Plains Indian tribes (Gilmore, 1919, p. 87);
chokecherry pits, probably Prunus virginiana L., whose small but
delicious fruits, fresh or dried, were “highly esteemed by all the tribes
for food’’ (Gilmore, 1919, p. 88); fruits of a ragweed, probably giant
ragweed, Ambrosia trifida L., which may have been used as a curative;
probable sumac fruits, Rhus glabra L., which are known to have been
used for medicinal purposes by the Omaha and Pawnee (Gilmore,
1919, p. 99).
Several chunks of material from graves, which I presume to be the
substance tentatively identified in the field as tobacco, show ‘‘no
plant structure, . . . [and are] apparently not tobacco.”
146 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 157
The field notes also mention ‘“‘a quantity of funguslike material,
probably tinder,” which occurred with a male burial in Grave 1,
Cemetery 4. Samples of this soft, powdery, brown substance (USNM
325518) have been identified in the laboratory as “Fungus, perhaps a
puffball.”” According to Gilmore (1919, p. 62), these mushrooms were
used by the Pawnee, Omaha, Ponca, and Dakota as a styptic; in the
young stage, they were sometimes roasted and eaten by the Omaha.
A small tightly packed bundle of unidentified grass, wrapped with
three or four turns of willow bark (USNM 325575), was found back
of the skull of a child in Grave 3, Cemetery 3. Its purpose, if other
than to cushion the head, is conjectural.
OBJECTS OF EUROPEAN MANUFACTURE
TEXTILES
Lace-ornamented garment.—The field notes describing an infant
burial in Grave 11, Cemetery 4, state that “The head rested on a
pouch of blue flannel decorated with green and white porcupine quills
and brass buttons.” The only cataloged materials that can be con-
sidered accordant with this brief description are several fragments
of what was without much question a wool shirt or jacket, probably
of machine-made cloth with nap, and decorated with imitation gold
lace and gilt buttons. The exact nature of the original garment must
remain uncertain; but it was apparently provided with lace-orna-
mented cuffs and was presumably open part way down the front.
There is no indication of a collar. In part, at least, the garment con-
sisted of two layers of napped plain or cotton weave (over-and-under)
cloth; the sleeves and fragments of what was apparently the front
consist of an inner layer of dark-blue cloth, over which was a layer
of the same goods in a brown color. The thread with which these
two layers were sewn together is cotton. There are several pieces
of blue cloth only; but I cannot say whether these originally were
the back of the shirt, perhaps made to contrast with the brown front
or, alternatively, merely represent fragments that have become de-
tached from the brown outer layer.
The lace with which this garment was decorated is of interest (pls.
66, 67). Done in narrow fabric weaving with an average width of
26 to 27 mm. it consists of flat metal strips averaging less than 1
mm. each in width and alternating with fine wire. These strips and
wire constitute the weft; the warp is of cotton threads, alternating
in wide (4 to 5 mm.) and narrow (1 to 1.5 mm.) elements, with two
narrow elements used together at each edge. On the face of the
resulting fabric, the metal strips are most conspicuous, the wires
with which they alternate appearing only inconspicuously as they
AS", Tt? ~~ ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 147
cross the narrow warp elements. On the back, of course, the opposite
is true; the fine wires and cotton warps are most prominent (pl. 67,
a, 6). In passing, it may be noted that the lace, which may originally
have been lightly gilded, now superficially resembles “green and white
porcupine quillwork’’; but careful examination leaves no doubt as
to its true nature. M. L. Peterson, acting head curator, Department
of History, U. S. National Museum, informs me that this is not
military lace, of which it may be an imitation intended for the Indian
trade; and that it was doubtless manufactured in Europe by hand.
There are interesting indications as to how the lace was used (pl.
66). A strip bordered each side of the half-opening down the front.
At their upper end, these strips were folded so as to run at right angles,
apparently along the shoulder. Other long strips no longer fastened
to cloth suggest that the lace once ran down the sleeves. Two heavy
pieces of brown cloth lined with dark blue, which are almost certainly
cuffs, are each encircled by a strip of lace at the upper edge; and from
this strip three shorter lengths run to the edge of the cuff opening
(pl. 66, 6, c). There can be no doubt about the cuff decoration and
that along the opening of the shirt front, since these parts can be
identified beyond any reasonable doubt. The suggested sleeve
decoration is conjectural; but it would account for the remaining
strips of lace and would also be in line with what is known about
quillwork and beadwork decoration on historic Plains Indian costume.
In addition to the lace, there were a number of metal buttons on
the garment. Five are still in place, attached at intervals along the
front opening beside the lace fringe; an equal number are now de-
tached from the cloth. They are apparently of brass with a light
coating of gilt, traces of which still remain in a few instances. All
are of single piece construction, 20 to 21 mm. in diameter, with a wire
loop soldered to the back. On the reverse of each of the five free
buttons, two concentric lines encircle the attachment loop. Between
these lines are stamped the words cHANCE and citt. While the
buttons here involved are probably not military articles, it is of
interest to note that a list of firm names and trademarks of military
button makers (Johnson, 1948, vol. 1, p. 216) includes the entry
“CHANCE, 1814.” It is possible that nonmilitary buttons were also
made by this manufacturer, or even that his name was used for pro-
motional purposes by other manufacturers with a lesser reputation.
The date given for Chance, of course, coincides very nicely with the
period of known Arikara occupation of the site where the present
specimens were recovered.
Metallic lace or “braid” that must have been very similar to that
described on the fragmentary garment discussed above was evidently
widely distributed among the western Indians during the eighteenth
148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLu. 157
and early nineteenth centuries. In a list of presents for the Missouri
River Indians drawn up by Cruzat in November 1787, at St. Louis,
there are included “Nine garments trimmed with lace for the chiefs”’
and also “two lace-trimmed hats for idem’ (Houck, 1909, vol. 1, p.
267). It is mentioned by Tabeau, circa 1803-5, in his description of
the “ceremony for assuaging grief,” which he witnessed among the
Brule Sioux, and of which he wrote in part: “. . . The clothes of
both men and women are scarlet; the coats of the men are decorated
in false gold, with a blue collar ornamented with silver; and the
garments of the women are trimmed in the same way . . .” (Abel,
1939, p. 212). On his visit to the Pawnee in 1835, Colonel Dodge
was met by the son of the principal chief, who was wearing “‘a scarlet-
colored coat, trimmed with silver lace . . .”” (Dodge, 1861, p. 138).
Archeologically, metal wire and cotton lace of somewhat different
construction from the Leavenworth Site example but superficially
similar in appearance (USNM 381693), was recovered by the writer
in 1938 in the vicinity of plow-disturbed graves at the Kansa village
site 2 miles east of Manhattan, Kans. ‘This site was the main village
of the Kansa from circa 1800-1830 (Wedel, 1946, p.13). In the metal
lace from this site, paired brass or copper wires served as weft elements
on a cotton warp; and the “copper cloth braid” found by Strong in
a burial at the Leavenworth Site (p. 102) appears to be similarly made
with fine wire wefts. Except in the garment described above, I have
seen no archeological examples of braid or lace in which metal strips
were used. The relatively fragile nature of the lace itself, together
with the perishable materials to which it was attached, probably
accounts in large measure for the infrequency with which it has been
found archeologically.
Woolen fabrics—These include several fragments of a soft light
reddish-brown cloth, and one piece of a coarse weaving of a nearly
black color. At first thought to represent bison-hair weaving, the
specimens have been finally identified as of sheep’s wool and thus
they are evidently of trade origin. The yarns employed were appar-
ently twisted by hand, and the finished fabrics show considerable
unevenness in weave. There is no way of determining the nature or
size of the finished articles of which these samples are obviously only
remnants.
The softer material is woven from a single strand yarn, light brown
in color and rather loosely and unevenly spun. The individual yarns,
viewed end on, are twisted in a clockwise direction. The cloth woven
from these yarns is a rather loose 45° twill, in which warps and wefts
alike average seven or eight per linear centimeter. Over much of
the surface the woven elements are partially obscured by what ap-
pears to be a soft nap, now matted down in places. There are no
ANTHRO. Par. ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 149
finished edges or ends on any of the pieces, nor is there evidence of
ornamentation. The largest piece at hand measures about 18 by 11
cm.
The heavier cloth is made of two-ply cordage, and is very much
stiffer and coarser than the foregoing. Each of the two strands
making up the cords, when viewed from the end, shows a counter-
clockwise twist; and in combining the two elements into the larger
cord, the twisting was in the opposite direction, that is, clockwise.
The twisting, at least in the final operation, was evidently much more
tightly done than in the lighter textile described above. The cords
used in the weaving averaged from 2 to 3 mm. in diameter; they were
worked into a tight hard over-two-under-two, or twilled, fabric in
which there are about four cords per linear centimeter. So far as I
can determine, there are no finished edges in this piece.
Cloth tape—The only other textile fragment certainly recognizable
as of white origin is a small length of woven tape, 25 mm. wide.
White cotton and brown wool were used as warps, brown wool as
wefts. In the finished piece, the ground is a rather loose brown twill
(over-two-under-two) broken by four narrow strips of basket weave
(over-two-under-two) in which the white cotton warps are most
prominent. There is no way of determining from which grave this
piece came, or how it was utilized by the Indians.
GLASS AND EARTHENWARE
Glass beads.—Glass beads of various sizes, colors, and shapes were
taken from graves in all four cemeteries. With the exception of the
small blue and white necklace beads, none of the varieties occurred in
any great numbers. Unfortunately, the specimens recovered were
not segregated according to provenience, either by grave lots or by
site; and, except in a very few instances, it is not now possible to
identify the beads in hand with those listed in the field notes as
accompanying any given burial.
Most common in the collection are the small blue and white ‘‘seed”
beads of size 0 or larger.5 They average 3 to 5 mm. in diameter
and run, when strung, about 10 or 12 to the inch. In shape and size
they are quite variable, and many have the perforation off-center.
The white beads (USNM 325454) are all opaque; the blue (USNM
15 Here I must acknowledge again my indebtedness to Glenn A. Black, Indiana University, for his cour-
tesy and helpfulness in examining the beads from the Mobridge locality. The entire series was sent to
Black without any data whatsoever regarding their provenience and without suggestion as to their time
or cultural associations. Not until the beads were returned by Black to the U. S. National Museum,
along with his report, dated March 7, 1951, did I inform him as to the source of the material. His general
comment on the material follows: ‘‘ With some exceptions, these beads are of types which were handled by
both the French and the British as trade items in the period around 1750. There are some beads which
were popular in the period 1700-1750 which are lacking from this group, which makes me feel that, generally,
the period represented is from 1750 to 1800.”
2651915416
150 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 157
325463) are predominantly pale in color, and more or less translucent,
with an occasional clear or dark-blue specimen. The field notes
indicate that the small blue and white beads frequently occurred
together; but in the collections at hand, there are only about 700
small whites as against nearly 6,000 small blues. The latter are
strung in 17 lots of somewhat varied size, but all bear the same cata-
log number.
Two strings of larger blue beads also include several kinds. On
one (USNM 3825456) there are four hexagonal faceted pale-blue opaque
beads about 7 mm. in diameter and the same in length; four hexagonal
and polygonal faceted dark-blue translucent beads, with length and
diameter varying from 6 to 8 mm.; 32 irregularly shaped and variously
sized deep-blue translucent beads 6 to 8 mm. in diameter; 27 uniformly
shaped and sized pale-blue opaque beads, 5 to 7 mm. in diameter;
and two green beads similar to the immediately preceding group.
The second string (USNM 325461) includes 61 opaque light-blue
subglobular to subcylindrical beads, all under 8 mm. in length; and
two ellipsoidal beads of the same general appearance, but ranging in
length from 13 to 15 mm. and in diameter from 10 to 12 mm. (pl. 68, ¢).
Many of these are surface-pitted with what are evidently air bubbles
or other structural defects; and 8 or 10 of them have a dull-gray look
that suggests burning. This string has been figured by Stirling (1947,
fig. 2, h) as an example of native Arikara glassworking.
I confess to some perplexity regarding this last string of beads.
Under the binocular microscope, the dull-gray specimens are seen to
be imperfectly shaped, with large air bubbles, and the perforation
wall is often nubbly. It gives the impression of poorly fused angular
particles, some of which indeed have a strong reddish color. They
look very much like an amateurish attempt at glassworking.
In contrast, the bright-blue specimens that predominate on the
string, though they have a somewhat bubbly look, are vitreous in
cross section, lack the large air bubbles, and have a smooth-finished
perforation wall. Moreover, they are generally more symmetrical
than the “‘burned”’ specimens just described, and look like the products
of a competent and experienced craftsman. I am inclined to suspect
that the inferior beads with the burned look may indeed be native-
made; but the better-made and more numerous specimens would seem
to me to have been beyond the capabilities of the Arikara glassworkers.
Several other strings or lots of miscellaneous glass beads are cata-
loged. One of these (USNM 325457) is cataloged as ‘from grave”’
and may include specimens from Graves 16 and 18, Cemetery 4. In
16 Tabeau, Maximilian, and other contemporary observers uniformly aver that blue beads were preferred
above all other colors by the Upper Missouri tribes.
AxtHEor. Par. ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, 8. DAK.—WEDEL 151
this string there are eight translucent bright-red beads, with thin white
lining(?) in the perforation; they are globular in shape, with diameter
and length both averaging 6mm. There are three multifaceted beads,
including one short wide specimen of clear colorless glass, 9 mm. in
diameter; a clear blue bead 5 mm. in diameter; and a long milky
white specimen 18 mm. long by 7 mm. Other specimens in this lot
include: a large short globular bright blue bead with wavy black and
white lines; two white opaque barrel-shaped beads, 7 by 11 mm., with
wavy bluish lines; three thick pear-shaped beads, with wide dull
brownish stripes; a slightly smaller, similarly shaped specimen, en-
circled by a brown stripe flanked with pale blue-green stripes; a dark-
brown tubular bead, 5 by 9 mm., with a wavy yellow fillet encircling
each end; and two small barrel-shaped opaque greenish beads.
Another miscellaneous lot includes, besides fragments of types
already noted above, a large multifaceted clear glass bead, barrel-
shaped, and measuring 12 by 23 mm. (from Grave 6, Cemetery 4);
and a smaller multifaceted specimen of opaque bluish-green glass,
12 mm. long.
There are two strings of medium-sized oblong glass beads, mostly
white, that may include some or all of those listed in the field notes as
“many large porcelain beads, of many different sorts.’”’? On the string
of larger beads (USNM 325460), of which a sample is shown in plate
68, d, there are several beads that carry fine blue lines, usually in
groups of two or three and sometimes spirally arranged. Highly
variable in size and proportions, these beads range in length from 6
to 13 mm., and in diameter from 6 to 10 mm. The second string
(USNM 325464) consists of smaller varisized white beads, generally
of a wheat-grain form with flattened ends, and apparently of wire-
wound manufacture. They range in size from 3 by 5 mm. to 7 by 13
mm. The 145 ‘porcelain’ beads reported by Strong from a child
burial at Cemetery 2 (p. 95) are all opaque white, without decorative
lines or other markings, and resemble those in the first of these two
strings.
Largest beads in the present collection are 13 ellipsoidal specimens
(pl. 68, e), cataloged (USNM 325459) as “stone beads”’ but identified
in the field records as of native manufacture (see also Stirling, 1947,
p. 260 and fig. 2, g). Six are a dull opaque white; seven are pale blue,
which in several examples appears to be weathered and faded. They
vary somewhat in length from 25 to 31 mm., and in diameter from
12 to 18 mm.; the whites, as a group, are slightly larger. They have
somewhat the shape of a pigeon egg, are generally well made and
symmetrical, and have even well-centered perforations. The sur-
faces are somewhat pitted by air bubbles; but in general the beads
152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLu. 157
all have a solid heavy appearance and feel. According to Black
(letters of March 7 and 20, 1951):
These are known as “wire-wound” beads due to the fact that the molten glass
was gathered upon a revolving metal spindle. They are of an old type and have
been found here on French site of the period 1690-1750. They continued later
than that, however. . . . Duplicates are found in Indiana at the site of Miami
Post, Wea Town, and in Michigan at the site of Fort St. Joseph. I have also
seen them from several sites in the southeast. They were traded mainly by
the French but the British used them also.
Interestingly enough, Catlin’s portrait (No. 124) of the wife of an
Arikara chief shows large beads of identical shape used as a necklace
(Ewers, 1950, pl. 3); and on the original painting in the National
Museum these beads clearly include both blue and white specimens,
in alternating sequence. J think there can be no doubt that Catlin
was depicting just the type of bead here discussed.
Native-made ornaments of glass——Among the most interesting speci-
mens in the present collection are 23 flatwork ornaments (USNM
325465) that can be accepted, without question, as examples of Ari-
kara glassworking. ll are blue or bluish white in color; and, except
for a certain slight translucence at the edges, they are opaque. ‘Two
shapes are indicated (pl. 68, a, 6). Seventeen examples are circular,
with planoconvex cross section; they are from 20 to 22 mm. in diam-
eter, up to 5 mm. thick, and have each a central perforation. The
convex surface is usually blue, whereas the flat surface, or reverse
side, has a dull grayish unfinished appearance. The upper surface
tends to turn upward sharply just at the perforation, so as to form
a slight ridge surrounding the latter. The only decorated specimen
has two concentric rings of white inlay on the upper convex surface
(Stirling, 1947, fig. 2, ¢).
Six specimens are subtriangular in outline, with rounded corners.
In most particulars, they closely resemble the circular pieces, except
that the surfaces seem to be more plentifully sprinkled with air bub-
bles, particularly on the flat back and along the edges. In size, they
range from 33 by 27 mm. down to 20 by 16 mm., with a thickness
between 5 and 7 mm. Four have inlaid decoration of two parallel
whitish or brownish lines, between which are four or five dots of the
same character (Stirling, 1947, fig. 2, a, b, f).
The available historical and ethnographic data on native glass-
working by the Indians of the Upper Missouri region have been re-
cently brought together and discussed in some detail by Stirling
(1947, pp. 257-263), and there seems no point in repeating here the
material thus made easily accessible. Briefly, the process involved
the grinding up of ordinary trade beads, shaping or molding into de-
sired form the resulting powdered and moistened glass, and then the
A - PAP,
No as]... ~—s- ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 153
proper firing of the materials. According to Tabeau (Abel, 1939, p.
139), “A Spanish prisoner taught them (the Arikara) how to melt our
glass beads and to mould them into a shape that pleases them. This
art which is as yet unknown to them is practised only secretly and
still passes for a supernatural talent.” This statement suggests that
the trait was still a fairly new one among the Arikara in 1803, an im-
pression that receives some support from the fact that in the present
series native-made glass objects were recorded only from the latest of
the burial sites represented, i. e., the Leavenworth Site.
That there is room for considerable diversity of opinion, even among
professionals, in the matter of distinguishing trade beads from native-
made glass ornaments is evident from what has been said in the fore-
going pages. The specimens last described, of which Black observed
that “they have me guessing,” can hardly be anything else than na-
tive products. On the other hand, the large ellipsoidal wire-wound
beads for which Black cites other occurrences at historic sites in the
Indiana region, seem as certainly to have been erroneously identified
previously as Indian glasswork. Finally, with regard to the string
of blue beads (USNM 325461) earlier described herein, Black says on
further inquiry that ‘they did not impress me evidently, for I made
no notes relative to them.” I have already indicated my doubts that
this latter lot, with a few possible exceptions, can be attributed to
Arikara glassworkers. In most respects, as Black implies, they evi-
dently conform to recognized trade bead types; and it would seem to
me a pointless effort on the part of the Indians to make, with their
own primitive techniques, objects that could be obtained from the
traders. The flattened triangular and circular forms, on the other
hand, were quite unlike wares brought in by the Whites; and I am
inclined to wonder whether most of the beads referred to in the early
accounts of native glassworking were not actually more like the ob-
jects represented in our series by lot USNM 325465 than they were
like the necklace beads included in USNM 325461.
Bottles —From the burial of an adult male in Grave 10, Cemetery
4, was taken the small glass bottle shown in plate 68,7 (USNM 325462).
It measures 60 by 35 by 20 mm., and is complete except for a missing
portion of the wide flange around the mouth. Its four sides bear the
following inscription in raised letters:
BY ROBT
4 THE TURLI
O KINGS a NGTON
A) ROYALL =) FOR HIS
OG PATENT » INVENTED
© GRANTED BALSOM
4 TO OF
154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 157
There is great uncertainty about the date, if such it is, in this inscrip-
tion, since the numerals are much worn; otherwise, the characters are
generally unmistakable. The nostrum indicated—Balsam of Life—
was patented in London, January 18, 1744, by Robert Turlington,
merchant of that city. There were 27 ingredients, constituting what
was essentially a compound tincture of benzoin. It was said to cure
the stone, gravel, colic, and inward weaknesses; the prescribed dosage
was 30 to 40 drops. In 1752 the Boston Gazette advertised Turling-
ton’s “Balsam . . . prepared and sent by Mr. Turlington, the pat-
entee, to John Vintenon ...in Boston” (Kremers and Urdang,
1951, p. 201). It was advertised again in the same paper on January
21, 1765 (Dow, 1927, p. 236). How long and how widely it was used
in the Indian and western frontier trade, I cannot say. The name
“Turlington’s Balsam” is included under ‘Compound Benzoin Tinc-
ture’’ in the United States Dispensatory (1947, 24th ed., p. 148).
The flat base of a small cylindrical bottle or vial (USNM 325468)
was found with a female burial in Grave 1, Cemetery 4. It is of plain
bluish-white glass, and has a diameter of 23 mm. (pl. 68, h). There
are no marks on it.
Mirrors—From Grave 1, Cemetery 4, came a wood-backed mirror
(USNM 325467). It consists of a thin slightly iridescent glass rec-
tangle measuring 53 by 90 mm., and a wood backing with a thickness
of about 4 mm. The backing has a narrow slightly raised border
about 5 mm. wide and of equal height, which presumably once held
the glass in place. The flat area inside the border is stained dark,
probably from the adhesive which once held the glass securely. At
one corner there is a slight lateral projection, which may once have
been part of a handle or some device for hanging the item. Owing
to considerable shrinkage in the wood, the back no longer fits the
glass found with it (pl. 65, c).
Numerous fragments of thin highly iridescent glass found in Grave
8, Cemetery 4, possibly represent asecond mirror. There are traces of
some sort of thin silvered(?) backing on one side of several glass slivers.
Others show a finished curving edge that suggests some sort of object,
mirror or other, substantially larger and of different shape than the
mirror previously described. There are no wood or other remains
suggesting a frame with this object (USNM 325466).
Earthenware.—Objects identified in the field as porcelain, but
more accurately described as earthenware, were recovered from four
graves, including two occurrences each in Cemeteries 2 and 4. None
of the specimens listed in the field notes from Cemetery 2 have been
identified in the cataloged collection, unless a string of opaque white
glass beads (USNM 325460) is the material enumerated as ‘‘many
large porcelain beads, of many different sorts.”’
ie) «= ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 155
From Cemetery 4 there are three earthenware objects. One is a
curious tear-drop shaped object, part of the surface of which is still
glazed (pl. 68, g; USNM 325534). It measures 12 mm. in diameter by
15 mm. in length; its purpose is unknown. From Grave 8 were
taken two disks (pl. 68, 4; USNM 325469), obviously reworked by the
Indians from fragments of white glazed chinaware.!” They are flat
and somewhat irregularly shaped; in diameter, they measure 43 to 48
mm. and 50 to 55 mm., respectively. Neither is perforated and,
except for the shaping, they have not been modified by the Indians.
There is nothing to indicate how they were used.
In the collection there are two small fragments of white earthenware
pipe stems (pl. 68, f; USNM 325504) whose provenience is uncertain.
They measure 36 and 26 mm. long, respectively, and are 7 to 9 mm. in
diameter. One end of the longer piece is worn smooth, suggesting
utilization as a bead or ornament. There are no ornamental or other
marks on either.
COPPER, BRASS, BRONZE
Objects made of copper or copper alloys constitute the greatest
number of metal specimens from the Mobridge sites. All are heavily
coated with the characteristic green or blue-green salts produced by
corrosion. I have not thought it worth while to remove this coating
except in a few instances where possible marker’s marks or decorative
patterns were indicated; nor have metallurgical analyses been made
of the various pieces. There is nothing to suggest that any of the
specimens consist of native copper; where native workmanship is
suggested, this was confined to the cutting and limited shaping of
scraps and small pieces.
Copper or copper alloy objects, or indications of their former
presence, were found in graves at all burial grounds except Cemetery
3. The occurrences include 1 in Cemetery 1, 12 in Cemetery 2, and
10 in Cemetery 4. For the most part, the objects appear to be such
as would have been used in personal adornment rather than as tools
and implements.
Bracelets—Bracelets of three different kinds are indicated. The
first, represented exclusively from Cemetery 4, consist of heavy
brass (?) wire or rod, 5 or 6 mm. in diameter, sometimes slightly
flattened, and bent into an ellipse 73 to 80 mm. long with a gap of
20 to 25 mm. where the ends of the rod were not quite brought to-
gether. Deep transverse or diagonal scorings relieve the outside of
the ellipse; they are irregular in length, depth, and spacing, and quite
possibly were cut by the Indians themselves with a file or cold chisel.
11C, M. Watkins, associate curator of ethnology, U. S National Museum, identified these disks as of
English creamware.
156 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
In one or two instances, the ends of the rods look as if they had been
partially cut with a chisel and then broken off by bending the rod
back and forth. No two specimens of these bracelets (pl. 70, g) are
exactly alike; and I would suppose that they may have been fashioned
by the Indians from rods or heavy wire furnished by white traders.
Of quite different nature are several specimens made from coiled
wire. A matched pair found together in Grave 13, Cemetery 4,
consists of two coils, each of four turns of 5-mm. wire (pl. 70, d), with
an over-all diameter of 85 mm. From Grave 22, Cemetery 4, came
two smaller circlets of lighter coiled wire; each consists of about four
turns, and the outside diameter of the coilsis 51mm. What I suspect
may be the remains of another bracelet of this same style is represented
by a mass of wire fragments, each averaging about 2 mm. in diameter,
and with many curved, twisted, or doubled pieces. The four copper
bracelets and a smaller coil found by Strong in a grave at the Leaven-
worth Site (p. 102) are of this same general sort; they consist of one to
three turns of wire 3.5 to 6 mm. in diameter, forming more or less
circular objects 47 to 67 mm. in diameter.
Of similar but simpler construction, and in a sense ached ae inter-
mediate between the two types described above, are two specimens
of uncertain provenience. A slightly flattened 3-mm. wire was
doubled back on itself, and the two parallel wires were then bent into
the form of an ellipse open at the back. They measure about 80 mm.
in length, and the openings at the back are 15 to 20 mm. long. There
is no scoring or other attempt at ornamentation (pl. 70, 2).
A third and markedly different style of bracelet came from Grave
18, Cemetery 4. It consists of four springlike coils (pl. 69, k), each
16 mm. in diameter and 23 to 26 mm. long, made of 1.5-mm. wire.
There is no indication as to the way in which these four units were
held together on the wrist of the owner; they may have been on a
light wire of which no trace now remains, or as likely were simply
strung on a cord or thong. Ear ornaments that suggest similar
metalwork are mentioned in Tabeau’s description of a village dandy,
who had “triple rolls of brass wire” in the ears (Abel, 1939, p. 177).
Bells —These include three large and about a score of small speci-
mens (pl. 69, a, 6). The larger vary from 3.7 to 4.2 cm. in maximum
diameter, are approximately globular in shape, and exhibit a raised
rib about the middle where the two separately cast halves have been
joined. Each has a heavy loop for attachment, from 10 to 15 mm.
long and about as wide. Opposite the loop, a small circular area
outlined by two incised lines is bisected by the slot. On one of the
specimens, one of the semicircular spaces so formed has the letter W
imprinted, while the opposite space bears the letter R. Between
these half-circles and the equatorial ridge are eight contiguous lobed
Rois) St: «= ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 157
elements made with double lines so as to form a sort of loop closed at
the top. The upper half of each bell is plain and undecorated, ex-
cept for a 6-mm. hole on each side about halfway between loop and
ridge. In each case, the slot is placed parallel to the axis of the loop,
and terminates in a round hole at each end. The clapper is a small
iron pellet.
The smaller bells are made of much lighter material. They are
globular or slightly flattened, vary in diameter between 15 and 20
mm., and are provided with a light wire loop. The ends of the loop
were passed through a hole in the bell, and the ends were then flat-
tened out. Like the large bells, these were made in two parts, which
were apparently fastened together by crimping the joined edges.
The only decoration I have noted consists of two parallel incised lines
encircling the lower, or slotted, half just below the point of union.
The clappers consist of small iron pellets.
All of the bells here noted are apparently from burials. The large
specimens are from a multiple interment in Grave 6, Cemetery 4,
with which there were also four small bells. Additional bells, pre-
sumably of the small type, came from Grave 29, Cemetery 2; from
Grave 5, Cemetery 4; and from Grave 12, Cemetery 2. A cluster of
small bells is held together by an intricately knotted leather thong;
they may represent some of those reported in the field notes for
Grave 29, Cemetery 2, as part of a leather costume “profusely orna-
mented with copper beads and small copper bells.”” Accompanying
them on the thong is a small brass or copper thimble, utilized evi-
dently in the same manner as a bell. To hold this in place, the
Indians drilled or punched a hole in the top of the thimble, inserted a
thong, and then knotted the latter on the inside of the thimble.
Buttons ——There are 27 of these objects, apparently none of them
of military character. They consist of a single solid disk or plate to
the center of which a wire loop or shank has been soldered on one
side. Two sizes are represented. The smaller examples, three in
number, average 18 mm. in diameter. The front of the button is
plain. Removal by means of acid of the patina from the reverse side
of one discloses a narrow band of barely perceptible decoration sur-
rounding the shank. At one point in this band, the word eGiLtT
is discernible; and there are very faint indications of another group
of letters, including a T (from GiLT?), in another part of the band.
Nothing resembling a maker’s mark is observable.
The larger buttons, 24 in number, average between 21 and 23 mm.
in face diameter. Here again the exposed outer surface is always
plain. Through the use of acid, it has been found that the reverse
side is sometimes left plain also; at other times, it includes ornamen-
158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 157
tation. Commonest appears to be a button in which the shank is
encircled with a 3-mm. band delineated by two lines of rouletting.
Between these lines is a Greek fret interrupted at one point by the
stamped word sSUPERFINE and at another by the word
stronc. In another style, the button back is divided by
stamped lines into two zones. The outer contains a floral design
interrupted at the top by the word qitt; the inner includes a
series of raised dots alternating with asterisklike figures and, at the
top, has a motif that suggests three small conventionalized plumes.
Again, there are no maker’s marks or other identifying devices.
Most of the buttons now in the collection have been detached
from their original fabric base, although many retain fragments of
the thong by which they were once fastened in place. There is one
incomplete band showing a series of 9 (originally 10) buttons still in
their original position; it is described elsewhere in the section on
native textiles and leatherwork. It suggests that buttons were per-
haps more often used for strictly decorative purposes than for the
more prosaic function of fasteners. I suppose that when the buttons
were new and untarnished, their polished surfaces would have made
them comparatively attractive to the Indians for such service. What
I take to be metal buttons may be seen on garments, arranged in
various ways, on several portraits in the Catlin collection.
Tinklers—These are simple conical affairs made by rolling or
bending a small piece of sheet copper into the form of a cone, with
an opening left at the apex for insertion of a thong or cord (pl. 69, 7).
They vary in size from 15 by 6 mm. to 53 by 16mm. Just how these
were used is not clear in all cases, but they were almost certainly for
ornamentation of clothing. Of the specimens here under considera-
tion, a number of the larger ones—35 mm. or more in length—are
attached to a leather garment in direct association with long copper
or brass tubes. This item is described elsewhere in the section on
native textiles and leatherwork. The smaller specimens are cata-
loged only as “from graves and refuse heaps, Elk Creek [Site 4].”’
They may have been used primarily on moccasins or legging fringes,
whereas the larger were attached to shirts; but this is only a guess
and may be wide of the mark. There are nearly 50 of these items
in the present collection—a much larger series than is represented by
the similarly made iron tinklers.
Tubes—Amongst a miscellaneous series of metal objects and frag-
ments cataloged as from ‘‘Elk Creek,’’ there are about a dozen long
straight tubes, made by rolling together the sides of rectangular
strips of copper or brass (pl. 69, h, 7). The resulting tubes are from
9 to 10.5 cm. long by 6 to 7 mm. in diameter; one or two specimens
are as small as 53 by 5mm. ‘These could have been used in various
Nous) Y)«6—) ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 159
ways as ornaments—around the neck, suspended from the ears or
hair, or on garments. Only the last-named method is directly in-
dicated in the present collection; and the one example, wherein the
tubes were used in conjunction with tinklers on a leather garment, is
described elsewhere in the section on leatherwork.
A 10.5-cm. tube of identical type was found by Strong with an adult
burial at the Leavenworth Site (p. 102).
Fringe clips.—This designation, for want of a better, I have applied
to numerous short tubular copper or brass objects made of small
squares or rectangles bent tightly around leather fringe thongs. In
general appearance, they suggest a string of beads, except that the
position of each is fixed and unchanging. As they appear on the
thongs, each is 8 to 10 mm. long, and is separated by 2 or 3 mm.
from its immediate neighbors. Several thongs so decorated appear
in the collection (pl. 69, f), reaching individual lengths of as much
as 10 cm. They are cataloged (USNM 325472) as “from graves,
Elk Creek”; but I have not been able to trace them down more pre-
cisely through the field notes. They presumably derive from a single
grave, but whether from a garment, skin bag, or other similar object
I cannot say.
Miscellaneous ornaments (?).—There are three rectangular sheets
or strips, ranging from 70 by 13 mm. to 87 by 18 mm., with finished
edges that have been doubled over and hammered down. They are
sufficiently uniform in size, shape, and other particulars to be almost
certainly intended for the same purpose. They somewhat suggest
blanks from which the long tubes for garment decoration or personal
adornment might have been fashioned (pl. 70, e).
A number of variously shaped pieces remain unidentified as to func-
tion. The rectangular piece shown in plate 71, d, measuring 80
by 120 mm., appears to have been originally one sheet, with its long
sides finished and the ends turned back somewhat and irregularly
broken off. Five neatly punched holes, one in the center and one
in each corner, average from 10 to 12 mm. in diameter. There is
no decoration. Two rectangular sheets that look like one divided
piece (pl. 71, ¢) have each three finished and one broken edge with
one or two perforations near the longer finished edge; each piece
approximates 45 by 78 mm. There is also an elliptical sheet, 42 by
120 mm., with two square and four circular perforations, two of the
latter being on opposite edges near the rounded end; the opposite end
is slightly constricted and broken. This may be the ‘oval copper
breast ornament about 3 by 1% inches” recorded in the field notes
as from Grave 6, Cemetery 4. Two pieces, both fragmentary, each
have several square or nearly square perforations. What is very
likely a finger ring, was made by simply bending a narrow irregular
160 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
metal strip 8 mm. wide by 48 mm. long into a rude circle whose ends
are not quite closed. ‘The small winged and pierced object in plate
62, k, may have been an ear ornament.
Knife blades(?).—There are seven or eight long narrow strips up
to 15 mm. wide and 75 to 80 mm. long, which apparently represent
some of the copper knives reported in the field notes as from one or
another of six graves, all in Cemetery 2. None shows any evidence
of the former presence of a tang or of rivet holes; but such traces
would not be likely to occur in the case of blades set into the edge of a
slotted bone, as in the native-made knives described in a preceding
section (p. 122). Two of the present specimens have each one very
finely serrate edge.
Hinge.—F¥rom the burial of a female in Grave 22, Cemetery 2, came
the wing-shaped brass hinge shown in plate 70, f. When found, ac-
cording to the field notes, it lay beside the skeleton and was “‘mounted
on a stick and ornamented with feathers and tufts of hair.” Of
these latter items, there is now no trace.
IRON
Objects of iron were not very plentiful, but this may well reflect
the fact that by far the largest part of the collection was taken from
burials rather than from refuse deposits, habitation units, or other
village site features. The field notes indicate that iron occurred
in 2 graves in Cemetery 2 and in 13 gravesin Cemetery 4. The largest
piece found was a horseshoe, which incidentally seems to be the only
piece of horse gear that came to light. Otherwise, the collection
includes various small ornaments, cutlery, and other trinkets, most
of which could have been acquired either as good-will gifts from passing
travelers or through established intercourse with white traders.
There are no recognizable parts of steel traps, guns, hoes, axes, or
culinary vessels among the iron present. All pieces are heavily
oxidized, so that identifying marks are no longer visible.
Arrowpoints.—Four iron arrowpoints (USNM 325520) listed with-
out provenience other than ‘Vicinity of Mobridge,’” possibly in-
clude three specimens from two graves in Cemetery 4. Three have
plain triangular blades and narrow straight-sided stems; their
over-all length does not exceed 50 mm. The fourth is a larger side-
notched form in which the blade measures 23 by 63 mm., and which
has a small tapering stem 6 mm. long. A much larger fragment is
unidentifiable, but somewhat suggests the stem and upper blade of a
large arrowpoint or spearhead.
Knives and blades.—Iron-bladed knives include two specimens.
One (USNM 325478) of these consists of a short heavy triangular
blade, 48 mm. long by 25 mm. wide, attached to a 60 mm. shank set
Nous) *)~— ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 161
deeply into a split wooden handle and secured by three iron rivets.
There is some evidence that the slot in the handle was sawed out;
it does not fit the shank of the blade very snugly, as might be ex-
pected in a commercial product. It is quite possible the piece is the
product of an Indian craftsman, or perhaps a reworked trade article
(pl. 61, f).
The second piece consists of a metal strip set lengthwise into the
edge of a slotted rib, which is without doubt of native manufacture.
It has been described in the section on bonework (p. 122; pl.
61, 9).
Scrapers of iron are inventoried from three graves, all in Cemetery 4;
but there is only one specimen in the collection at hand that would
seem to represent one of these. Oblong in outline, it appears to have
been originally more or less semicircular; the straight edge has been
bent tightly around a wooden stick so as to leave a curved cutting or
scraping edge.
Spikes.—Three fragments are evidently parts of spikes (USNM
325521). One is pretty certainly square, as is its head; it measures
11 cm. long (pl. 69, c). Two shorter pieces, each with a round head,
average 5 cm. I would judge that these were all grave finds from
Cemetery 4.
Razor.—From a male burial in Grave 10, Cemetery 4, came the
blade and tang of a straightedge razor (USNM 325479), 13 cm. in
over-all length. This has a curiously modern appearance.
The blade appears to have been of fairly heavy construction, but
oxidation has so altered it that I am unable to determine whether the
cross section was originally wedge-shaped or hollow ground. A
rather marked shoulder or offset on the under side, separating the
blade from the thumb rest, suggests a manufacturing date after circa
1800. The narrow rounded end of the tang and its shortness, also
seem to indicate a relatively late period (Lummus, 1922, p. 263).
The handle has disappeared entirely, though the rivet with which
the instrument was originally held together remains. Unless future
examination by someone more thoroughly versed in the history of
the razor than I am establishes the identity and actual date of manu-
facture of this piece as after the midnineteenth century, it is likely
that the object represents a European-made product (pl. 70, a).
Horseshoe.—The horseshoe (USNM 325473) already alluded to
above was found with an infant burial in Grave 5, Cemetery 4. It is
11.7 cm. long by 12 cm. wide, has one toe and two heel calks, and
shows six nail holes. When these holes were punched out, the metal
on the outer curve of the shoe was bowed outward, producing a sort
of scalloped effect. The calks are rather prominent; but, like the
edges of the shoe on the under side, do not seem to show very much
162 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn. 157
wear. Since Indian horses were not customarily shod, it may be
suggested that this object was perhaps on a Spanish animal acquired
through trade or theft by the Indians. It is even possible, I suppose,
that the shoe could have traveled alone as a trade item, and never
served among the Indians the purpose for which it was originally
manufactured.
Fire steel—There is but a single example (USNM 325521), and
that of very simple type (pl. 70, c). In outline, it approximates a
closed ellipse measuring 87 by 87 mm., outside dimensions. The
metal of which it is made varies slightly between 8 and 9 mm. in width,
and is approximately 2 mm. thick. Owing to the pitting resulting
from oxidation, it is impossible to determine whether the striking edge
was nicked by usage, or whether the piece bore any markings of possible
significance.
Awls.—The only occurrence of metal objects that might have been
awls was in connection with antler handles, which have already been
noted in the section on work in antler (p. 132). Here again oxidation
has progressed so far that definite identification of the original shape
of the ferrous material is not possible (pl. 61, e).
Ornaments.—Iron objects presumably used for personal adornment
include bracelets, conical beads or bangles, and small rings. In the
present collection, four bracelets (USNM 325521) are made of heavy
strap iron bent into an elliptical shape to fit the wrist, with the ends
not quite meeting at the back. They measure uniformly from 70 to
75 mm. in length by 45 to 50 mm. in width; and the opening through
which the wrist was inserted is from 25 to 30 mm. wide. The straps
from which they were fashioned range in width from 10 to 25 mm. and
in thickness from 2 to 3.5 mm., except at the ends which were ham-
mered out. Several other fragments seem to be from a fifth specimen
of comparable size and form. All of these, presumably, are from
burials in Cemetery 2 (pl. 70, 5).
The conical bangles or tinklers (USNM 325470 and 325471), which
I presume are the beads mentioned in the field notes, are 16 in number.
They resemble in all particulars, except material, the much more
numerous brass specimens elsewhere described. They were made by
twisting small sheets of iron into a conical shape, with the edges just
overlapping, and with a small hole left at the apex for passage of a
thong or cord. In size, they vary from 23 by 7 mm. to 38 by 12 mm.
They were undoubtedly used, like the copper or brass cones, as
bangles attached to thongs or fringe strips on garments or other
articles (pl. 69, e). Twelve conical iron bangles of this sort were
found by Strong with an adult burial at the Leavenworth Site (p. 102).
Five small iron rings were found, according to the field notes, with
No 4s) ’)~«=— ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 163
a male burial in Grave 23, Cemetery 2; they are not further described.
Possibly they are represented by three heavily oxidized springlike
coils of medium-weight wire. Each coil includes from three to six
turns, with an outside diameter of 15 to 16 mm.; the wire appears to
have had an average diameter of about 2 to 2.5 mm. As elsewhere
noted, there are similar objects of copper or brass in the collection;
and it may be suggested that both the iron and brass coils perhaps
served as ear or hair ornaments.
WHITE METAL
Under the heading ‘‘White Metal” I include a series of badly de-
composed metal objects inventoried in the field notes as silver. They
include three double-barred crosses, two buttons, a number of frag-
ments that probably represent a ‘‘crescentic breast ornament,”
a mutilated knife blade, and a short piece of wire or small rod. Under
the binocular microscope, at 40 diameters, all look alike as far as
material is concerned. Chemical analysis of scraps from the crosses
yielded negative results in tests for silver; and further tests disclose
a high proportion of tin, with some copper. All of the objects are in
an advanced stage of erosion, with the original surfaces and any
marks or ornamentation they once bore pretty completely destroyed.
Double-barred crosses—None of the crosses is complete, but two
are evidently a matched pair (USNM 325481-2) and give some idea
as to their original form and proportions. Of the type known as the
Patriarchal or Lorraine cross, they are round-based, with two slight
lateral projections just above the base; the stem tapers toward the
top, which is rounded and slightly expanded, with a hole for sus-
pension; the crossbars, which are of equal length and breadth, have
foliated or notched ends. These two specimens each measure 13.7
cm. in length, and the bars have a span of 7.5 cm. One still has a
copper wire ring in the suspension hole at the top (pl. 71, a, 6). Both
are probably from Grave 13, Cemetery 4.
The third specimen is of much lighter material and was evidently
considerably smaller than the foregoing. It is too badly disintegrated
for reconstruction, although it appears certain that it also was double-
barred.
The finding of three metal crosses with burials at the Leavenworth
Site does not, of course, establish the presence of Christianity nor
does it record a visit from, or contact with, Jesuit missionaries. It
probably has no religious connotation whatsoever. During the latter
half of the eighteenth century and the first third of the nineteenth,
crosses were commonly carried by traders who sold them to the
Indians of the interior for use as ornaments. Many of these objects
164. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuu. 157
were made of silver and were decorated in various ways, as were the
arm bands, brooches, and other items that frequently accompanied
them in the trader’s pack. It is quite probable that the examples
here under discussion, when first they passed into the hands of the
Indians, were bright and well polished, and they may even have been
passed on to the unsuspecting natives as silver articles. Their high
tin content would probably have made them especially susceptible to
oxidation and subsequent disintegration in the cold environment of
the Dakotas.
In the archeological literature on the Great Plains and Upper
Missouri I have been unable to find records of other finds of this
character. Crosses that are apparently close to the Mobridge speci-
mens in form, but made of silver and of less massive appearance, have
been reported by Quimby from burial sites in Michigan, which he
attributes to the period ca. 1780-1815 (Quimby, 1938). Somewhat
less close is the resemblance to some of the silver pieces figured by
Beauchamp from sites in New York State (Beauchamp, 1903, pl. 19).
None of the trader’s reports I have seen for this immediate region,
or the lists of goods furnished them for the Missouri River Indian
trade, seem to mention such items as crosses. It is possible they
were brought in by a more northerly route than the usual documented
one via the Missouri River from St. Louis.
Miscellaneous objects ——The remaining white-metal objects from
Mobridge merit only brief notice. The two buttons, both badly
pitted and fragmentary, are of the single plate circular type, with a
wire loop soldered to the back; they were evidently about 20 mm. in
diameter. The presumed ‘“‘crescentic breast ornament” is repre-
sented by several bits and a somewhat concave irregular plate, with
some indication of two slight ridges along one edge. All margins
show fractures; the plate measures 13 by 4.5 cm. An elliptical piece,
42 by 27 mm., has been cut in two and a wedge-shaped sliver removed
from one side of the bisecting cut. A rod of heavy wire, 3 mm. in
diameter by 13 cm. long, has been doubled and redoubled back on
itself; it probably is one of the finds recorded in the field notes as
“silver wire.”
The last piece is apparently a large knife blade, 21.5 by 3.1 cm.,
with a tang measuring 4 by 1.4 cm. and pierced with a rivet hole
near its rounded extremity. The point and the tang have both been
bent back tightly against the heaviest part of the blade, and are now
broken at the creases. It is difficult to see what useful function such
an implement could have served, since the metal of which it is made
is much too soft to withstand the cutting or stabbing operations to
which a knife of this size would normally be subjected (pl. 71, c).
No ds) .)~) «ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 165
MISCELLANEOUS TRADE ARTICLES
Sulver pendants.—The only specimens that seem quite surely to be
silver are two small ear ornaments (USNM 325487) found with a
male burial in Grave 21, Cemetery 4. Each consists of a hollow
spherical pellet, less than 5 mm. in diameter, which has been split for
attachment to a wire loop. Opposite the closed split is a small wire
loop from which is suspended, by means of another loop, a conical
pendant, 10 mm. long by 3.5 mm. in maximum diameter and closed
at the larger end. Though not identical in all particulars, the two
were evidently used as a pair, and they may represent items made
specifically for the Indian trade (pl. 62, 7).
Hair pipes—To this category I have assigned two interesting
objects of shell that are almost certainly not of native manufacture.
They are long, slender tubes with their maximum diameter at the
middle, whence they taper evenly toward each flattened end. The
better preserved of the two is 82 mm. long, and has a maximum
diameter of 9 mm. The second example is very badly eroded and
one end is missing, but the shape, size, and proportions permit its
identification beyond reasonable doubt. It measures 68 by 7 mm.;
its original length is conjectural. Each piece has a long straight
cylindrical bore 1.5 mm. in diameter (pl. 63, 7, m). Their provenience
is uncertain, but I suspect they are the ‘‘two long cylindrical shell
beads” from Grave 15, Cemetery 4.
Three additional hair pipes were found by Strong in a grave at the
Leavenworth Site (p. 102). They are very similar, ranging in length
from 66 to 74 mm.
Shell tubes of this type were widely used by the western Indians
during the nineteenth century, commonly as ear or hair ornaments.
They are clearly indicated in several of Catlin’s portraits (see, for
example, Nos. 23-26 (Kansa) and 176 (Plains Cree)). Archeolog-
ically, they have been reported (Wedel, 1936, p. 86) from the Hill
Site (Pawnee, ca. 1800) in southern Nebraska; and there is a similar
specimen, of uncertain provenience but probably from northeastern
Kansas, in the Dinsmore collection at the University of Kansas
Museum. I have been unable to find any published archeological
records for the Arikara, Mandan, or their neighbors on the Missouri,
though it would seem that they ought to be present in unpublished
historic burial collections from the region. Their general absence
from archeological collections representing the protohistoric and pre-
historic periods in the Nebraska-Kansas region, or apparently else-
where, for that matter, suggests that the type may not much predate
the year 1800; and their general uniformity of size, form, and material
wherever found is support for the belief that, despite some contrary
2651915417
166 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But 157
opinions among local collectors and others, they were not made by
the Indians but were acquired by them through trade with white
men. For the probable source from which these hair pipes were
originally distributed to the Indian trade, see Westervelt (1924); and
a forthcoming study by J. C. Ewers, U. S. National Museum, in
which the whole problem of hair pipes in the Indian trade is compre-
hensively discussed.
Gunflints.—Six of these objects are cataloged under a single number
(USNM 325529), with their provenience given only as ‘Vicinity of
Mobridge, S. D.”’. The field notes show that at least four flints were
found with burials, all at Cemetery 4; and I suspect that these are
included in the cataloged series, perhaps along with others from village-
site investigations.
None of the flints are commercial items, although four of them were
certainly fashioned by someone with a fair knowledge of what he was
about. They are of pale-gray stone, quite unlike the high quality
imported Brandon flints. The two smallest, measuring 20 by 16 by
6 mm. and 23 by 18 by 6 mm. are probably pistol flints. The larger
ones, ranging up to 26 by 22 by 7 mm., are for either a military pistol
or a sporting rifle; they are too small to have been used in a military
musket. Two of these are quite roughly made, with all-over chipping,
and may well have been fashioned by an Indian or other local artisan.
Other than these flints, it may be noted, there was no evidence of
firearms in the present collection.
RESUME
The archeological data set forth in the preceding pages are con-
cerned primarily with findings at four native burial sites located
within 8 miles of one another in the Missouri River Valley north of
Mobridge, S. Dak. Despite the geographic propinquity of these four
sites to one another, some rather obvious differences in culture content
are manifested. These involve various aspects of the mortuary com-
plex, including, for example, the inferred method of disposing of the
dead, the amount and nature of the cultural objects accompanying
them, and the quantity of material indicating contact with white men.
These variations, it appears to me, may reflect gradual changes in the
burial practices and concepts of the Indians throughout a time period
No ds) )~=— ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, 8. DAK.—WEDEL 167
of as yet undetermined duration, as well as the growing importance of
native trade relations with Europeans. Unfortunately, the unusually
extensive series of burial site materials is not paralleled by well-
controlled and full data on the archeology of the respective nearby
village sites, so that there are serious limitations on the cultural corre-
lations and comparisons that can be made at this time.
Recapitulating briefly, we have noted that at Cemetery 1, 11 graves
were opened, revealing two distinct modes of burial. These included
primary interment, or flesh burial, and secondary interment, pre-
sumably following exposure of the corpse. All graves contained the
remains of two or more individuals; in several graves clearly showing
secondary burial, there were parts of as many as five to eight persons.
Mortuary accompaniments were uniformly scarce; in the six burials
where they did occur, they consisted of but one or a very few small
simple articles. Materials possibly or certainly indicative of contact
with white men were particularly uncommon; they included a few
glass beads in one grave, and a stain suggestive of copper in another.
At Cemetery 2, 39 graves were opened; and of these, 31, just under
80 percent, each contained the remains of a single individual. The
graves were dug pits, ranging in depth up to 5 or 6 feet. Characteris-
tically, the skeletons were covered with logs, or with logs and brush;
and sometimes field stones were included in the grave fill, especially
in the soil over the head of the deceased. Skeletons were consistently
in articulation, but arrangement and orientation of the bodies varied,
as elsewhere noted. Artifacts were usually placed about the head,
sometimes with additional objects scattered elsewhere about the
skeleton. Pigments were usually present. In several graves were
noted traces of what was presumed to have been leather garments,
robes, or other perishable wrappings. Artifacts were much more
plentiful here than in Cemetery 1, occurring in 31 of the 39 graves.
They included work in pottery, stone, bone, shell, leather, wood,
copper, iron, and glass. The burials of children and infants, though
in the minority numerically, were often rather well furnished; with
one were found two whole pottery vessels. Skeletal materials, on the
whole, were well preserved. European trade goods were found in 13
of the 39 graves.
168 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 157
Cemetery 3 is represented by only six graves, which provide, of
course, an entirely inadequate series for detailed or convincing com-
parisons. Graves here are described as ‘few in number and much
scattered.”” As in Cemetery 2, single interment was here the rule,
and the skeletons were consistently in articulation. Graves were
shallow, and the fill usually included stones which sometimes were
used also to cover the grave. Artifacts were found in all six graves
but in no case were they abundant or of striking character. Contact
materials, consisting in all cases of white glass beads, occurred in
three of the six graves.
Cemetery 4, which on documentary grounds can be correlated with
an Arikara occupation of circa 1803-32, yielded by far the largest
and most varied collection of cultural materials. Burial methods
were, in general, much like those at Cemeteries 2 and 3, with graves
dug to various depths in a hard gravelly soil. Log, brush, or stone
grave coverings are not. mentioned in the field notes. Primary inter-
ment, usually of single individuals but occasionally of two or three,
was the rule. Artifacts were present in all but one of the graves
occurring sometimes in considerable variety and some quantity.
They included objects of pottery, chipped and ground stone, bone,
shell, leather, woven fabrics, wood, copper, iron, glass, brass, por-
cupine-quill work, native glass, and foodstuffs. From 20 of the 22
graves were taken items showing contact with white men.
In the following pages, I have summarized in tabular form the
principal data available in Stirling’s field notes regarding burials
and burial associations at Cemeteries 1 to 4 (table 2). Cemetery
designations and grave numbers used are those given by Stirling.
Included in the tabulation are: field observations as to the number
of individuals in each grave; the sex (of adults) or age category (I=
infant, C=child, A=adolescent) of the individuals recognized;
U. S. National Museum catalog numbers for the skeletal materials
preserved from the respective graves; and a brief summary of the
artifacts found in association with each burial. Further details con-
cerning each grave and its contents have been presented in an earlier
section on Sites and Burial Data (p. 86).
ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 169
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174 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
TIME PERSPECTIVE
When we turn to the problem of chronological ordering of the ma-
terials discussed herein, several leads are apparent. Absolute dating
is possible, at the moment, only in the case of the most recent burial
site; but the chances are very good, I think, that relative dating can
be successfully accomplished for all four. For one thing, all of the
sites yielded, though in widely different amounts, certain objects
indicating direct or indirect contacts with white men. This, of
course, immediately suggests comparative recency for the great bulk
of the remains. Moreover, the relative number of occurrences of
such materials in terms of individual burials varies from site to site,
as does their total amount per individual. This is in line with what
would be expected in light of the historical evidence for the growing
importance and intensity of white trade during, say, the seventeenth,
eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries. Paralleling this increase in
quantity of trade goods is an increase in the amount of perishable
materials—leather, woven textiles, wood, etc. Since the four burial
sites can be arranged in a logical series, based on the above consider-
ations, and since that series culminates in a well-documented historic
Indian community, there seems good reason to conclude that the
sequence about to be suggested represents a correct interpretation.
Since all four of our burial sites yielded European contact mate-
rials, it is probable that the time span represented is not a long one.
Direct trade relations between the Indians of the Upper Missouri and
the French, English, and Spanish probably did not begin until the
closing decades of the eighteenth century. Indirectly, however,
through intertribal barter with native peoples residing farther to the
east and northeast and thus closer to the advancing white frontier,
trade goods were undoubtedly entering the Upper Missouri region in
appreciable amounts long before, quite possibly by the middle of the
century or even earlier. Bourgmond’s observation in 1714 that the
Arikara had seen the French raises the question whether, even during
the latter part of the seventeenth century, some articles may not
have been coming in from the upper Mississippi area.’® If so, these
were probably in such limited amount that the chances of their re-
covery by archeologists would be rather remote. My own guess
would be that the great bulk of the contact materials resulting from
18 Duluth had been among the Sioux around Mille Lacs in present northern Minnesota as early as 1679
(Harrisse, 1872, p. 177). During the 1680’s, Perrot extended his activities westward to the Mississippi,
establishing Fort St. Nicholas and Fort St. Antoine on that stream, and in 1689 taking possession of the
upper Mississippi country in the name of the King of France (Draper, 1885-86, pp. 323, 358). Le Seuer
had traded on the upper Mississippi for some years before he established a post between present Hastings
and Redwing, Minn., in 1695 (Buck and Larsen, 1947, p. 562); and shortly after 1700, he established Fort
L’Huillier at the mouth of Blue Earth River. ‘The Delisle map of 1718 shows a ‘‘Chemin des Voyageurs”
running from the mouth of the Wisconsin River to the R. du Rocher, across present northern Iowa (Paullin,
1932, pl. 24; Tucker, 1942, pl. 15).
NO asT SY «= ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, 8. DAK.—WEDEL 175
Stirling’s work near Mobridge probably dates after the year 1700; but
that the noncontact burials, particularly in the case of Cemeteries 1
and 2, may well precede that date by several or many decades.
As has already been noted several times, Cemetery 4 can be
definitely correlated on documentary grounds with an Arikara oc-
cupancy of the Leavenworth Site (39CO9), dated circa 1803-32.
Here was found the greatest abundance of trade goods, both in
absolute quantity and in the number of burials involved. Moreover,
the grave furnishings here included a much larger proportion of
perishable items, whether of native or of trade origin, than were
revealed at any of the other cemeteries. Finally, none of the other
three cemeteries, or the villages with which they were presumably
affiliated, can be identified with historically documented Indian
communities. All the available evidence, in short, indicates that
Cemetery 4 was the latest and most recent of the four.
Continuing on the assumption that the relative abundance of white
contact materials from the graves in each of the cemeteries is indicative
of the degree of Caucasian influence and therefore of relative age,
the remaining three burial sites, Cemeteries 1, 2, and 3, may be ar-
ranged in chronological order. Thus, at Cemetery 1 a few glass
beads associated with an infant skeleton were the only certain evidence
of white trade relations; a copper stain on another skull may or may
not point in the same direction. In terms of individuals, only two,
at most, of an estimated 40, or 5 percent, were accompanied by trade
articles; and, incidentally, no perishable materials were reported.
At Cemetery 2, 13 of 49 individuals, or 26.5 percent, were accompanied
by white trade objects; and perishable goods were found with seven
burials. In Cemetery 3, three of six individuals, or 50 percent, had
trade goods. These relative percentages—5, 26.5, and 50—fall well
below that for Cemetery 4, where 23 of 33 individuals, or 70 percent,
were accompanied by white trade items. On this basis, then, the
sites would suggest a chronological series beginning with Cemetery 1,
where the incidence of trade materials is lowest, progressing successively
through Cemeteries 2 and 3, and ending with Cemetery 4. In passing,
we may note that burial accompaniments of any kind, whether
native or white trade items, show the same sort of quantitative pro-
gression, except in the case of Cemetery 3, which is represented by
the smallest and least satisfactory amount of material.
On the evidence now at hand, therefore, I suggest that Cemeteries
1, 2, 3, and 4 were associated with village sites occupied at various
times and, temporally, in the same order, Cemetery 1 being the earliest
and Cemetery 4 the most recent. This sequence, it will be recalled,
parallels that suggested for the village sites which are presumed to
176 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu 157
be associated with the respective cemeteries, on the basis of the sherd
samples brought back by Stirling (p. 105).
CULTURAL RELATIONSHIPS
In attempting to determine the relationships, other than chronologi-
cal, of Cemeteries 1 to 4 to each other, or to other sites and manifesta-
tions in the locality, several serious difficulties obtrude. In the first
place, as already noted elsewhere, we cannot be altogether certain
that the materials recorded from Cemetery 2, and perhaps also those
from Cemetery 1, necessarily represent a single community. Strong
(letter of February 13, 1951) has pointed out that the burials at Ceme-
tery 2 could have come from either or both of two nearby village
communities (39CO32 and 39CO33) that are apparently assignable
to different cultural and time horizons. There is a possibility that the
Mobridge Site (39WW1), with which Cemetery 1 was presumably
affiliated, was also occupied by two different groups. These possi-
bilities, of course, must be borne in mind in evaluating any conclusions
based solely or primarily on the burial ground materials.
In the second place, our scanty knowledge of the rich and rather
complex archeology of the Mobridge locality has not yet crystallized
into the detailed framework needed to fit relatively one-sided and
limited bodies of data, such as we are here considering, into a demon-
strable time or cultural sequence. Strong’s 1932 investigations, when
organized and published in full, will undoubtedly go far toward
remedying this difficulty; but that eventuality, of course, is not directly
helpful at this writing. Moreover, Strong’s findings were primarily in
village sites, and are not in all cases based on the time-consuming
stratigraphic studies that must be made before we can speak with
assurance of the local cultural picture at various times in the past.
And, of course, the materials recovered from village site investigations,
where sequences are based largely on ceramic samplings, on house
forms, etc., are not comparable in many particulars to the findings,
involving largely nonceramic items, at burial grounds.
Recognizing, then, the provisional nature of most of the generaliza-
tions that can be advanced at the moment, it may still be worth while
to see where attempts at cultural comparisons lead us.
Perusal of the burial-site data discussed in this study suggests that
Cemeteries 2, 3, and 4 represent, in general, closely related traditions
and mortuary practices. Primary burial in dug graves, usually as
single interments accompanied by various amounts of grave goods,
characterizes all three sites. A few artifact types or categories of
grave goods are common to all three. These include: spatulate bone
objects of unknown use, shaft straighteners of mammal rib bone,
shell objects, and the use of animal bones and teeth or of bird bones.
No as, ’Y ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 177
Olivella shell beads, worked catlinite, and seeds of various kinds were
found in graves in Cemeteries 2 and 4; their absence at Cemetery 3
might well be due to the much smaller sample obtained there. Stone
spheroids occurred in Cemeteries 1 and 4. Metal and glass trade goods
from Cemeteries 2 and 4 were much alike, insofar as they are com-
parable; but they were much more abundant and varied in Cemetery
4. Pigments of various colors were found in all four sites. This does
not make a very impressive list of parallels, it must be admitted; but
considering the time factor probably involved, the apparent differences
may mean less than the similarities noted. So far as the burial data
themselves are concerned, I see no reason for regarding Cemeteries
2, 3, and 4 as anything other than successive stages in what is proba-
bly, in a historical sense, a single line of cultural development.
Since Cemetery 4 can be historically documented and is referable
to an Arikara occupancy of circa 1803-32, we may inquire next where
the two earlier sites, Cemeteries 2 and 3, fit into the local picture.
Cemetery 3 cannot be correlated with any documented village site and
is therefore presumably pre-1800. The nearby village site (Nordvold
1, or 39CO31), with which it presumably affiliates, superficially
resembles many other small fortified communities of the Arikara
country. On the basis of limited observations at this site, Strong
(letter of February 13, 1951) suggests that it may be ‘“‘pure Arikara,”’
perhaps approximately coeval with the Lower Cheyenne River Site
(89ST1), which in turn he dates in one place at circa 1770 and else-
where identifies with one of the Arikara villages visited by Trudeau in
1795 (Strong, 1940, pp. 361, 381). This latter identification, which I
once uncritically accepted (Wedel, 1949, p. 331), no longer seems
tenable in the light of Trudeau’s account; and if Site 39CO31 (Nord-
vold 1) resembles the Lower Cheyenne River Site very closely, it
would seem that a dating earlier than 1795 should be considered.
Unfortunately, the Stirling collections include no sherd samples or
pottery vessels from Cemetery 3, or from the nearby village site, so
that I can add nothing to Strong’s observations.
Cemetery 2 is likewise undocumented historically; and here matters
are further complicated by the possibility that we may be dealing with
a mixed lot of data. Thus, Strong (letter of February 13, 1951)
suggests that the burial-site materials may be ‘mixed between
[Nordvold] villages 2 and 3 [i. e., Sites 39CO32 and 39CO33].” He
notes further that Nordvold 2 is “probably coeval with Rygh
[39CA4], possibly the first half of Rygh (levels I-IV). Cultural
identity: apparently La Roche Aspect (pottery of the incising tech-
nique).”” Nordvold 3 he suggests is a “‘mixed site, combining Grand
River (Arikara) and La Roche Aspect (incising) pottery types.
178 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun. 157
Latter dominant. Thus, Burial Ground No. 2 might be in part
prehistoric through proto- to historic.”
The foregoing suggestions regarding cultural affiliations of the
two nearby village sites are apparently based in large part on ceramic
remains, of which all too few were turned up in the excavations in
Cemetery 2. That a substantial portion of the graves opened here
represent a post-contact horizon is certain from their contents; but
the contact materials are in every instance far less plentiful than they
were in the burials at Cemetery 4, for which an early nineteenth
century Arikara provenience has been demonstrated. On the other
hand, the lower levels at the Rygh site to which Strong refers yielded
no contact materials (Strong, 1940, p. 370), in contrast to Stirling’s
findings at Cemetery 2. It is possible, I suppose, that the contact
burials in Cemetery 2 could be regarded as representing the occupants
of the later nearby village site (Nordvold 3), whereas the noncontact
burials should be assigned to an earlier precontact horizon possibly
represented by Nordvold 2. So far as I can see, the field notes do
not suggest any significant variation in burial methods or any other
reason for thus separating the contact from the noncontact burials.
It is possible that when the skeletal materials from this site, Cemetery
2, are carefully analyzed, some differences will become apparent
between contact and noncontact burials.
In terms of cultural divisions now recognized or proposed for the
Mobridge locality, the choice for pigeonholing the Cemetery 2 ma-
terials would seem to lie between the Grand River Aspect and the La
Roche Aspect. Precisely what characterizes each of these, other
than the ceramic traits hinted at by Strong above, I cannot say,
nor do I know where these proposed complexes have been outlined in
detail. The Grand River Aspect, I gather, includes historic Arikara
materials, presumably including such manifestations as the Leaven-
worth Site and Cemetery 4. The La Roche Aspect, to judge from
Strong’s comments, includes earlier manifestations of prehistoric
and protohistoric age. The Cemetery 2 materials, I suspect, are
more apt to fit into the La Roche Aspect than into the Grand River;
but this suggestion is subject to revision or abandonment in light of
fuller definition of each of these two site groupings.
Cemetery 1, which I regard as the earliest of the four here con-
sidered, shows one rather marked difference from Cemeteries 2, 3, and
4, namely, a decided tendency toward secondary multiple burial.
This may mean that the cultural affiliations of the site are with a
tradition different from that represented by Cemeteries 2, 3, and 4;
or equally, that we have here an example of an old form of burial that
gave way eventually to single primary interment. If the second
alternative is true, we have an interesting parallel to the situation
OP, .
Nous; “~~ ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 179
in the Pawnee area of central Nebraska, where secondary burial in
ossuaries in prehistoric times was superseded in historic times by single
primary interment. Unfortunately, as already noted, the artifact
yield at Cemetery 1 was so low and inadequate that cultural com-
parisons are not practicable. Strong (1940, p. 380) has suggested
that the nearby village site (Mobridge Site, or 39WW1) was perhaps
an “early Hidatsa site,” noting further that the ‘ceramics are markedly
different from both historic Cheyenne and Arikara.” I have been
informed by Cooper (letter of January 25, 1951) that two samples
of pottery collected from the surface of this site, one in 1949, the
other in 1950, are so dissimilar that ‘If I had not participated in
making both collections, I should be inclined to think that they were
actually from two different sites.’ This immediately raises the
question of a possible dual occupancy by different peoples, and another
as to whether our Cemetery 2 sample is a mixed lot or represents but
one of several populations that once inhabited the site. So long as
the cultural affiliations and history of the village site remain so much
in doubt, there seems little point to discussing the possible cultural
relationships of the cemetery on the basis of the evidence gathered
by Stirling.
SKELETAL MATERIALS
Our discussion to this point has concerned itself entirely with the
cultural and historical data. One more line of evidence remains to
be touched on very briefly, namely, the skeletal materials from the
various sites. Hrdliéka included all of Stirling’s measurable crania
in his published Arikara series, along with several other South Dakota
lots of diverse origin. He placed (Hrdlitka, 1927, pp. 78-79) the
putatively Arikara series of 53 male skulls and a smaller Ponca series
as closely related physically to his Siouan type. This type he con-
siders as one of the best differentiated on the continent. It is
characterized by: a skull of moderate to good size, mesocephaly, a
remarkable lowness of the vault, large face and jaws, medium-high
orbits, and mesorhynic nasal aperture. It may be noted from his
table that the Arikara skulls are not as low-vaulted as the Sioux
proper; and, further, that the Arikara tend more toward mesocephaly
than do the Mandan and Hidatsa, which is in line with Strong’s
comments elsewhere on another series of crania (Strong, 1940, p. 363).
Hrdlitka did not attempt a site by site analysis of the Arikara
series, and, unfortunately, the required detailed study and reexamina-
tion of the specimens is still unfinished at this writing. It is worth
noting, however, that the measurements and computations made by
Hrdliéka on the Mobridge crania, when sorted into groups based on
specimen provenience by cemetery, do not suggest any significant
180 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
differences between the several series. Cemetery 4 unquestionably
represents a historic Arikara population; and, judged by the published
figures, the individuals from Cemeteries 2 and 3, so far as they go,
suggest a closely similar stock. For Cemetery 1, the evidence is not
quite so clear cut. The specimens now in the U.S. National Museum
collections appear to resemble quite closely those in the foregoing
series from Cemeteries 2, 3, and 4; but, pending reexamination of
these and additional materials, final judgment must be withheld.
So far as I can learn from conversations with physical anthropolo-
gists, there seems to be no good reason why Arikara crania cannot
ultimately be differentiated from Mandan and Hidatsa. Meanwhile,
about all we can say is that there is nothing in the skeletal materials
from Cemeteries 2, 3, and 4 to suggest anything other than an Ari-
kara population, and that the Cemetery 1 collections in the U. S.
National Museum apparently point in the same direction. Evidence
for Hidatsa, Mandan, or other non-Arikara relationships appears to
be negligible or absent. In short, Hrdli¢éka seems to have been on
the right track when he diagnosed all this Mobridge material as
Arikara.
CONCLUSIONS AND GENERAL DISCUSSION
Conclusions —It is unnecessary to emphasize again a point to
which I have several times directed attention, namely, the very one-
sided nature of the archeological data we have been considering. So
far as the cultural aspects of burial-site findings are concerned, there
are virtually no reported data from the Upper Missouri area that
might be compared, point by point, with the Stirling collections from
Mobridge. Moreover, since most interpretations so far advanced for
the reconstruction of native culture history in the region, implicitly
or otherwise, rest very largely on pottery analyses, which are not
directly applicable to the present Mobridge collections, there exists
little solid basis here for making cultural inferences. Such artifacts
of bone, stone, shell, and other materials as did come to light from
the cemeteries appear to represent mainly types that were widespread
throughout the region, and they cannot be relied on for specific tribal
or detailed culture identifications.
Review of the evidence presented in this account of certain burial
sites near Mobridge, suggests that the following conclusions can be
drawn:
1. Cemetery 4 was the burial ground for two closely contiguous
and historically documented Arikara villages (Leavenworth Site, or
39CO9) inhabited circa 1803-32. The materials therefrom are sig-
nificant for several reasons: from the standpoint of native culture
history, they illustrate the burial complex of the Arikara in the early
No us| | ~«©— ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 181
nineteenth century, besides suggesting the marked degree to which
white trade had penetrated into various facets of the native way of
life; and from the standpoint of physical anthropology, they offer a
well-controlled series of skeletal materials of known age and tribal
affiliation.
2. Cemeteries 2 and 3 were the burial sites for two (or three?)
native communities that chronologically preceded the Leavenworth
Site and Cemetery 4. The relatively minor differences between these
two and Cemetery 4 appear to reflect primarily an earlier time period
rather than a distinct culture tradition or tribal group. As between
these two sites, Cemetery 2 evidently precedes Cemetery 3.
3. The skeletal materials from Cemeteries 2 and 8 are essentially
like those from Cemetery 4, which represents a historic Arikara
population, and it may be concluded that all three sites were inhabited
by peoples of Arikara physical stock.
4. Cemetery 1 diverges from Cemeteries 2, 3, and 4 with respect to
burial methods, as well as in the amount and nature of the associated
grave offerings; but its exact cultural and tribal affiliations must
remain more or less problematical until the nearby village site
(39WW1) has been more precisely identified. On present evidence,
the skeletal materials here do not suggest a marked deviation from
the Arikara series as represented at Cemeteries 2, 3, and 4. Chrono-
logically, this can be regarded as the earliest of the four cemetery
sites considered in this paper.
Discussion.—Such reconstructions, local and regional, as have been
attempted to date for the Missouri Valley in the Dakotas, lean
heavily on the evidence of the ceramic remains. In varying degree,
these have been bolstered, amplified, or adjusted to take into account
the evidence of variation in house types, in village patterns, in sub-
sistence economies, or in other matters. Implicitly or otherwise,
however, most discussions of the problem inevitably take off from, or
fall back on, the pottery involved. This, of course, continues the
tradition that pottery is an unusually sensitive indicator of chrono-
logical change, and of cultural relationships; and it makes use, quite
properly, of a line of evidence that is usually abundantly present and
that has often resulted in what we can regard as meaningful recon-
structions.
Difficulties are apt to arise, however, when the ceramic variations,
whether chronological or areal, are interpreted in terms of historical
tribal entities; and, in particular, when the demonstrable identifica-
tions of certain wares with specific tribes on the historic level are
projected into the undocumented past. Thus, it has become increas-
ingly the practice to classify, largely on the basis of historic pottery
types, certain sites and manifestations as Arikara, others as Mandan,
2651915418
182 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buny. 157
still others as something else, even though the sites so identified
cannot be directly correlated on other grounds with the suggested
tribe.
In my opinion, the Stirling collections from burial sites in the
Mobridge locality bear directly on this problem. My evidence for
viewing the four cemeteries as a chronological series has been presented,
as have the reasons for believing that all four stand an excellent chance
of being attributable, on grounds of physical anthropology, to an
Arikara population. With reference to Cemetery 4, there can be
no question regarding the cultural and tribal allocation, since this
is backed by documentary evidence. For Cemetery 3, the materials
are too scanty to be conclusive, but what is available also conforms
to the historic Arikara. For Cemetery 2, the picture is less clear.
The sherd samples brought back by Stirling from the nearby village
site (or sites?) are not particularly reminiscent of the historic Arikara
materials from Leavenworth; indeed, they are much more like his
sample from the Mobridge Site, with which Cemetery 1 presumably
affiliates. This same relationship is perhaps implicit in Strong’s
suggestion that Nordvold Village 2 pottery suggests the earlier levels
at the Rygh Site (39CA4); elsewhere, he observes that the Mobridge
Site is ‘‘of somewhat similar nature” to Rygh.
From these somewhat circuitous arguments, it would appear that
Nordvold Village 2, from which came an undetermined portion of
Stirlmg’s Cemetery 2 materials, has cultural affiliations with Rygh
and Mobridge, and that these relationships, as judged by the available
sherd samples, are probably stronger than those between Nordvold
Village 2 and what is usually called historic Arikara. It is of interest
to note, therefore, what Strong has said concerning the possible tribal
affiliations of the Rygh and Mobridge sites.
As to Rygh, he observes (1940, p. 380) that: “At present I regard
the Rygh site as the most southerly location that can be archeologically
demonstrated, at least with any relatively high probability, as being
culturally cognate with Mandan. It carries in its cultural inventory
practically all historic Mandan traits and many others as well. These
latter should eventually be highly significant in working out further
cultural connections and derivations.”
Of the Mobridge site, Strong says (1940, p. 380): ‘‘I am inclined
to regard this as an early Hidatsa site. One thing seems certain, and
that is that it is not Cheyenne as Stirling thought probable (1924, p.
66). The ceramics are markedly different from both historic Cheyenne
and Arikara.”’
These judgments, provisionally advanced on the basis of ceramic
19 Will and Hecker (1944, p. 75) class Rygh as Arikara, “apparently . . . contemporary with the later
Heart River period Mandan Sites.”
ArT; ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, S. DAK.—WEDEL 183
and other cultural materials, seem to make sense in light of the
evidence considered. It remains to be seen, however, whether the
evidence of physical anthropology will corroborate these interpreta-
tions. If Nordvold Village 2 affiliates with the lower levels at Rygh,
it is suggestive that the skeletal materials inferentially originating
in the former are of Arikara physical type. It may be significant,
also, that the skeletal materials from Cemetery 1, presumed to have
originated in the nearby Mobridge Site, likewise suggest an Arikara
population. In other words, at least one village site whose ceramic
materials resulted in its tentative identification as early Hidatsa
seems to have been populated by Arikara; and another that has
affiliations with a site identified as possibly Mandan, even more
surely was inhabited by people not differing significantly from the
early nineteenth-century Arikara.
It is abundantly evident that on the historic level there were
numerous similarities in the material culture of the Arikara and their
more northerly sedentary neighbors, the Mandan and Hidatsa.
Undoubtedly, there were also many resemblances in the period before
1800; and these must have included ceramics as well as other cate-
gories of artifacts. Frequent interchange of ideas and techniques
certainly took place, as archeologists have pointed out; and while
the general distinctiveness of Mandan-Hidatsa ceramics in the
Heart River region from Arikara ceramics below Grand River may be
granted, one wonders how reliable a clue as to tribal identity the
pottery is in an area, such as Mobridge, where both Arikara and
Mandan-Hidatsa may long have been in close contact. One wonders,
too, what the skeletal materials from such putatively ‘‘non-Arikara”’
sites as Rygh might show were definitive samples available for
analysis.
All this is not to suggest, of course, that tribal identifications
based on ceramics or other cultural materials are necessarily or
invariably unsound. I merely call attention here to certain facts that
suggest caution in attributing certain assemblages of material traits
to specific tribes when there is neither linguistic, documentary, nor
somatological evidence to bolster or correct our guesses. As Strong
(1940, p. 363) has aptly observed with reference to the Upper Missouri
region, ““The documentation of many sites and the linking of definite
archeological horizons in this area opens a promising field for exact
instead of speculative work in physical anthropology.” Unfortunately,
here as elsewhere in the Great Plains, serious studies of physical
anthropology in relation to the archeological findings have been long
neglected. It is high time that qualified students bestirred them-
selves, and undertook examination of the materials already on hand in
many museums and laboratories throughout the area. As for the field
184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 157
archeologist, he should not need to be reminded that the potsherds,
the houses, and most other materials he excavates were fashioned by
human beings, and that our cultural and historical reconstructions
will remain all the more incomplete so long as we do not search out
and gather up what we can of those erstwhile artisans and craftsmen.
I have elsewhere recorded my belief that the history of the Arikara,
as a group distinct from the Pawnee of Nebraska, probably encom-
passes a time span of several centuries. During that time, they un-
questionably dwelt in a great many villages—far more, probably,
than can possibly be accounted for by the documentary records of
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Broadly viewed, it is per-
haps true that their history is one of ‘‘constant northward movement
up the Missouri” (Strong, 1940, p. 359). But just as in historic
times there were frequent shorter southward movements by certain
village or band groups, so it seems probable that in pre-1800 days
there may have been repeated shifts back and forth within the larger
territory the Arikara claimed as their own. The present data from
Mobridge suggest to me that the Arikara may have been, even early
in the eighteenth century and perhaps long before, living in villages
as far north as the Grand. Whether their seeming concentration
later in the vicinity of present Pierre and the Cheyenne River repre-
sents a withdrawal from the more northerly districts as a result of
Dakota expansion, of rapid population decline from smallpox, or a
combination of these and other factors, I cannot say; but the possi-
bility seems good that something of the sort may have happened.
This is but one of a great many questions that must remain unan-
swered, or partly answered, so long as large-scale systematic excava-
tion in the region remains a thing of the future.
Reverting to an earlier portion of this discussion, one final view-
point must be made in closing. There are those who will argue that
it is of secondary consequence whether a given site of cultural manifes-
tation can be tribally identified, that a ‘‘taxonomic framework which
does not imply affiliation with historic tribes when documentation is
lacking,” will be sufficient. I agree that such a framework is desir-
able, can have great usefulness, and may be long overdue. But I
also insist that it must not become an end in itself. In the Upper
Missouri region, we have to deal with tribes of diverse linguistic stocks,
of varied physical types, and of widely dissimilar geographic origins
and cultural antecedents. To arbitrarily lump the cultural remains
left by these several peoples, on the basis of similarities in pottery,
stonework, houses, etc., is to risk losing sight of the individual threads
of people and their cultures that eventually merged to form the
fabric of what has been called Upper Missouri River culture. In
other words, I still believe that so long as we can detect any traces—
No ds) ~~) ARCHEOLOGY, MOBRIDGE, 8. DAK.—WEDEL 185
whether through physical type or through cultural evidences—of each
of the various native peoples who dwelt in this region, every effort
should be made to ferret out, assemble, and document that evidence.
I recognize the limitations of the so-called direct historical approach;
but I believe, too, that for the late prehistoric to historic periods, our
perspectives will be deepened and broadened by an awareness of the
developmental role played by the various peoples involved.
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 55
Small pottery vessels from Cemeteries 2 and 4, near Mobridge, S. Dak. Diameter of a,
10.4 cm.; 6 and c to same scale. (USNM Neg. 41514B.)
265191—54 19
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 56
b
Reconstructed pottery vessels from village sites (?) near Mobridge, S. Dak. Diameter of
a, 16.7 cm.; b to same scale. (USNM Negs. 41513, 41514A.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 57
f
Chipped-stone artifacts from village and burial (b) sites near Mobridge, S. Dak. (USNM
Neg. 41513C.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE58
Catlinite and other ground-stone objects from sites near Mobridge, $. Dak. a-c, Cemetery
2; d, g, Cemetery 4. (USNM Neg. 41514.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 59
Red pigment (a, b), ground stone (c-e), and Halymenites fossil (f), from burials near Mo-
bridge, S. Dak. (USNM Neg. 41515C.)
BUREAU CF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 60
ee ee
eal
~
/
|
;
q
Spatulate bone objects, or “quill flatteners,’’ trom Cemeteries 2, 3, and 4, near Mobridge,
S. Dak. (USNM Neg. 41515B.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 61
TR ee
Pay ur ew,
ee te
Miscellaneous bone artifacts and wood-hafted iron knife (f) from buri
S. Dak. (USNM Neg. 41514F.)
al sites near Mobridge,
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 62
J A
Perforated claws, teeth, and phalanges, and metal ear ornaments, from burial sites near
Mobridge, S. Dak. (USNM Neg. 41515D.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 63
Ornaments of shell and gypsum, and hair pipes, from burial sites near Mobridge, S. Dak.
(USNM Neg. 41515.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157}}PLATE 64
ee
Miscellaneous articles of hair, leather, wood, and metal from Cemetery 4, near Mobridge,
S. Dak. (USNM Neg. 41515A.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 65
Wooden club (a, length 75 cm.), wood-backed mirror, and leather rosette, from Cemetery 4,
near Mobridge, S. Dak. (USNM Negs. 41513A, 41513D.
BULLETIN 157 PLATE 66
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
uo pure 3uruado JIIYS Jv V9¥"] JO JuowIas
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 157
PLATE 67
G.)
5
(USNM Negs. 41515F, 4151
Details of lace shown in plate 66: front (a) and reverse (bd).
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 68
‘S
~ : rae wv _ y"
ae,
Native and trade glass and earthenware objects from burial sites near Mobridge, S. Dak.
(USNM Neg. 41513E.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 69
Miscellaneous trade metal objects from burial sites near Mobridge, S. Dak. (USNM Neg.
41513B.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 70
Miscellaneous trade metal objects from burial sites near Mobridge, S$. Dak. (USNM Neg.
41514F.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 157 PLATE 71
Trade metal objects from burial sites near Mobridge, S. Dak. (USNM Neg. 41514D.)
265191—_54—-20
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
Bureau of American Ethnology
Bulletin 157
Anthropological Papers, No. 46
The Original Strachey Vocabulary of the Virginia
Indian Language
By JOHN P. HARRINGTON
189
265191—54———_21
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ainigaY olf lo ymludssoY yodoant® IsniginO oft
syawgosd aribal
KOTOVIAAAR 1 MHOL <a
CONTENTS
mitroductions 2A Grere Se Or eG TOPOS Se ue er. Bhat Saree
Facsimile reproduction of Strachey’s vocabulary_._____________________-
Semantically classified lists of Strachey’s vocabulary______________-____
HUTS R CIBC Be tay Ree ke es ee ea on A 2 ch
2
Z Hao J
Senha s 7 y Va
ane _— i ov ~ 1) 7!
fh yl
A ‘ | ‘he -
—_ Ae eu Peto
J € i] - ay an
wee poet ee a a E ehlae dicncten es eb oh Jd Saalihalen 8 M i}
ne sow
waludavoy a'xedsaw to aollauborqet
Rye een Oe
~~ Le! Se (9 Pp ere ee we ia ud 4 Ariat oars anc go ab tee
rat “mee
F
i
THE ORIGINAL STRACHEY VOCABULARY OF THE
VIRGINIA INDIAN LANGUAGE
By Joun P. HarrineTon
INTRODUCTION
It will be a matter of surprise to many people that the original
manuscript by William Strachey, written probably about 1612, entitled
“Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia . . .,’’ terminated by
the large vocabulary of the Virginia Indian language, the tongue
spoken by Powhatan and Pocahontas, has lain at the Bodleian Library,
Oxford, England, all these years and has never been published in full
and correct:form. A somewhat divergent copy, in the possession of
the British Museum, was published by the Hakluyt Society in 1849,
and this has taken away attention’from the’original. The present
paper centers interest on the vocabulary which appears at the end of
the Strachey manuscript at the Bodleian Library, and which fills
15 double-column sheets of legal size.
Little is known of the life of William Strachey beyond his being a
“Gentleman of London,” who sailed on his only voyage to Virginia
in the summer of 1611 and was shipwrecked on one of the Bermuda
Islands, yet reached the newly established colony of Jamestown, Va.,
later in the same year. He was Secretary of the Jamestown colony
for part of 1611, all of 1612, and part of 16138, terminating his secretary-
ship in 1613 by returning to England. It is on record that a man
who was perhaps the son of William Strachey emigrated to Virginia.
Strachey’s Indian vocabulary was made—as a similar and much
smaller one had been made by Capt. John Smith a few years before—
in connection with the writing of a book on Virginia. While in the
capacity of Secretary of the Jamestown colony, Strachey evidently
interviewed one or more Indians and from them produced a vocabulary
of some 800 entries; one of the best features of this vocabulary is
that some of the words are written twice with different orthographies,
thus hinting at what the pronunciation may have been. It is not
known whether Strachey wrote his book in Virginia or in England, but
the linguistic materials for it were certainly obtained in Virginia.
The present facsimile edition of the vocabulary is published with the
kind permission of the Director of the Bodleian Library, facsimile
reproduction having been chosen so as to present the original forms
to the reader, thereby eliminating as far as possible the element of
193
194 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
error involved in transliteration. The Strachey vocabulary is by
far the largest ever made of the now long extinct Virginia Indian
language.
Strachey’s work had been preceded by that of two other men.
It was also followed by that of two other men who took down words
from the lips of Virginia Indians. All other recordings appear to be
secondary. Thus there are five records of source material in the
Virginia Indian language. The recorders besides Strachey were
White, Smith, a nameless recorder, and Dalrymple, Strachey oc-
cupying an intermediate chronological position, between Smith and
the anonymous record maker. Brief accounts of the recorders
follow:
1. White-—Sir Walter Raleigh sent first an exploratory expedition
to what is now the coast of North Carolina before sending a colony.
In 1584 Raleigh fitted out two vessels, one under the captainship of
one Armidas, the other under the captainship of one Barlow, and
sent them across the Atlantic Ocean to explore. The ships returned
to England in September of the same year. In 1585 Raleigh sent a
ship of colonists who settled on Roanoke Island, but returned to
England with Drake in 1586. In 1587 Raleigh sent another ship with
colonists to Roanoke Island. John White, who was a prominent
“Gentleman of London” and friend of Raleigh’s, and a natural-
history artist, sailed on the voyage of 1587, and again on the voyage
of 1590, when he was proclaimed governor. His watercolors of
fishes and birds, accompanied to a large extent by Virginia Indian
names, have come down to us, preserved at the British Museum. The
Indian names comprise 37 in all; 17 of these are names of fishes and
20 are names of birds. An article about the White watercolors by
Edward E. Hale (1860) gives White’s animal names.
Roanoke Island is on the North Carolina coast, where it is shel-
tered by an outer chain of islands; it is separated from the mainland
by Croatan Sound. Roanoke Island is 10 miles long by 3 miles wide.
Just north of it is Albermarle Sound, into which flows the Roanoke
River, rising in Virginia.
2. Smith—Capt. John Smith was evidently with the Jamestown
Colony from its foundation in 1607. His book published at Oxford
in 1612, contains, prefaced to it, his famous vocabulary of the Virginia
Indian language. He probably took down the vocabulary in 1608,
the year in which he became head of the colony. The Virginia
Indian words published by Smith are spelled entirely differently from
those later recorded by Strachey. Smith’s map has many names of
places that have linguistic value.
3. Strachey—Unlike the vocabulary by Smith, which was pub-
lished about 4 years after it was recorded, that by Strachey was
Ae ae) FY) ORIGINAL STRACHEY VOCABULARY—HARRINGTON 195
destined to lie long unpublished: its British Museum version being
published 239 years after it was recorded, the present version still
later.
4. Anonymous.—In a collection of the Lord’s Prayer published in
Livonia (Bergmann, 1789) there appears a Lord’s Prayer version in
the Virginia Indian language. Who did the recording, where it was
done, and when are unknown. The source is not stated; surely it
was not from White, Smith, or Strachey, but was probably subse-
quent to these.
5. Dalrymple—In 1844 the Reverend Mr. Dalrymple, whose first
name or initials are not known, took down a short vocabulary of the
language of the Pamunkey Indians, in Virginia. A person writing
under the initials ‘“C. C.”’ (1858, p. 182) published this vocabulary 14
years later. It consists of 17 words; last are the terms for the nu-
merals 1 to 10 with the exception of the term for 9, which evidently
could not be remembered. The words of this vocabulary almost
without exception accord with the Virginia Indian language else-
where on record, or with the Delaware language.
The Virginia Indian language recorded by Strachey and others
is now known to belong to the Algonquian linguistic stock. W. R.
Girard was the first to notice that it exhibits features which remind
one of Cree, an Algonquian Indian language of eastern Canada.
But actually the Virginia Indian language is merely a dialect of
Delaware. Almost every word can be found in the standard diction-
ary of the so-called Delaware language (Brinton and Anthony, 1888).
A paper has been published (Siebert, 1931, pp. 288-303) which shows
that although the Virginia Indian language is like Cree in having
6k and xk fall together to become sk, there is agreement of the Virginia
language with several other Algonquian languages in that original
xp appears as fp, while in Cree it becomes sp.
There existed, no doubt, dialects in the Virginia Indian language,
but the extant material is entirely inadequate for determining the
nature and extent of these.
The personal names “‘Powhatan” and ‘‘Pocahontas” do not appear
as entries in the Strachey vocabulary. How the Indians pronounced
these names is not known; however, certain interesting facts about
each of the names can be worked out from sources. That Capt.
John Smith’s pronunciation had the accent on the last syllable of the
name Powhatan is shown by a poem contained in one of Smith’s
books, a line of which reads: ‘“‘Didst make proud Powhatan his
fubjects fend.” That the etymology of the name Powhatan is
not “place of the waterfalls’ is shown by Strachey’s giving the name
‘“‘Paquachowng”’ for the waterfalls at the upper end of the James River.
This name sounds very different from the name Powhatan. It is
196 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY — [Buy 157
recorded in Virginia history that the residence of Powhatan was on
what is now called Mayo Hill, situated about a mile up the James
River from Mayos Bridge; both of these places are in the city of
Richmond, Va. The James River becomes choked with small islands
at the vicinity, which is the head of navigation.
In the text of Strachey’s manuscript, the name Pocahontas is stated
to mean ‘‘the little wanton.’”’ The name is possibly to be connected
with Strachey’s ‘‘Pocohaac,” awl, penis.
FACSIMILE REPRODUCTION OF THE STRACHEY VOCABULARY
Several of the entries of the Strachey vocabulary have ethnological
as well as linguistic interest. Among these are one personal name,
Nanamachavwk, the name of the Roanoke chief, and three place
names: Chessiopiock, Chesapeake Bay; Paquachowng, the waterfalls
at the end of the James River; Tfenakcommacah, Virginia.
Strachey’s handwriting was peculiar to his contemporaries, and
is to us still more so. It is very unfortunate that although the
decipherment of the Indian words is so important, the reading of some
of the letters is difficult and sometimes impossible with certainty.
Strachey’s handwriting, like that of his contemporaries, uses capital
and small letter forms. On the whole, his capital letter forms are
easier to read than his small ones. He makes two forms of capital A,
one like the printed form, and one having the form of small a, which
varies in tallness so that one cannot be certain what is intended for
capital and what is not. Capital C has two forms: one like a circle
with a Greek cross inside of it, and one like a small ¢ made larger.
Capital F also has two forms: one like the printed capital and one
which looks like a doubled small f. Capital 7 has two forms: one
like a printed capital J, and one like a capital c with a horizontal
bar at its top. The small a@ sometimes looks like a small vu. Small 2,
m, n, and w are especially hard to decipher. The “long f” occurs
mostly between vowels and not finally in words, and small n and u
are made much the same, very occasionally a macron being put over n
to distinguish it from wu. In the Strachey vocabulary, each new
letter introduces two lists: an Indian-English list and an English-
Indian list, except that e, f, and g have an English-Indian list only,
whereas gq and z have Indian-English only. The letters 7, u, and x
are lacking.
Together with the reproduction of the 16 sheets in facsimile that
follow, 16 pages of transliteration into the current letter forms of
today are given as keys to facilitate the reading. These are followed
by a section of classified vocabulary, in which the words of related
meaning are grouped together.
REPRODUCTION OF THE ORIGINAL STRACHEY VOCABULARY
OF THE VIRGINIA INDIAN LANGUAGE
WITH KEYS TO THE SHEETS
Key to sheet 1
( Title of the Strachey manuscript at the Bodleian Library consisting of the vocabulary)
A fhort Dictionary, added unto the former Difcourses of the Indian Language
used within the Chessiopiock Bay; more particularly about the Tract and amongft
the Inhabitants of the firft Riuer, called by them Powhatan, and by us the
Kings Riuer wherein as yet our Townes and Fortes are seated.
By which such who fhall be Imployed thither may know the readyer how to
confer, and how to truck and Trade with the People.
265191
A herd Bectonary, added unts the Sor insr
D4-
Dy Ceurses
aes Gndiar- Langu pe tryed with the fai
Jeep: od oe mon portinier § about the Tratl
A net “ ameny fb the Parasia of the firfe
Ree eal them. Powkhaton, c nel
y, Wi Lhe kings Rieter wherm as
(—% a
et dtr “Tp nts AMA LYEES &
Séate d
By wWhatk Fy, whe Pew awe Sng tyed the thee
i now the moe Kew to Onger and ( how
Te fre Ge —— de with oa Pooper
Sheet 1.
Ahone
Apome
Apooke
Apokan
Ananfon
Assentammens
Anath
Afsinimins
Assimoest
Amahoth
Ampkone
Akontant
Amemomut
Aayxkehake
Atapahan
Asapan
Apquammon
Amkonnmg
Amofens
Aramathsouth
Neire
Auppes
Anaskomens
Assefqueth
Amonsoquath
Attomoys
Arrokoth
Apones
Arathkone
Aposoum
Aquintayne
mang-goy
Aquintayne tanx
Assahampehooke
aboue
abroad
adder
Key to sheet 2
A
God.
The thigh.
Tobacco.
a Tobacco pipe.
a Matt.
pear.
farewell.
Wallnutte.
a Fox.
a Targett.
a frying-pan
a Playster.
To sew.
a Spade.
a kixe
a hasty pudding
a Showe
The blossom of a
black
Cherry deadly
poison
a daughter
I am ssik
a bow-string
acrons
{the clay they make
| Pipes of
a Beare
a dogg
The skie.
Bread.
a beast like a fox.
a beast in bignes
of a pig
and in tast alike
a great Shippe
a little boat or
canoa
a Lobster.
ofkeitch
vigwyh
vipevwh
vicound
keihtafeook
Safsacomawah.
acorn
afternoone
ague
aking of the head
aking of the teeth
all
an aule pin
or needle
all is out
alive
angry
angle
apple
apron of any
kind of dressed
leather
arrow
arme
armes
arse
ashes
aunte
awake
ayre
Boketawgh
Baqwanchybafson
Binferan Appoke
a Bag
to Barke
a Barrell
a Batchellor
a Ball
Bald
a Beare
a Bell
Beanes
a Beard
A
Anafkimmens.
Aunfhecapa.
chowhwafuw
Nindgapamatte
meereentecoh
vneghiawindu-
pineputs
cheisk.
Pocohaae.
Tafhoac.
Metatewh
Neckatum.
Kekewh.
Perervinnow.
Aamowk.
Maracah.
Mataheih
Catomoik
Asqweowan
Mefe
Menfecoh.
Kenfekit.
Pungwe.
Ariqwoffac.
Aumaumec.
Rarafcaum.
B
Fier.
a girdle
Fill the pipe with
tobacco
Porafap
vttamancoih
Cuttoundg
Ohtamocan
Matawiowijh
Aitowh
Paatchkifeaw
Monnonfaequeo
Maucaquins
Peccataas
weihfatonowans
Y B38:
“Pobawo.
A tebawo x pe
A anon ot Jatt
Assentammens “peat.
Ana ik fans Swodil +
ee
A fo mre
Agsrmoes?
S Lmahvtn
4 Ca
ns fon pe te
= Akan tant
r >
fren orK
Aaya ke hake
A tapahas
fi fapa w“
Apqus mmon
oakonnng —
C7
A mjd Pa | Secegy bene
framattisouth Yere fo cease /het
a os0 phreng :
NpaBnaike,
A fee
A Darget
cl 4) baagler,
ca fee
cA er 8
et £09"
ol éafy pins
el Seen 2
Tre bluypbre of oe beet
ws pany Sealey poe
;
eps
A eae Cleacond
SIC ce th < ‘p +lnx oy ria be
Asifque 3 Fe cee
Son ousoquc 4 CA 2g rere
Ji tomtoys at Seg
_Anevokoth CP Skis
yGavndt
Apones
A vathikone ct bscyk GPa ‘aan
fA posou fi yet dees bee Pg
: Aquritayne sheik Fe { qitatect Srine”
ge a
Age phan’ taux
cl Ge bvekon (aHOM
ot Bo G howe 5
ore h (4
Ass aha mpehook
otboue gfkesteh
afgrijh
wpe vie
clbros 4 Aye ane)
ct row : Aral Kren wierd
ct $$e0- kerk tak ooc
sara Com? ah
orjlorreoe ne Aanfhecaya
agee chowkswafu a
Cc [eg af lp fees Novuigapam wttla Pree =
Meee Reentecok.
gs + beng a neghiaw md uprucputs :
cua chetsh-»
cl« chucks. :
nt oll Pocohaac :
chet.
a 3
cle acd a Tefheac:
PIAS
Avery
clagt&
pepe
faota feswh.
Necka tam -
kekewh ;
Peorerbipnesy -
Aa ror
Maracah
Clete ot un Gesed « yratafeth
oft &4 opfes 3 Selipw
AAT ere
chi 8
Arri03
ct /*
Fa Vili
Cl erty
De
Ayn’.
4
.
Boke tarogh
Baguanchy bafron
bmfevan fpooke
a Usa
& Barko
a amok
a Babspere®
ca WG ak
gaek,
a 2G bard
a 2G of
ag ensod
a Board
Sheet 2.
Catorrncot®
3 Ag iver
CHK
MELE 5
Inerfcok .
: kensekat
augseve -
¢ # olf:
oo i hati fers
Au PALL HEC
Re rafcar me.
pron
ct yurdfo
F ee Sas Thbows.
Po eid A
gHamanceih .
Cu Houndg
dh tamocan:
Mata rwroriih
_Attowh
Baatcht/ca ww
Pt ermonfacquelo
JAA ager L
Peccatazs
weikfatenowans
a tte)
Key to sheet 3
B
a Boat Aomatat
a Bottle Paheewh
a Board Cutfsotahwooe
to Boile up Potopotauktawk
a Bone wulkan
a Boye vicapess
B
a Bed Cawwaivuh
Petaocawin
to Beat out wt a 4
@ndecil Auntemdum
8 Nootiefhetum
to Bear Corne into|
vshuecohomen
meale
to Beat any Iron|
to an edge J
vtssetecuttawfuw
a Box at wch they
play at a cer-
to Bend Accongaivwh
Before vtcharond
not to Bend Sansagwaivwh
Behind Tanagogwayk
Below Noufvmon
Beneath vtshemayn
a Begger Cuttafsamais
Better wingutfeaho
: Tifhehip
apie eee,
aemales Wire or Cawacheims
Chicken
a Bird wt" carna-
tion colloured} Ahshowcutleis
wings
|
!
A Bird like a =
|
J
wing collour
; - Nonahamshaw
gray w) useth
the water
- Bas oat Ofafiantiens
Divedapper
the Bill or Beake Mehkewh
; Amm
bots Le
a Bitch viquaufum
Black Mahecatawaiuwh
Blew ofaih
to Blow any thing Nepotatamen
Blew beades vmetagwufhowon
Blew berries of the
bignes of grapes Accoondews
very pleasant
Blunt wyhwaivwh
#0 rel any thing] Neihpunfannuwh
Block Taccahoac
Blynd Nehpaangynnt
a Bow Auhtab
a Bow-string Aupeis
1The first mention of tuckahoe bread.
tayne kind of Assowpoon
Game
the Bobb of the pie eee
Ginnye wheat ;
1 okinfher
w/out Corne
Bread Appoans
Bread made of al ;
wote called | Taccahoappoans
a Braszer Qwunnumfe
a Bridge Metues
to Broyle or toast
S Apetawh poan
bread
fe .
to Break a stick enone
caumelmuthe
to Break wt one
fingers
an | vdefmamum
thing
to Break w*" strik- /Pafkeaw vdeasta-
ingonany thing | hami
to Break all in ketarowkfumah
piece
to Be broken or Perew
crackt
Bright or plaine| Mutcaufsum
all over
to Bring into the Paakfetowee
Boat
to Bring againe Patow
Brasse Ofawas
to bruyse any|
‘ vnetawvunum
thing small
a Brother Nemat
a Brush vnepawahumma
a Bramble or briar Cawmdgus
a Broome Tihekehicawwons
a Butterfly
to Burne as if a
sparke light ea
any
a Bunch of Grapes
Manaang-gwas
Cutchow
Matowram
Metuesmarakimins
With -poans compare the second word of ‘‘corn pone.”
B.
a Wod Gas nip :
Petaocarvn -
fo Beat one r0f cx ae
Gud y ber <n epefash gions -
Nootie je tum
fo 13 ek Pore who perk eeccohom ay
Roe Le
& et ony as ¢ birsetecutteru fits
ows : ~
te Word Ace see hal ve of
Wofis Mle hw oud
saute eur Sc nm” sagwatvivhk i
Basis ap ae magogreay kK
YG bor : Yo ufp 27 Ore
USnoat ptrh Cmayn
a Wo ogyea Cu Heafrasme if
23 ton seu ing tfeahe
a Bes afhehp
a pmate 23ir3 02 Thetchemdg
Cawahkcherine
a WSex aot reeahe:
ce @ewr od Aowsge —
a Al fc
a Bus fabs a a ry, Diantaham shaw
pe owrk Ty oY
ia
‘<
Ahsharee ullriy E
4 we dow
ah Be 2 FAC * 2 Sef uh itt Poe
¢ Vi
Let dapper ~ g J
frp ree or AS saBs pickke wh
fo 23 ite - ppert
Nufra COW.
& Grey) ? “7s vau/ we
Blok Makea tasvar cack
aglsre ofath
ae fata,
fo 2blove y feng Ne pokatamen,
AU Lov. boe 4 snchagwifhorvor
< x (4G
Blow ae me SE Mccann
Abe ch eof
as
& tie 1 ers cihpurfamercoh
Go dak =
2bbork
avyh watvwh,
ez ecahoce
28 by Nehpaangonne
ra Ugore- jbemeg Aupe is
a woat i Aomtaa
a OG oftls Paheewh
a Board Cubfretahwooe
tv BBoxrLe be Potepotareh tarok
A Wout iv ufkau
Tf
JA. Shovvupoon
Y
x Woypy
rad Oop <4 wt 2)
Gis fi game”
fer | MM reylo ot becy
B
> Bobb Pymrveg ob ther
ef ped se coe
typpoans
Dente rnalec cz, y
PTT IO a ban gatas
i. 3 28
a wf %
QV pra mefc
JNietucs
pa Apetawh poan
fv 23 1628 < Jerk
PaAachguchersy
Cae elmulhe
fo 26 weak ea nt
prrgort on ipag FG aman
& 20 v0.2 be, wh foes Pa Cate woe =
2 hag on auey frag S Satie
feo 2Gweabe ac ui lami Ke fa rowed titel ark
fo Be b- bow. eee PeoLvew
eran poy nofarun
fo Borns pike of Beat. Paaklforvee
+0 28 wee agree : Lec to se
Qlaiwest
adaeepte—
bore je
ee jtlee K 2 aa LAC Fea Vi cam
cl 24 we Goa DC
Y
a CBr Lao peereah vase
a 26 we nbes Ot 306% Care mdgus
a 2Bareoene” hekechee CAWIOCOKS
a Matter fly YNa naa eg feos
a, c
be Brrecd- ad yl x Z
Sie gt ae é Cubkchoiy
hice Matowran
a Uae of grapes Metics marakimns.
OA hanrange
Sheet 3.
Key to sheet 4
Cc
Chamange a Tobacco bagg
Chapant a Shewe
Curcye neire I am a cold
Commotins a Turtle
Cheawanta a Robin red brest
Cuvime Sister
Chippfni Land or earth
Chichiquamins a kind of grayne to
eat
Camatnige 6 in nomber
Chakafowe a Crack in any
thing
Cucheneppo a woman
Cvenepo a woman
Cheskchamay
Ceader
Calme
to Call on one
a Canoa or small
boat J
a Can or any such
like thing to
drinke in
a Candle or
gummy _ stick
wh will keepe
Light
a Cap or hatt
to Carry a thing|
up and downe|
to Carry a thing]
betweene twoo
Carry upon|
ones showlder {
to Catch in the
mouth as dogs
doe
Cat or wild
beast much big-
to
ger and spotted
black und* the
belly as a Lu-
zarne
Caviare or the Ro
of Sturgeon
to Chaw
Cheine
a Chaine of Cop-
per with on
linkes
Chesnuts
Cheese or any
curded mater
made from milk
a Chamber
a Child
a Chest
a Chicken
to Chop wood
All freinds
naraak
Cohqwaivwh
Otafsapuax
Aquointan
ohtamocan
Ofamintak
Puttaiquapifson
Nowwicwafhim
Necufoagwus
Ahcokinemun
Onafcandonien
Opaffontamen
Vtchoonggwai
Woock
Tawhtagwonntamen
Rarenaw
Tapaantaminais
Opommins
Ootun
vtshecommuc
Neckaun
Pacus
Cawahcheims
Catchcahamun
mufhe
C
a Circle Mufsetagwaioh
a Civet Cat Attownin
Clay Pufsagwun
to Clap ones handes_ Pafsahicaan
the Claw of a Crab Ohtindge
to Clense a pipe Jacutteahwoon
Clense the
ground and make
yt fitt for seed
to Cleave or hold
fast to a thing
to Clymb a tree
to
| Monafcunnemun
Auputchahgwetone
Ahcouthi
the Clowds Mammau _ Arrah-
gwotuwh
to take hold a
; Mammun
any thing +
Copper Matafsan
a Comb Reihcoun
Cold Nonfsamats
Cord or small
lyne or a thread
a Coat of plate
a Coat ierkin dub-
let or ells what
Come being
spooken famil-
iarly or hard by
Come being
spoken a far off
to one
to Come in
to Come againe or
we will come
againe
a
to
to
to Come quicklye
to Come up
to Come downe
to Coffe
the Cock Crowes
a Covering or
mantle made of
feathers
a Covering to lay
upon out
a Cod fish
a Cockle
to Cover one
a Cob-web
a Cookold
a Copper kettle
a Crab
a Crane
a Crack, or Crackt
a Creek
a Crowne or oft
dears haire died
red
a Crow
Pemanataon
Agwahvfsum
Mantchoor
Camerowath
Caameic
Caumear ah
Pyarah
Peintiker
Oiacpyam
Naantuc-ah
pyautch
vikepyah
Vikepewh
Vtacqwowsun
Neighfawfun
Nuffuecum
Momnawentfecamo
Pyak
Pyarowah
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fouhshawkowh
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Ahgwur
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Sheet 4.
Key to sheet 5
C
Crooked okhorime
to Cry Neighfeum
to Cut the haire of} Moundg
amans head | Numinundgum
Cummundgum
to Cut any thing Vnekifhemun
Curled haire Vtchepetaiuwk
Arorewhmerersk
a womans Secret [Lie
: | Mucofyt
D
Dawba on quire Warme yorfelf
ne |Cuttepacus
: : Raioawk
dark Pahecunnaioh
| Neegwu saw
I dare not Nerauanice
a deare Vttapantam
dead or tobe dead Tfepaih
deipe to the oe Men worn
dle
deepe out the head| Nuttahcaam
deafe Cuppotaiv
to divide a thing|
in half
the devill
a dish
to dive
a dot
a dog
doe so
I would drink
to dry any be fier |
or otherwise |
to be dry or thirsty
to dresse or pitch a |
boat
{ Rickewh
Riapoke
Outacan
Poohkewh
Noungut
Attemous
Vtfseneind
eA cio aane | Vnaucopen or Ka-
aks
kopen
Vgaucopefsan
Tfetewh
Gaukenates
Paougwufsentlawk
Aseahamun
a drum Ahqwohhooe
a duck Pifcoend
dust Nepenfun
dyrt Kefshackaivwh
to dwell Nahapuc
{ Pohcoons
a red dye
| Mataqwiwun
E
the Eare of aman Meihtawk
the Eares of a hare
weihtaws
or any other 2
; Mechiin
beast
to Eate Mecher
T will eate Nummechyn
Tle eate by & by Mechocufk
Eate wt me Meihtufsur
Afpamun
he E |
phoarth | Ottawm
the East Vtchepwoiffonna
an Eagle Opatenaiok
an Eare of wheat Autowtaoh
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Soe | Maucatanatfomeor
Ebbing water Seifcatuwh
an Eele Afeamuuk
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an Elboe Meifquan
E[lder Nufsaandg
the Element Poomy Arrathqwa-
turoh
Enemy or naught Macherew
Marapo
Enough wamat
Neimbat
Entombing Paianiafum
the Eye Mutkiendguk
the Eyes Mutkiendgues
F
Farewell, or the| reas
word at parting|
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the Fall of the leaf] Punt
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the Fall Ammawifkm
vdamom
vdamofun
to be like to fall Cawefewh
to Fall downe
from a tree
to lett any thing
fall
the Falls at the
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Kings river
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Ns #é pe pag ie yale: Paguachowng
or
bo be fad
heet 5.
Key to sheet 6
F
to be First Nettencrianges
Nummamuntam
a Father Nows
a Faune Monattecow
Fatt wiroakawh
a Fart Poket
a long Feather Meqwance
Feathers Ahpewk
the feathers of an| een torr
arrowe
Feet of a hawke Oreingeis
Feet by a generall| Aree
name {
to Feed wtb ‘|
Accoqaatamun
spoone
: if
to Fetch some Fier A SITES
bocotaoh
Fish Nammais
a Fishhooke Auketuttawh
a small Fish as nel :
wmamaik
as a Woach
the Fingers Meteingeies
ae
fie Honetoneer (ee utteing
wah
the long Finger Nuttawwutteindg
the ring Finger Nomegweitut
the little Finger Nummeifutteidg
to Fill some a
bacco
Filthy |
the Fins of a Fish
a fight at fisticuffes
a fine or small}
thread J
the Flame
Flowing water
the Flower of as
apple Maracah
a Flower of a fine|
thing
to Fly |
a Fly
Flap
a Flea
to Flea any thing
a Flying Squirrell
a Fly
a Fowle in likenes
of a footed
wth a_ sharpe
beak
a Fowle like a
teale wt4 a sharp
bill like a black-
bird
Binseram Apook
Moich
Moiowatt
wyhceats
Nummecaxuttenar
v{fcook
Catzahanzamutheis
Tammufecamcuwh
Tfemahcang
Mufkaiuwh
Awafsew
Paugweuwh
Mowchesoh
Tfhehaoah
Nuttagwon
Pafhenaan
Aiofsapanyk
Mowchesoh
Tfhoegetewh
ceumeats
F
a water Fowle in
bignes of a duck ;
fine coloured wt SSB
a Coppit crown
wintuc
ll ;
auloe Rese
Froth Peihtoah
Frost Tacquacat
a Friend or the
principall word? Netah
of kindnes
f wingan outfse-
my Foot is well :
5 | metfumneir
the Furre of the
Beast Arrath-} wefscanoe
cune
Iam Full Negeifp
to be Full Geifpun
Fier Bocuttaow
a Cole of Fier Mahcatois
; { Accecow
a spark of Fire | Pahqwarra
Haase Ree Socaqwinchemmum
Neusakagwan
the Fier is out Otawiaae Bocotow
G
a Garden or plot
of ground to sow
| Oronacah
corne
a Garter Kifpurracautupus
a Gate Cuppanawk
a Garfish Tatamaho
Give yt me or
; Tangoa
me see it
6 Cave J Paatch-ah
| Pafemeh
Give me some To- Pwyemenmproee
bacco
ON He eure Mammahe fueqwa
water
Give me some
Meifhuah-mechen
|
|
meat
Give me some but-
ter or fat to| Paatchnatinungan
spread on my vdamufcan
bread
Give this to be Meifh miroan
Child cheffoyowk
Give yt him Cummeifh yoowah
a Gini J Nepogwaanfhepif-
| sun
F
fo bs Marvot Netencrranges
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G
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F
methteamg
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Au mibucllumn
Perth toa A
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yoebah
ww nigan outfre =
Sie meet {tion Er
; LUGS ACR AIOE
4g
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Frocuttavw
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Pahgre« rea
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SAKA as
New bs! fae ca
Otawiaac Rocuton
Ovena cath :
y hypucvacan sy chacd
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Fa harache
ot pad oe 2 Faugeoa
C94 poe foe ut > :
& t Paani
Gee ee (POG
re
SET one ob cuece
eons AE
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Paath-ah
PuJermnch
a a pct
PMainmahe [ucgwa
en gens 3 mefh nak- meechee
Teatch nati vungen
vde STO
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Ce OT hehe Oink:
Ae
Sheet 6.
Cumme/fl y roak.
Meg vaanfliey, run:
Key to sheet 7
G
the Girth or
leather the [sic]| maaugwaoap
girde their
middle
a Girle vfquafeins
Girles v{quafenis
the Gills of a
sturgeon or an Wofkeqwus
other Fish
Glew or gum that
fasteneth on Vppeinfaman
their arrow-
heads
a Glove Otemgas
Glorious, eae Mufeaivwh
or beautifull wmgaivwh
a Gnat Poengwus
Good wingan
not good or naught
or sower
It is good meat
to goe
to goe abroad
to goe along
to goe downe
to goe in
to goe softly
to goe home
to goe before
to goe after
now lets goe to-
gether
the ships goes [sic]
home
gone
not goe up
God
a Goose
a Goosling
Good morrow, or
the word of a
utation
the Ground
to grow high
the grisle of |
strugeon
Grasse
Grapes
a Grapes stone or
the stone of a
plumb
Macherewh Kefhe-
maok, chewwen-
nowh, Atchetowh.
Necoondamen
Treh
Paspeen
Treh vfecoend
Cawcawmear
Afcamanee
Treh cuppemta-
naan
Vfcomtain
Vdafemeodaan
nummacha
Nepopawmin
Apahhamundg
Caumenaun
Cowichawwotun
vpponfhun = mufh-
owe
macntchatemayoac
kekenohaivmh
vfpenh
rawottonemd
Kahanqoc
Marahungoc
Kencuttemaun
Pttawin
Atfetuns
Cutterewh
Vfocan
Mehteqweins
Marakimmins
onacaugs cau nomel
G
* oe as Rafswocatuwh
a Grashopper Tatacaunfhewah
a Grave ourcar
a ground-nut ouhpunnawk
a great-deale Moowehick
a great waie Amaiunk
Netasoon
Gynny wheat Pacuffac
the Gum that
yssueth out of a
certaine tree
called the Vir-
ginia maple
the Gutts of any
Pickewh
Otakeifheheis
thing
a Gull coiahgwus
a Gust of horro- Tohtummocunuum
cado
H
Hauguequins a little stone pot
Hawkone a Ladle
Hufque by and by ar
quickly
Hawtoppe a bow
Hufquiguenatora now I understand
you
Hufkpemmo to sow wheat
Poketawes
Howh weih takon I am hungry
neire
Hawtorinkanufke a black fox skin or
an overgrown
sables
a Hare wyheutteis
the haire of the Mexerfe
head
the haire of adeare Vfhegwunnuih
hard by yowhfe
Hard Efepannawh
a Hand Meihtinge
to Hang out Wawapunnah
a Hatchet Taccahacan
Tamahaac
an Indian hatchet Cunfenagwus
to haue Nohainwh
I have bene
a Hawthorne berry
a Hazell nut
the head of ae,
that is round
the head of an
arrow
the head-ake
Heaven
Near Nowwan
Paangahtumuns
Affamowh
Raputtak
Kawmelirppaan
Mounfhagwatowh
fee Gret or £9. oxy a
2 Guth Se juss eae
A Grks
guts
te geed ya — f
gGoeu vt Sop f LV ejkegw
fie BT
a
B/guasems,
[que Cth cc
ss wee are} Vpyemfaman-
lehnows op
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a Ae
& Lowe, food, Me) Meee brwh
ce Comb pou Wn Sea seh -
ce (fF net Poengivus
ee aH
Fook
oc?
vt yea oa
aod et caceeg
Ny ees AHLCK, “ Ae sarge ef ~
s
= etbrile- diche foreh .
NYewe ita men
Ip
g re bh
Peypeo:
fuck 3 uicend
CE UOCAAVMCRE
Afeama NCE
‘ drcth re SpE fantaan
gt 4 goos tee Oret
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fo vor
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fo poe a? aes
é
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te Den,
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ae
i UCC ft r
a f~
pdafentwodrean
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IWC fC PALSY pb
Nope
A pehhamundg
= €
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Lpporfte 00 PI Le owe
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Cuxvcece
C ulipu ” nasok
meorwchi ch
« dos teaceaschk
mys fasoe
(Pac tof can
fro fuer ft peor
uv ¢ ¥ feed, Pre kesh
owk ys La rOrtrim
ee oe L/ergrna )
nucle
fe Fu dy yf muy os
a Kuk
Ls
otaket/he hess
cot ‘ah gue us
rch Fae mr OC econ
AA:
i “
BAUGUECI at ny
5 J egued
fl a nkone
Mligig ue
flarveleppe
bla/ gue’. pucnatora
<
Flas Ape voy noo Lokekaiws
howe wweth bakou "eree
Sf Cacotormka neafde
et Apars
te & yaers off go>
Go Gove pa Beats
far€ by
4 wand
“ Ayes
te ies vut
a & teret
lane prion oettyrot
to gare
ae eeu Cours
a dhabge ze ake?
Co Gayot tesa
ce Lt ® shrvve pet
a lant s
by and ce en gates :
«Tt Om
rate oe wudahead co
te jaro ser Geed
of cases uf od at
Clack peje wx
aun uber green S
«
Mey Prat rant
yNXe’ (a
Uihequeu PPIL A iA
4am
ye whe
v
Efepavnarwh
neh tag?
/
C7
ALP QIWALE wnczh
<
za ceahacan
ramuahacc
Ctiifena eres
J
W oharn suh
Sea Jy ows “
‘Paasgah bedrstanes
S ofl 2+ arr amvivh
ane 2
al Gpad “ft aun 22g
(bi © csuecoo
Gg
Sheet 7.
RaputteK
Ka Mw PEC hiippaan
Meuufhagwatorwh
to EPen&
Key to sheet 8
H
to Heare Nowwuntamen
not to heare Mata nowwontamen
He yoowah
Hemp weihkippeis
Hell popogwv {sur
He hath not or
none
The height of
any thing at a
good groth
Of a little height
Hearing
to hide or cover
from the rayne
a Hill of small
mount
a Hill or
mountaine
Hidden und‘ a
Cloud or over
cast
a Howse
a great howse
a husband
a hole
to make a hole
a great hole
the hornes of a
deare
Hold yt aside
Hot weather
how manie
hungry
the Husk of their |
wheat |
a hurt or Cut
to hurt, or a
thing hurts me |
It hurts my
legge or my
leges ake
It hurts me not
or it is hole or
well
Tre assuminge
loughqueme wath
lake san apooke
I myself
I or you
the Iaggs of he |
salvage habite |
Ice
Tah-mocafewh
Mangeker
Tangafvw
Aumpfvwk
Cufhe
Romutton
Pomotawh
Reihecahahcoik
yohacan
Machacammac
wiowah
woor
Mhocacotamen
Maangairagwatonu
wawirak
Hatacqwoear
Onofhawocanafsup
Keis
Noiateiwk
Pocuntavhea
wapewh
Ahkey
vwwaap
Vnegapamuttamen
netataky
Mamoindgaky
Potteracai
I
Goe & run quickly
Let us goe or come
away
Light tobacco
Near
Nim
Rafsawans
oreih
an Island
to Itch
I
Mennunahgue
Vnethikvtchikuffa
Certaine phrases put under
Letter because they begin
with I.
I am lither or lazie
Iam yor Friend
or at yor com
aund
I care not for yt
I will not give yt
I must keep yt or
I love yt
I thank yu#
I have none
I will goe home
I must put nee
in it
It stinketh
I cannot tell
I have no tobacco
IT will not
I have no hooes
I have no hose
I understand yo"
not
I understand you
a little but no
much
Mathawwacat
Netah
Netapewh
Nummatksitamen
Matacommeir
Nowamatamen
Kenah
Mahmanidgno-
haivwh
Nummacha
Vpacocaheih
Ahtur
cairwh
Mata vppoan
nonvwh
Matuth
Matamawcasu-
nneh
Matacawqwro-
wanneh
Mataguenavoroth
Cuffewh kenneau-
nten
mata mechik
I love you Nouwmais
yo" loue Cummomais
I give yt yo" gratis Thacgwenvmme-
raun
I will come to aa cities RARE
row
I hurt my Leg vnechacufhonahfa
I have bene Mummacuthene-
asleepe paw
K
Kenagh IT thank yu»
Kaygmose a boat
Kuttchawe I burne
Komeyhon Rayne
Kowfe Father
Kick Mother
Kemotte Brother
Komeratimicre |
quier
yu" gave it me.
i £
te Hppare Newwuntamer.
net te feare
oowah £
aa jvethkt kippers
Papegwrjsue
abp fa wok vr one 7 Tah mocefrewh
Oe Vega ie ofl one Tg § Ne ngeke ra
atc yeod yneer <
of oe CHES sony 2 FY) \eew
Apa rang : A vim mpfowk.
fo Ge ot Suber pom
+e Nev ee ey c uifhe
“ a xy Decal seicsenk Remutton
aye ox eg Pormotawh °
6, Ses bidln eee h z wahcaka heotk.
“ot ober cul -
a ow
es 4 deat Oe
2 P| Pre bisssd
yohacan :
Pt achdiasmmac ~
Le format”
fale [voor
fe "a ey é wld At how cu Ft men -
ce geet 3 hs faangaitag sale a
yyvawivak -
Mabey wets ae.
i nga Oa nays wd
Ge fon re Seas
oo vt wg tbe
cout « ar dl
for, necwrte! Kes
ante iss eoratewk:
“e ofl Chita 2 Pocem bee phen
nays ees nse j : :
cl fuk on fetk- ‘ pina picien
te gent, ora Gg Thhy,
ts / santas
gente . ice =
Ab eerste 7 logan ee
ey dese,
Fi paanaq are asct o% 2
ab poe or week -
af —
wetaba of
Alec rot ed gaky
Potte nacde:
Boe ‘Lo wie ie
fat od yet
Liggh ¢e beterv-
ris affu minge
! Aguemée pwath
J tye apooks
OF COME erT
z wep? Neat
“Ze he 7 i smn
ue deze lad Logue ds |. hprense
a - gpetk-
“aa : Me munnah gue
fe BFS) vaethiketi hi ku/fa
GRata Aowwortamex -
=
Me Gipa nt AQer
he fer nee,
area
5,
boner ta ¢ Mm ufhavw wacaé,
*t
pony rye phren® ve tach
At ot De sedan re AS Ae tape Uh»
=~ 1 Aue mut yet x Nem mualhys tamer
p= sul gust yt Mata co memiere
e
eo? wnt bore vt
a ? Sine zt
+ fou xe
ap fan? see 0 ®
foun yepen
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4 Ss eld
: at
Ahtet
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nage rs dh Divi PHOLBIET «
Konak
ynar mandy ae farewA
PC te ret menchar
Ps ete La AA
focus GNceles YPpiOen wombs
we
4 jee sow
= po hE ache
+ Se cee sew
? fee se Le
a vustngheue z F daark
bead yo
> Fv teyh Fi Wen’ Cel hia suh Gy PO red ad
Be & > yer seek. ve 1&
ceaset sy ee
2 lobe ™
Dietrich
& Wow bes nO DdOC f LANCE
WW eetutt wyieroiwarm Or
Wug bes JUCHR bo rolA
Ps da pp raed
‘ i a
ye ry d vue C1 POV ALS
# eye? rhe Hoe phacgwentm ue Lad
- put erent
. Joe MEE OTS
hae ae Xe apy ah ree rad
[fy i / :
bd fs Cord et! MACE jac waonah/a
o 2 Cee lone 2
SIE LE I OE wees he acpie
oe ve “Loy e ) ’
Ke na 2gh
Kayquse bout
Kutecharvee f Gree @
Ke meey how pawns
Kowre
ick. . ¥
erm tte a
Kore wader che”
Gee xr
7“
Sheet 8.
Key to sheet 9
K
Kouppatke
Konnockkonoren
quire
Kawyough
Kawwin
Kawkopen quier
Kicketen quier
Kykeythamots
Kykeytawe
Nofke
Kantokan
Kantikantie
Kegua son
Kahunge
a King or great
Lord
the Kings name |
of Roanoac J
to kick or spurne
a Kixe
to kisse
a kettle
a knife
to keel
to knock upon
ones finger yt
being prickt
to knock or beat
a thing wt» a
hammer
to knot up haire
they tye upon
their heads
you truly
Come look my head
I know not
Sleepe
I drinek to you
Speak or tell me
the wind
9 in nomber
10 in nomber
to daunce
Sing and daunce
a pot to drinck in
a goose
wiroance
Nanamachavwk
Keifkeramen
natapahan
Tiepaantamen
Aucagmnis
Pamifac
Kmdgvttecoheapar
Vfafarouhketa-
haom
Suttecattamun
Vdansywapiffan
L
Land
a Ladle
Lame
a Lampray
Landmen wt!
amanta so
called because
they laboureth
at sea
to laugh
to lay downe a i
thing |
Leather that
covereth their |
hippes & |
secretts
Cheipfni
Thepoyn
Nepamironowh
Rahtaws
Pachimoma
Keffhekiffon
Nawfiponimd
Pagwantawun
Leather
Leather stripes or
stringe
Leaves
dead Leaves
to Leap as men
leap in
dauncing or
w't ease
to Leape
to Leane against
a thing
the Leane of any
Flesh
Lead
To light any
thing
It is not lighted
Light
a Lyon
to lift up any
thing
Lightening
a little piece
Give me a little
peece
a Little
a Lizard or Elfe
yo" haue no lice
the Lipps
to Looke ones
head
Lost
a Lobster
Long
Low
a Lowse
alone
to Lye downe to
Sleepe
to lye wt a
woman
to tell a Lie
to he togither
L
Vttocais
Rahfawans
Maaugwipacus
Momecammege
Netufpus
Hufpifsaan
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Atcheifgwanfon
| oiawh
i wiaaws
windfeup
|
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Matackefa
Ketfhawtewh
Vttacawoi
Vdefpunnemun
Kecuttannowas
Paangun
f Kapeffemapaangun
Taux
Vtacafkis
Matavtapawpiak
Naif haih
Cuttuheummeis
uv
Nowwanus
Ahshaham
Cunnaivwh
Machefs
Metacun
Apopagwetecus
-Macheneecawun
|
Saccafak
vtchepitchewam
Cowyhpaantamun
Kouppathe 3 tien ty
KA teyough ¢ Bavans maeok
KS w soe [Dope
Keavokgpen ieeer
keke ten ywser
key tha mcty.
es ie haa
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ron Lore SMe facum
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fe Jid Irrone a:
na che PERCE a gta mn -
Saca/ak.
vichep i tehe warm
Coreghpaantamu a
te bog re F% a Avortasx
fo beth a iw
Sheet 9.
265191—54_93
Key to sheet 10
M
Metinge a hand
Miske Heare
Mintabuckkam the Head
Mufkam the Forehead
Mufknis the eyes
Mefkewe the nose
Mettone the mouth
Mepit the. teeth
Maratsno the tongue
Mackatahone the arme
Mefeot the leg
Mefscate the Foot
Mekense the naile of 'h® fing™®
& toes
Metawce the eares
Mowhkohan a Fishhooke
Mafkawhinge a parrot
Monowhaake a sward
Maquequins small belli
Makataweygh Pearle
Mattanahayyough I have yt not
Matchqueo a showe
Mangoite great
Mufkffkimmins Strawberries
Matchkore a stagge skin
Mincum quire |
Mittchm
Mattaquenatorath
Mattaffunutcho-
oke
Mahawke
Meroathachefsam
Mayance
Momufcken
Momnugh
Moroke
Makique
Mufkes
Mayn
Matakufke
Mattekeroth et
Marrapoth quier
Mattoth
Manote
Mouffomko
Mufsaue
Meffetonaause
Man
a Mat
Reeds
a Martern
a maryed man
Maneaters
the marrow of a
bone
a Marriner or fea-
man
made of
eate yo"
I understand yo"
not
a small bird
divers clours
a goard
a young boy
I haue yt not
a mole in th® ground
a Turkey _
Ceader
snot
to run
going in a path
the Leafe of a prick-
le pear
the wylie words
they haue
noe
a basket
a fquirill
a beast so called
a beard
Nimatewh
Anansacoon
of
Moschwacus
Nowiowyhwiowah
Mussaangegwah
weimb
checksow
M
a Match Nmtawook
to make bread Apoanocanosutck
to make a fpoone Ampconominda
to make a bed Ouronnemunpeta
cawwin
to make a dish Achehican
to make a frame a Cowcacunnemun
boat Ahtowenn
to make a graue Cuttahamunourcar
to make a mat choffunnaaufun_
to make a basket Mamcotaihcaun
meale & Flower Rouhcat
Rowkfewh
meale made of -
Guynny wheate; viketehamun
called
to melt Puffepuffactawos
prea ie aaiaRese
Milke made of Powhigwava
walnuts
Milk Mutson
to misse the hole Nembabatsoho
a Morter Tuccahooe
Vttawh
a mouth Mehtoan
the morning or | Bapasewe
sun rise
the morning is
Pafpafat vfeantewh
faire
a Moth Mohwhawk
to morrow Raiab
Vnnawh
a mother Neck
Apegwas
a Mulbery Mufkimnis
a Mushell shell Tfhecomak
a Muskrat ofafquws
N
Numerothe quire yo" companie
Neine my self
Nifsakan a reed
Nisake a Cane
Nepaufche the Sun
Nepunche neire I am dead
Nehapper sit downe
Nuppawe Sleepe
Nechan a Child
Netap my deare Freind
Noweanathfoun I haue forgotten
Nekut 1 in nomber
Ninge 2 in nomber
Nuffaugh 3 in nomber
Nufchawus 8 in nomber
Ninge poke 20 in nomber
Seto
Cara
Pimtahy chfiton
m Kem
MDM fheot
us kee
Me tone
Jrepit
pres vatsinoe
Pruckatahone
Picfeot
Atilccate
Dickeuse
Che tasege
Meowkkohax
wis) afKaonmge
Moneiwaa che
wilt Fez ues
Inakatarveygh
- vy
# -
Matta Nahay yuugh
ehatchguee
’ Niang ote
Ms cfm meng,
datchKeore
Dinectom 4eec tl poate
pthc sim) —
Ne He gaicnete rath
Mh (rntBieKE
(nakarwke
Ate pect hac here yr
Aa geenril
i.
Diam wagh
pre veke
Mekgyue
ay ks +
mays
prataky/ke
mate RZ ott yutge
Mavrapeth Gun
Meathath /
pMecwote
Mous/s nike
Nafrance.
—
ne/se TOHAAMSK
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Wea
a Mat puoabe DRS
a (Parter.
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Fad
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Ce Lass Cou
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ewok yes
Ff Ri Seybed Sab,
a /mowt orsbol Serr’,
Pa yoardh
Py We ee os
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a Qo od yore
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As coe fv op gers gata
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Vee fan?
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P gies
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AQimatenn
Ananya coun
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My wiosvyh-swioswalt
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na awuiner of farm cheskitre
Aor taweek
SApra neca no/ut ch
Ay CONE IM midy
Ourenn Mim AC he LAW pyr ove <4 :
Pe nnimunpe tea l By Bar: ad a j
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by 4 BS fret 002 (creracunmemun
Cuede Ahteweun-
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A, make a ba; bet Ma nuvitoihlaun
pn eale Cover _douh
saa Kak Bwohipwh
6 Z ar: f vkctehams Me
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fy ef 0 ye dating afk hao rT
fred é made oft Woeakomely Posuliugrea va
pr ta_ Prihlow
fo Mie ge ryembabubrehe
cz Jiier@r + guccahooe
L tha tu/}-
fea ioe Nek hoan
fre Heo? e. ‘ we Papaserwh
jae aks ; -
roe reeary peg a fore Pafpa/at ivcankewh
Moth JMoh whatek-
Fu seek toe a arab
“ L7 AM aw!
a dievl fr
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a, cnet dad
AceR
APs pas
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a [henjfee fuer pacee mak
rat jun erat C//qurs
r es
4 meevollic uses ’ hg thera’
Fy a tat ie
Nfra kan at 4
NX sake al C aur
veoayhe p91
ca how
aceprncke aeree y
we: ‘ + Je sone
i dane” sal a
Neppawe [© “ak
Nechan ‘a “és
Nelep mz Somes
Apemnnethfen f Saeed foo
Aychist pte tore
10g 2
i aefough Son fae
PCr chavers ~/
Sheet 10.
Key to sheet 11
N
Noringeamind
baketaw
Nehapper kupper
Namatke H
Nameche |
Nethkeon
Neputts
Noraughtoan
Nahayhough
The Nailes of my
hand
Naked
a Napkin or any
lynnen cloth
Naught broken or
Crackt
the neck of any
thing
a nett
Next
a Nettle
the nest of a bird
Neare by or next
hand
New moone
Night
No or nay
None
the noise of a
peece or Fall |
a tree
No more
I will drink no |
more
the North
a nut like a small
acron, good
meat
Opykerough
Oteyquenimin
Ockquetath
Oughtamangoyth
Owanough
Ouxe
Ockquins
]
{ Mend up the fier
Sit further
» Fish of any kind
the nose
the tooth
put on yor hat
I haue it.
wyhchaudg
Nepowwer
Mattaffait®
2)
j Perewh
Nufgwoik
Auffas
Vtakyk
Mayhfaan
wahchefao
Patewh
Suckimma
Tapacoh
Reihcawh
Matah
tah [sie]
Rawwanud
Penim
Tawhs
Nutffegwacup
vtcheiks
chechinquamins
O
a Brent, a fowle like
a goofe
to teare or rent any
thing
a taufell of a
gofhauke
a Tobacco bag
who hath this
a Fox
a watchet collored
bird
O
Opomens Chefnuts
Ough yt is well
Oughrath far off
Owaugh an egg
an oare Tfhemacaus
an Oke tree Poawamindg
Oysters Cauwaih
an Old man Ramerumuwh
an old woman Vtumpfeis
to open the dore Tennecatowee
Rafficokear
to open ones eyes Vdapungwaoen
to open any thing Raragwunnemun
Cuffotunnohaans
an otter or rather} Pohkewh
a Beaver J
an Otter Cuttak
Only one Naautucahnecut
Out or yt is pluckt :
ai Aumpoffaioh
Out away gett| _ _
yo" gone { Key
to overset or a
boat to ci} Cotapefleaw
keel up
an Owle Quangatarask
P
Poketawes wheat
Peketawas beans
Peache fetch or bring
Peminah a rope
Peymmata thread
Pafquehamon to Cut
Powtowhone \ blow the fire with
boketmoce J yor mouth
Pugguy Afhes
Petacqueth Thunder
Pokorance a minerall stone
Pokin bokeyough to dive under watt
Pamyack a goard
Pocosack a gun
Pichanins an excellent plumb
Pafkamath Mulberries
Poughcone
the red paint or dye
Norngea mins Wee as Voters ,
Nehepper Kuspee antag
pe ofl arse Bos aks
Ne rane ea
Wa meche
Ne thkeou wo Sa pa
rept CPO
Ne eaughtoau ee ony vt gat
Nahayheush a pene yt
Wenge, é Matsl fl ont faut ae gh cha “dy
ria om Mop ene
a Nephes § 09 Mateffath
Gz reece Hobe
NAH Ap vwhouw ov Povewh
Crh be
f¢9 eee. vie flew 7 Gas AitfG 9K
a Wek kee Auffak
is PCG Owes
NER : ‘e Fac kyk,
as LORE Mauh/aa 7
_ wahchefas
Sie Ski Ai ola bias
}zea.8 & <t TS a ase) Pec bese
Mere Moewe Suckynma
Night gs ocek
g Réihcuswh
Ne ot “Hey — DAE Mateoh ;
tah -
Pons Qawiwanud
grvap & la, 5
Ls pple Ae ‘ape oe Cone:
PO p11 O1e ra whe
pow ed ae 3 Kole. ame hs!
tere Ved
ley Nee Ws a ey
fe nar ah a Ql
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corre eed fe. cvek
O
Opykerouga A Usenet a ferelo |
Obey Gg Ke rt rem Page Erol
ee
rae fau is cA
ce pike bag
ws wo $ Sih E506
game a
Ockgurs a Clip mas Soba
Ockguetath
Mae —
Vand
,
O
fk
xt 46 esa
nui
Faust td
whe PAIAC CS
Opemenusy
6) ugh
ugh veth
_Qivaugh
ct te Jare-
tine Oke Foe Poawea ad
Dyed (AhU41Vvar
Cle Old rcv Re PRICE LU DALLA avh
ose oth pwonenss pet ccztepfers
ST Cn ecate 20Ew
fe ope fp aoe
Raffi cckear
fo ae on 6 Pxot Vadaper PIG LIAWVEN
Ra vce EV LEM OH ted
_oYofe tumnohaany
eee Pohkesewh
Cultak_
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NS die ae as ug
BALL ober or:
ce VY bor
iu Phe
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hts yt al
Qir€ ee mow >)
a get rag ; Ks le
{ eborbt ota b ise
fo Critend Foot An oh Clappeece
AMA Divwls
ci. 8
i EA aEE rs kK:
ae
Poke tare s ALG oak
Peke tasve $ E eae
i Peache Pty ot Barony
Peon sak et ee
Rey mata ra
Pafguehanon fo Put
Parvtowhene Jokerue Glow Aone ee
= fecsoe- See H yu Lele
Puggey AE pe
Pe Feacgue bh al pores
Poko 2aseee ot, p84? aS oom ;.
\ Boku bokgyough — Fe Sehenbu Str pumt
Peorrry ack, a“ ety tbo
, Poce lack. a Gun
Pe 764068 au SEF eat- pOowb
ome Me hb Ore
CORE co «2 Sy.
ek aaikan
Poy eugh-
Sheet 11.
Peyeugh
Pickuts
Potawaugh
Parance
Pafpene
Pifquaon
Pafkonath
Penouge jeron
Pocohaak
Pattihquapifson
Pocontath
a Parrat
to Paint black
to paint red
Perle
Perle mushell sells
Peas
a Peice of a pot a
a pot seard
a Piece of bread
a Pestle
to Play on a pipe
a Tobacco pipe
the pipe is fowle
the pipe is stopt
the Pipe is broken
a Pin
to Pinch
a Pigeon
a wood-pidigoon
a pillow or to lay
under ones
head
to pisse
a Pike
Porredge or
broath
a Post
a Poleat
a Pot
to powre out water
to powre in water
a porpoyse
the Pox
a play{tor
a Plomb {tone
a Plomb very De-
litious when yt
is ripe
Key to sheet 12
P
returning
the gum we hold
balfome
a Porpois
5 in nomber
to walk about
a duck
the gold fpark in
the fand
stone
a botkin or aule
a hat
a girdle
Maffacamwindg
Nummatchqwran
Numerathguran
pocoon
Matacawiak
Viafgwoik
Offantamens
Rummat{nwendg
Rowrooi Appones
Pocohaac
Pawpecoon
vppocano
Vppocanomoiee
Opoteyawh
Vdei
con
Pohcohaac
Nepokehanaan
Towaigwoins
Quanonah
Ahqwatfs
shekyn
kyhtoroon
Noumpgwaam
Meihtusmutheis
Cuttenamuwhwa
Aucagwins
Qwatchacuwhcaan
Vfowecunnemun
Potawoe
Nummanemennaus
Nuttacoondah
Maquafcawnomel
Pufheninis
heawunsppo-
P
a Plaife Keifkis
to play at any Mamantu
game Terracaun
He oe wee aul Vnepafkmtecahbon
nger J
the privities or | Preoneue
secret of a man {
Prayer Maunumommaan
to come to praier Pyahtomaaon
a Pumpeon Mahcawg
a Purse Vttamamquoih
to Pull Nummaumon
to pull yt out Necantough
to put yt in Penider
to put on any Puttohiqwofur
thing ;
to put off any Puffaqwonneindg
thing
Purple ourcrewh
to put out a Vtahtahamun
candle
to pull one downe Cuttaqwocum
Q
Que Quoy
Que Quoy ternin
quire
what is this
what is yor name
R
Rapanta
Rungan
Rokayhook
Rickalhone
Rokohamin
Reconacke
Rofsoun
Riapoke
Riahosicke
Rekafque
Raw
Rayne
a Raynebow
a Rattle such as
they use in
their Cere-
monies made
of a gourd
a Ratt
a Reed
Rent or torne
a River
venison
all kind of fuet
an otter
a Comb
parched corne
ground {male
a Tobacco bag
the wynd
to morrow
the devill
a knife
Ascunmewh
Camrowan
Qwannacut
chingawwonauk
Aotawk
Nehfaakah
Tuttafewh
yocaauta
P.
Peyeugh wekns see J
Pre a“
Po as = A ie - wo aoe £205
Paraace a pies ord
2. S +6 ember
Pefpene Z fe walbs about.
pe oat a
OHA = «
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Penoug : sow faire
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Pa Mh gccpiffon a beak
Pocontat ao grrile
QA Percrays
fv PautkChark
Didi affa CasrH remdg
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: Mahi celoos vit
£0 oaaet ead Noumerathgutan
Lee Om,
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v rag Fol THI
a Piece gl 6 5.8ed~ Rarorooe Aypoues
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co Do baery pieP ULpocane
‘Peas
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lee at
Prayer BAU KUM OM mMaAan .
fv renee hoppers Pyah tana ou
a prune ova Pneheassy
a Picryly tte mucrrng cork
# | Mana DL ntsac peor
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fo Sut zyban Pemdecr
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R
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cl (Pm @ ohcohuac
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shekgn
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S
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Cor DIE cx Eswcatp, Jfoumpgiaam
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ko owt d ot prahe QO weatshacuwh car
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Ric kahone A Gow *
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Rofrenr “ progn?
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Receho sické oer Sob
a my
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ke os Fan poertey Wftrecun Meme un Ofere ‘
as Ve he Po kasvol Hayne (aim vo wan
oF Po ? pier io MARES ees o Heyer Sore Qivan nacut
a golns PY wttacoondah Lok jug of
a vis baeb frome ® : Maguafersesonel H Gy si i Te ch ragaseive eS
lonb 800i; fate
GES, if Pafhemrte
a Pini) Kefle
fh pla ot cy tues Meamante”
J TeLrBAmaun .
he. }
Sheet 12.
Key to sheet 13
R
Ripe wingatewh
not Ripe vfcannewh
to rise up Paffaquear
the rind of a tree | Ghee
like hempe J
a ring Nekereinfkeps
a® rose Puffaqweinbun
a rose-tree Puffaqweninuba-
nieindg
S row oe epree \ Vtucotucofa
asashipatsea |
to row Tchymaue
to roast Apoirffaw
the root of to- Vppoo chappoe
bacco
a root Vtchapoc
a rope or Cord Pemuntnaw
to run Rafannear
Rushes Cakekefqus
to cut rushes
Suckquohana
Sawwone
Sakahook
Sakahokan
secon
Sekehekonaugh
Sand
to sacrifice
to say or be sayd
a sayle
to see
not to see
let me see it
a seat in a boate |
or a bench
seedes
Sea weedes
Sedge
to set down any |
thing
the sea
Scum
{Mamafe Cakeke-
| fqwus
S
water
Salt
{the cleare stones we
| gather
to write
to spit
to write
Racaioh
vtakar
kecutton
Tfemaofay
vonamun
Matauamowun
Numpeuamun
Tufsan
Amenacarac
Afearafqwus
Efkowwafcus
Mhnemun
Yapam
Peihtadh
S
the seales of a Fish
to seratch
to serateh ones head
a scab
sharpe
Sheres
Shells
a ship
yt shyneth
Shoos
to Shoote
a shooting gloue
short
shut the dore
to scrub ones head
to sing or daunce
to sit downe
to sitt nearer
to sitt further
to be sick
the single of a )
deare {
a sister
the kin or fur of a}
hare
a sheldrake
to sleepe
a slo-worme
Smothe
Smoak
to smell
to snort
to suit ones nose
Snow
yt Snoweth
a snake vide adder
a Snayle
to siow or set i
wheat f
to sw wh a needle
a sore
to soak bread
the sowle or vitallj
breath of man |
to strew or cast
the spars of howse
to spit
a sparrowhawk
sparks that glither
wohainkank
vnecuffopiffon
vn [indication that
the preceding
Virginia language
word is of this
meaning.]
Vmeqwufsum
Keneiwoh
Moundgtacan
ohjhaangunnemans
Mufsawurue
Afsentucayah
Mawhcafuns
Nepomatamen
Mereengafs
Taiqwaifuw
Kefsahikear
Necutchuckfkuw
cante-cante
Nawpin
otafcotaqwopur
Muffataquopur
Arummofsouth
wufhagwun
Nuckaandgam
weifacannac
Rowhgwawh
Nevaun
Apoufeafe
Visequahamun
Kekepemgwah
Numeramin
Nequavuttonndmun
Vtannegwan
Coan
Rookenah Coan
Pomahaum
- Nuttafpin
Hufquami
Meihkaih
Nepokevnnamun
Netfhetsunh
Nummeraantaan
Tfehqwun
Tatacaumevan
Pahgwurraow
—
Pye
nga tew,
ap fneey : Sent
wot oP At vannewh
se ¢o fh H+) wnecffopy fon
Ne hes ve ae be Valen ana oe
ae Oe eae Aer 2 efor a [rok (Vmegw fs orm
Nekevem/he eps [é= a3 Kerteriv oh
oe BD isffagrvembar Seow SMaundg tacar
a LG se free
&, acu lS ar eisai
lor ats
fo Arve
hk Qrvagh
fo art ff bbxac
a pcook
ha popd 0% Gord
6 rine
Be
fe cut oar al
fo nb a Gos
Suckguoha Ha
S42 pe vos
Sakahooks
Sakahokar
[eco
Soke he ky naug h
Saud seul en
fo sarvife?
Fo 47 eo 68 jag
a Ree
fv
ate fe
Sseds o*..
“foals - ae ae ok
Sen rw esdet
Setge
fo fot Sooon any Bune MA romuk
GP Som
Cee
Pasfag reer 2@ ~. ceed pee: Urn’ MARS
oe “og
“a fer
MN ufsawu vue
ME uc tuco/n if Sr ate Afsentucaya h
rehymaue spook ae Faces
Ape offare e Sloot Mepers farmcex
Uppy chaypa a [focbug gloue Meveenses
ee Ce gee
Pertuntrary sot SX Avie Kefsahiikeoe
Ra/armnear bo OM ns + /06 Necutchuchikuse
Lake ke/7 “sg é a, age “ Garedsaed Caute-~ cCaunk .
Jamafe lites ay ire wi eee lary tae
bffegwahka Hen * be ha ee Ofte ning ee
a a Muffataquapu c
fv és &. BE IE
Ahge oft Spa Rg
2h, Uy bow PUG andgum
ict [Bo oz ps v3 WUCL/ACAIMAC -
oe
Lo ——— ae
See 1. pfstSna ky? Rowhgwarwh-
=S ok fe [@ e Dep isk
Tae rar red cn (To~ wor ted Ae :
Anise A Co” ‘ ciel Ms eguohé PRMIL .
: oa cenee. Kekepe mg wok
7 é ule fe he SR mee rarer
fo wh
ve { & /' sort Neguarcuttoundmin
acatw
fo fit Css mom UV hkarve wart:
ena CS Le COan
Ke cuttren Ye Gumsy Rooke nh Coan -
ojema fay.
DAR ALPUGK ‘
a fobs pods < A Ber .
a Graze = Poritakau Pa
4 URI OLEH aie ot jt nfead- Nuttfpm. _
Me mpe “HAMM m7 nSe so Slo Kliufque > BOs
a {Es Merhkack
ak 6460s INEpone Crnameun:
& (esteem. Ne Yfhetounh
mena carac.
Aca VAcfG ev eS yl puns
Efkorv wa Cig [pre etry |= Jerime raanutaau
Pe off py Pret tifa.
D Zoya! oF Zieh youn ;
Pethtathe eo TFatecaumenan .
G8 7 Tot yen nee wEcaore.
see it 20 Pro
Sheet 13.
the spring
to speak alowd
to speake softly
a squirrell
to looke a squint
a sturgeon
a sturgeon
a string vide
leather
a stone
a little stone
to steale
a stake
a stalke
the stalke of
gynney or
Virginia wheat
to strike
to strike wh a
sword
stockings
a starr
to stir the pot
to stretch ones
selfe
the stones of any
male thing
to goe to stoole or
to ease ones self |
a stoole to sit upon
a straunger
strong
to step or goe up
the stinging of a
snake
to strike fier
to stinck
the Sun
Sun rise vide
morning
Sun set
to sup or to haue
bene at supper
Summer
to suck
to sweat
to swym
to Swell
a swan
to swallow
to sweepe
Key to sheet 14
S
Suttekepacatuwh
| Memmowchick
|taywuffan
Kemaantun
Muffanek
Permgwah
|
i Cuppotoon
Shacahoean
Manansk
Commotooah
wepattaha
Mehtacoue
Thepahcoon
Nopaffmgwahwn
f Nepacaman
Cawgweawans
Attaugwaffowk
Vmmatahamt
| Vifhebowfkeom
Vtshowwah
|
Vumutkittuwh
Apahpun
Vttafantaflawinh
Towangh
Accowon
|
{ Vtagwoong
Boecataoh kok
Auutas
Kefhowfe
Quunfewh
Meatfun
Cowwotaioh
Anowwonnir
Vebowhafs
Toofkean
Cunnaqueis
wopuffoue
Quautamu
Tfekehica
to Sswymm as a
pece of wood or
feather on the
water
Tanggo
Towaughe
Tanre
Tamokin
Tauofin
Tangeguath
Tamohake
Take it
to take up
to take up wh *}
spoone
to take off
to take one prison™
to take tobacco
to take heed
a target
the taile of any|
thing {
tawhy
thing
to throw a thing
away
thunder
a thigh
these
this
the thomb
the throat
three
three hundred
a thornebark
to tickle one
tobacco
a tobacco pipe
a tobacco bag
the Tobacco is |
good
the Tobacco is
to tell one any
)
naught
a Towne
the traine of a bird
a tree
a greene tree
a wallnut tree
a Turtle
a sea Turtle
a turd
Puppaqwahauns
Let me se it.
a Crome [sic]
small or little
to swym
a toole [sic]
a fur like a sables
a hatchett
Vntowh
Vummaumum
Anutfahamun
raffunnemun
Necakeffuton
Nepffeaupooe
Amwoir
Amun whock
wuthaqwun
Nufeahfaiyam
Cutterah
Apacet
Vmdetuppauk
Wyngwaus
yowhs
yowhk
Vketeqwaivttemdg
Veewantaak
Nus
Nufwohcuffannack
Aumboick
Kekitchuchun
vhpooe
vhpoocan
vttamaucoih
Wmyutfeovhpooe
Kefkemaikpooe
Muffavan
Otanneis
Meihtus
viqwatanaik
Affunnomeindg
accomodem{k
Torocuppewk
Moich
ry ap
tv / alowS —— § Memmow chick >
= tayveJan
Phen Kemaan ten.
6 fearwre Aliffanck
be Looks a f grok Pe vogwah
a “agtlou )
finn gee J Cayppotoon.
a her gsvic
e prone id looser z
“ fous Shacahocan
a ats bene Ptanansh-
by flocte Carmmoboouak
a Poke Avepu Ha he
4 jacks Mehtacouc
Gilbey :
«gs [# “ 7 Ay — Thepakeoen
es Virgrua MAga
& po be Dope mgreahoon
ho [> é- Ln [lor Wepacaman
frePnge rt acl de mat fi
OB (hoes JS tira ngwaffowk,
& fr% oP get Lim Ci.
fe roby head od
GS flor S ofl avg oe.
v ge & sholo cy ko :
& ge ah ool si Wu re ffattu wh
a pole f jt yes Apel pus
« jhe seg
. «oy fre boe/p om
Mt rhowweh
ph vine 2 TO teen 4
ve ie GPF UK : A ccoty/on”
po myn y ale wake Phagivaox
i prike ff? , pee oh” Rok
irk A utes
ZL .
hether (4
ve om
«<= Bye (> Be Jeo emey .
aie ee Qu “ nfewk
ho te aed Meapfun
Cow wotatoh
CK terrae ee
Aj fark Anowwennve
k [Asset vebowhalf
yé pure soo/kian
ho [va Cun “ey
ee Von a oe
ks (ae Q Kantaimu
b pcope Grkehica
i
a9": “
Suttekepa catvivh.
oe, Meafantioffa wath
Togye libre jo re
wees waughe << Geos
Ta nee duce ot Lc Ke
eonokm & prom
Tacco/m ce froebs
T2ngiguath a fur Gk a pabla.
Tex mm vhake Pa fate
sak t+ eungh
re teks Vy
& Fabre wl} Anneke Mun
h Feb-of’ y alee “an
rs bak 20d porary bic Necakey uhhouw
yo Fe (ae feo ly Mas Mike aN ae
ve fecke gosh ones vw
a foay ot Apu suhockK
ho ee avuflhag sour
Fawny Wi uf ca Afra yam
ag patem ae katy 1 Pe
1 ae be
fu Lyre ex fron, Ce
7 ty Ae
2 Lowe
Efinebior vmdgtypou k.
( puyh gwea af
“Fae
Va he
ies
CV 14 798 HAG HALEN
ewhe
yowkk
ink Ge al § v he tegwar ve md
ie pret Vegiuan faak.
pss es
Va fuwdush — Yu/wohceffanmack
2 guinstort Aum boick
bt Kble ons Aekitchuchun
Te Sever Whyoo c
whpe ocan
a Cobaav po
é .
Wi baman cotk
a Cobccre Gag
Ls Toba of gn pensyutfte vAporc
G8 Tebow A wamgyt Keke wash free
Muffavan
Lh Pow wd
fami tome
ft Fass Ine ihbey
a Groorns bee Mfg tecrcash
Ay +t momemndg
Aaclo mode fhe
Fe asa napewk:
Moick
a pwallut hiss
a“ AES
/>* ant om
hurd
Sheet 14.
a Turkey
a Turkey Cock
to turne a Cake|
upon the coales}
twyned threed
to tye or make fast
any thing
Key to sheet 15
T
Monanaw
Ofpanno
» Cufkeefflmun
Pemuckweranemd
Vv
Veroance a king or great man
vndoth take yt
vfquion an arrow
vmpfemen apooke drinck tobacco
vmpfquoth the moone
vaugh a word of wonder
a vayne asefeut
a Village kaafun
Virginia Tfenakcommacah
vnderneath vtfhemaynd
to unclose hands Penumun
I understand well Kennehautows
IT understand not Matakennownto-
rowh
a vine wapapammdgas
W
weyans the leane of any
thing
wekowehees a hare
wapin a {tab
wifotonoans a beard
winpe marrow
wouftsicket a running brook
woughtathe to fwym
weracke
wauf{ean a bone
wingapo my beloved friend
wingan Good
winganoufe very good
a walnut Affinenuns
to wash the face Kefeigwaan
Ww
to wash the hands Kefeiremdcher
to wash any thing ketffetawun
water Suckquahan
a wart Meihkeis
to warme one Bahtanomin
yt is warme or hot} Chisoifons
weather { 7
to waken Vnamun
pea ae es of the| Aeowealeeaeene
to walke Pawpawmear
weake Keffhemauc
weary Cuttoveen
weede Attafqwus
to weede Nummawh
welcome or the] wingapo
word of greet-;} chamah
ing Notas
Yt is well or |
> wamattvwh
ynough |
a well Ohcawoos
the west Attagwaffanna
wett Neppe
what is yo"name Cacutterewindg
Reir
what is his name Cacutterewmdg
yowk
what is my name cacuttorewindg
Kear
what is this, or Caqwaih
what call yo that] cacuttewaas yowk
when Tanoo chink
where haue yo" \ ier ene
bene |
to whet Nuffeffeqwus
whelpes Aphohomins
wheat Powttoas
a wheat Plomb Affeffein
white Opaivwh
to whistell Qweifgwefun
a whiting Vtteitsouk
the small wind Rowhfunnvywh
a great wind Mahgwaih
wide or great Rummotaihwh
a wife Noungafs
a wing Vttacomas
to wipe ones nose Cheifeunnemun
to winck Jufpungwaren
a widgin
Ponomaw s
| Ovorgh tathe
| Avewta che
| goowfcan
>
a Crh Ylonanaw
a Pinkz Gu be. Yipa rune
fe Furud a Gaks- 7 oS
oy as reeled c Ck >
foznsh oo Pom uckgwerancm
Fo Oxyd et ae
com oes ae
a bmg ou Dy Fae i
Fee he yw
att aA tet
Sneek Aibaan
Ona WL
endobh
afguee "
wo au ad apooks
wry “oth & ynucn®
aoe: « /teo Syl roimes
ee hor AMNbefeut
ce (v Mago ae hl -
Tit 290 Ciah Corn macah
hve cuneath yetfhe may ud
fv ero eee Pen (are L074
eee é i. te bow.
(vcborf well Kermehaute wr
é: (un Svofhene§ not Thatta henssosen tor
: Kowa
a (v ne Cait so weer ge?
Wweyas fps lsat yf aver fog
Ave kowcehecs a Jt £60
Brig aA fr
w Yotonoans a brane
jm e [RA Cor
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a womans breast otaue
a woman with child Poweywh
a woman queen Wiransqua
an old woman Tumpfeis
a little worme or| owas
magot |
wood Mutheis
wood all along Macheis-ni-ourewh
a wound Nepocuttokean
the world Pamahfaivmh
a woolfe Naantam
to wrastle Mamarenarotun
to wrap or wind up
any thing
Key to sheet 16
Nuwweifqwaput
yeahawkan
yeokanta
yeough
to yawne or gape
yellow
yesterday
yea or yes
yonder or far off
younger
you
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Y
a howse
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4 in number
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to sneese
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te thie Puppoar Aokh
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Sheet 16.
Ae ae) FY) ORIGINAL STRACHEY VOCABULARY—HARRINGTON 197
SEMANTICALLY CLASSIFIED LISTS OF STRACHEY’S VOCABULARY
The assembling in lists of words of related meaning taken from
Strachey is a new departure. Strachey’s vocabulary is found to
cover practically all terms of the language, and the writer has grouped
these terms in lists according to related meaning, so that they will
stand out more clearly to the reader. After each entry the number
is given of the vocabulary sheet from which the entry is taken. The
spellings by Strachey frequently vary and are to be regarded as
approximations.
PHENOMENA
ee Arrahgwotuwh, cloud, 4
Pamahfaivmh, world, 16 Quannacut, rainbow, 11
AIR
EARTH
Cheipfni, earth, land, 9
Afpamun, earth, 5
Ottawn, earth, 5
Pttawin, the ground, 7
Racaioh, sand, 13
Romutton, mound, 8
Pomotawh, hill, mountain, 8 ASTRONOMY
Shacahocan, stone, 14 Kehoe eMcun, 14
Mamansk, little stone, 14 = :
’ : Nepaufche, sun, 10
Sawwone, salt, 13 vmp{quoth, moon, 15
Matafsaii, copper, 4 :
ofawas, brass, literally the yellow one, 3 pocmame, now co.
d , ’ | Attaugwaffowk, star, 14
Mennumahgue, island, 14
Muffavan, town, 14 FIRE
Kaafun, village, 15 Boketawgh, fire, 2
Mohceatois, fire coal, 6
Rarafcaun, air, 2
Arrokoth, sky, 2
Kykeythamots, wind, 9
Rofsoun, wind, 11
Rowhfunnvwh, breeze, 15
Mahgwaih, great wind, 15
WATER
Accecow, spark, 6
Suckquohana, water, 13 Pahqwaua, spark, 6
yeokanta, river, 16 Kekepemgwah, smoke, 15
Meihsutterafk, creek, 4 Pungue, ashes, 2
woufsicket, a running brook, 15
yapam, ocean, 13 OEE ne
Peihtoah, foam, 6 Kecuttannowas, lightning, 9
Komeyhon, rain, 8 Petacqueth, thunder, 11
Coan, snow, 13
oreih, ice, 8 CARDINAL DIRECTIONS
Mamman, cloud, 4 vtcheiks, north, 11
PLANT CORPOREAL
GENERAL Maaugwipacus, leaf, 9
: Amenacarac, seed, 13
Meihtus, tree, 14 onacaugs caunomen, fruit-pit, 7
Mehteqweins, grass, 7 Pickewh, pitch of the Virginia maple, 7
wapapammdgar, vine, 15 Vtchapoc, root, 13
2651915424
198
BUREAU
OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BuLt, 157
PLANTS
Accondews, blueberry, 3
Apooke, tobacco, 2
Amkoming, poisonous flower the fruit
of which is a kind of black cherry, 2
Anaskomens, acorn, 2
Afearafqwus, seaweed, 13
Affeffein, wheat plum, 15
Afinimins, walnut, 15
Aumboik, thornbark, 14
Cakefqus, rush, 13
Caumdgus, bramble, 3
chechinquamins, evidently chinquapin
oak, 11
Efkawwafcus, sedge, 13
Mahawke, gourd, 10
Maracah, native plant called apple, 2
Marakimins, wild grape, 7
Matakufke, pricklypear leaf, 10. [This
is the northeasternmost term for
prickly pear which is on record.]
Mauhfaan, nettle sp., 11
Meroke, juniper, 10
Mufkimnis, mulberry, 10
Mufksfkimmins, strawberry, 10
Nehfaakah, reed, 11
Opomens, chestnut, 11
Pickuts, balsam, 11
Peccataas, bean, 2
Puffaqwenibunanieindg, rose bush, 13
weihkippe is, wild hemp, 8
Paangahtumuns, hazel, 7
Pichanins, plum sp., 11
CORN
[The corn plant and its parts evidently
have a large vocabulary in the Vir-
ginia Indian language, of which
vocabulary Strachey furnishes traces.]}
Pacaffac, corn plant, 7. Strachey
gives Peccataas for bean and Poke-
taws for wheat.
Pocuntavhea, corn ear husk, 8
okifher, corn ear cob (?), 3
Rokohamin, ground-up parched corn, 11
yfketehamun, corn meal, 10
ANIMAL CORPOREAL
GENERAL
wufkan, bone, 3
weineb, marrow, 10
Ahpewk, feather, 6
Mequance, long feather, 6
wawirak, horn, 11
Owaugh, egg, 11
HEAD
Mmabuckkam, head, 10
Mexerfe, head hair, 7
Mufkam, forehead, 10
Mufkiendg, eye, 5
Mefkewe, nose, 10
Makigue, mucus, 10
Metawee, ear, 10
Mettone, mouth, 10
Mehkewh, beak, 3
Meratsno, tongue, 10
Mepit, tooth, 10
Naffhaih, lip, 9
weihfatonowans, beard, 2
TRUNE
Vegwantaak, throat, 15
Mutson, milk, 10
Otakeifheheis, bowels, 7
Pocohaac, penis, 11. [A little earlier
Strachey gives this word as meaning
awl, pin.]}
Vtohowwah, testicles, 14
Muttusk, vulva, 5
wufhaqwun, tail, 14
LIMBS
Mackatahone, arm, 10
Meifquan, elbow, 14
Meihtinge, hand, 7
Mefcot, leg, foot, 10
Apome, thigh, 2
Mekense, digit nail, 10
ANTHROP. PAP,
No. 46]
GENERAL
ORIGINAL STRACHEY VOCABULARY—HARRINGTON
ANIMALS
TURTLES
Perhaps there is no general word for! Commotins, turtle sp., 4
animal.
LOW FORMS
Mowfah, worm, maggot, 16
CRUSTACEANS AND SPIDERS
Assahampehooke, lobster, 2
Tuttafcuk, crab, 4
Ohtindge, crab claw, 4
Strachey does not give the word for
spider, but gives Nuttafsapec, cob-
web, 4.
TICKS AND INSECTS
Metacun, louse, 9
Nuttaqwon, flea, 6. (Apparently the
same word as the word for louse.)
Poengwus, gnat, 7
Mowchesoh, housefly, 6
Tatacaunfhewah, grasshopper, 7
Manaangegwas, butterfly, 3
Mohwhawk, moth, 10
MOLLUSKS
Pomahaum, snail sp., 13
Tfhecomak, mussel shell, 10
Vfafgwoik, pearl mussel shell, 11
Cauaih, oyster, 11
FISHES
Fish in general is called Nammais, fish,
Wyhcats,
Wooch, roe, literally eggs, 4.
Muffaangegwah, maneater shark, 10
6. Woskeqwus, gill, 7.
fin, 6.
Afcamuuk, eel, 5
Rahtaios, lamprey, 9
Cuppotoon, sturgeon, 14
Vttacomuck, cod, 4
Tatamaho, gar, 6
kyhtoroon, pike, 11
AMPHIBIANS
No name of an amphibian is recorded
by Strachey.
LIZARDS
Vtacafkis, lizard sp., 9
SNAKES
Reihtafcook, adder, 2.
lable evidently means
general.
The last syl-
snake i
accomodemfk, turtle sp., 14
Torocuppewk, sea turtle, 14
BIRDS
Tfhehip, bird in general, 3
Duck Group
Pifcoend, duck sp., 5
Ponomaws, widgeon, 15
Rowgwawh, sheldrake, 13
Goose Group
Kahanqoc, goose sp., 7
Marahungoe, goose sp., 7
Kahunge, goose sp., 9
Opykerough, brant, 11
wopuffouc, swan, 14
Hawk Group
Tatacaumevan, sparrow hawk, 13
Opatenaiok, eagle, 5
Owl Group
Quangatarask, owl sp., 11
Turkey Group
Momnugh, turkey, 10.
Ofpanno, turkey cock, 15.
Pigeon Group
Towaigwoins, pigeon, 11
Quanonah, wood pigeon, 11
Crow Group
Ohawas, crow, 4
Cuckoo Group
wimpenton, cuckoo, 14
Robin Group
Cheawanta, robin, 4
Crane Group
Visac, crane, 4
Gull Group
coiahgwus, gull sp., 7
199
200 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 157
Parrot Group Rat Group
Mafkawhinge, parrotsp.,10. Evidently | Aotawk, rat sp., 11
the Carolina parakeet is meant, it
being the only bird of the parrot Rabbit Group
group in the region. wyheutteis, hare, 7
Marten Group Beaver Group
Moschwacus, marten, 10 Pohkewh, beaver, 11
; : Cuitak, otter, 11
mie, (a ia ofafquws, muskrat, 10
Ahshowcutteis, bird sp. having red
under the wings, 3 Bear
Ofafianticus, a bird like a divedapper, 3
ceumeats, bird sp., 6
meihteams, bird sp., 6 Dog Group
Mattaffunutchooke, bird sp., 10
Ockquins, bird sp., 11
Tfhoegetewh, bird sp., 6
Mefseionaause, bear, 10
Attemoos, dog, 5
Neantam, wolf, 16
Ouxe, fox, 11
Cat Group
MAMMALS
Mareupial Gaus Vttacawoi, mountain lion, 9
Aposoum, opossum, 2 Mole Group
Cetacean Group Momufiken, mole, 10
Potawaugh, porpoise, 11 Skunk Group
Deer Group Attowrin, skunk, 4
Rapanta, vension, 11.
Monattocow, fawn, 6.
Raccoon
Arathkone, raccoon, 2
Squirrel Group
3 Inadequately Described
Mouffomko, ground squirrel, 10
Aiofsapanyk, flying squirrel, 6 vtchoonggway, mammal sp., 4
AGE-SEX
Neckaun, child, 9 Cucheneppo, woman, 10
Vfcapess, boy, 3 Ramerumuwh, old man, 11
Vfquafeins, girl, 7 Vtumpfeis, old woman, 11
Nimatewh, man, 10
STATUS
weroance, chief, 9 weransqua, woman chief, 16
ANTHROP. Pap.
No. 46]
ORIGINAL STRACHEY VOCABULARY—HARRINGTON 201
RELATIONSHIP TERMS
PATERNAL
Nows, father, 6
Kiok, mother, 8
Amofens, daughter, 2
PATRUAL
Ariqwoffac, aunt, 2
FRATERNAL
Nemat, brother, 3
Covfmue, sister, 3
MARITAL
Noungafs, wife, 15
RELIGION
Ahone, God, 2 [literally, strong]
Rawottonemd, God, 7
Mounfhagwatowh, heaven, 7
Riapoke, Devil, 5
Popogwvfisur, hell, 8
Netthetsunh, soul, 13
PERSONAL NAMES
Nanamachavwk, name of the Roanoke chief, 9
PLACE NAMES
Chessiopiock, Chesapeake Bay, 1
Paquachowng, waterfalls at the upper end of the Kings [James] River, 5
Tfenakcommacah, Virginia, 15
TRIBE NAMES
[The race name for white man appears in the song recorded by Strachey.]
MATERIAL CULTURE TERMS
Adornment. Cutaantaquapifsun, head-
dress of red-dyed deer hair, 4.
Awl. Pocohaac, awl, 2; Pocohaac, penis,
12. Compare perhaps the name
Pocahontas, said to mean “‘the little
wanton.”
Ball. Aitowf, ball, 2
Broom. Tfhekehicawwons, broom, 3
Canoe. Aquintayne, canoe, 2. Aquin-
tayne manggoy, large ship, 2.
Aomtan, canoe, 8. Mufsawwus, boat.
Kayqmose, boat, 3, 8. Tfemacaus,
paddle, 11.
Clothing. Puttaiquapifson, hat, 11.
Pocontath, girdle, 13. Puttamus,
feather mantle, 5.
Pestle. Pocohaac, 12.
as word for awl.)
Arrowhead, Raputtak.
Cordage. Pemanataon, string, 4. Pemi-
nah, rope. Peymmata, thread, 11.
Food. Apones, bread. Taccahoap-
poans, tuckahoe bread.
Furniture. Cawwaivwh, bed, 3. Petoa-
cawin, bed, 38. Ahquafs, pillow, 12.
House. yeahawkan, house, 16.
(Written same
Implements. Pamifac, knife, 9. Reka-
{que, knife, 12. Tamohake, hatchet,
14, Cunfenagwus, Indian hatchet.
Mat. Ananson, rush mat, 7.
Musical instrument. Ahqwohhoac,
drum, 5.
Net. Auffas, net [a fish net is probably
meant.]
Rattle. chingawwonauk, gourd rattle.
Bag. Porafap, bag. vttamancoih, bag.
Tackle. Auketuttawh, fishhook, 6.
Mowhkohan, fishhook, 10.
Tobacco paraphernalia. Apokan, to-
bacco pipe, 2. Chamange, Reconacke,
tobacco bag, 4.
Utensil. Aucutgagwafsun, copper ket-
tle, 4. Outakan, dish, 5. Pocohaac,
pestle, 12.
Walking stick. Nisake, walking stick,
10.
Weapons. Auhtab, bow, 5. Auppies,
bowstring, 5. Asqweowan, arrow, 2.
Raputtak, arrowhead. Pocosack, gun,
rifle, 11.
AILMENTS
Headache, Kawmelirppaan, 7.
202 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 157]
NUMERALS
Strachey records the numerals from 1 to 10, inclusive, with the exception of the
numeral for 7, which he does not give. The numeral for 20 is also given by
Strachey, and here. (The numerals are in italics and the numbers of the sheets
in roman.)
Nekut, 1, 10 Comatnige, 6, 4
Ninge, 2, 10 Nufchawus, 8, 10
Nuffaugh, 3, 10 Kykeytawe, 9, 9
yeough, 4, 16 Kofke, 10, 9
Parance, 4, 13 Ninge poke, 20, 10
LITERATURE CITED
BERGMANN, GusTAV VON, EpiTor.
1789. Das Gebeth des Herrn . . . in Hundert Zwey und Finfzig Sprachen,
p. 65. Ruein (Livland).
Brinton, DANIEL G., and ANTHONY, ALBERT SEQAQKIND.
1888. A Lendpé-English dictionary. Philadelphia.
eo C22
1858. Dalrymple’s short vocabulary of the language of the Pamunkey.
Historical Magazine, Ist ser. London.
DatRYMPLe, [Reverend.] See ‘‘C. C.”
Hae, Epwarp E.
1860. [Notes by.] Jn Proc. Amer. Antiq. Soc., April 25, pp. 38-41, 42-47.
SIEBERT, FRANK T.
1931. Certain proto-Algonquian consonant clusters. Language, vol. 17,
No. 4.
SmitTH, JOHN.
1612. A map of Virginia. . . . Oxford.
STRACHEY, WILLIAM.
1849. Historie of travaile into Virginia Britannia. . . . Hakluyt Society.
London.
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
Bureau of American Ethnology
Bulletin 157
Anthropological Papers, No. 47
The Sun Dance of the Northern Ute
By J. A. JONES
203
net = b; ‘ J Paex
4, “wig bee
rr wie (that
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ui
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CONTENTS
PAGE
MUBEOO UC TIONS anaes ein ee ee See} hee drs BEL kU ol 207
Guloural backerountd=— Wo. 25S 2s PO eh et ee 212
Ere gS] Oh0) 5 (Spy 0151) Bape et gap aie ea ale el ge eM ya hz ea, AO me nen OE ES 212
Post-horse, pre- White-contact period... - ..2.-._2....-..-44+ 217
Wihite-contactmeriod--..- A. a sees Searle ete oe 220
Ne, BORER Ve bIGINSIERIOU 5 seta. ye Us Lee Aba ee A a ea Ales Bt! 223
Re ECOrEaninatOnn periods c. 1 147. MMe TA NEY Fl DE eae 229
Cree tet ether De te) ee Pe eh Eye Pi ere 236
Phei oun Olan Cewetes 22 - Pe ee hoe Ei h a ile ee ae eek AS oe myc 239
Introduction and history of the Sun Dance in Ute culture__________- 239
A iernROCOnne SU; ANCES 26) 77s A es eee tk See tay Rly ee Pe 243
Nativistic clements in the Sun Dance..2.-. 5. 2-2-2 2-222 252
Wor iniGnn: Hae SFE 2 SALA REND ok ET OVS TCA Eten SEAMED oh ORS 254
ikeratarerciceess suis bie ech ie fee tel ee) ia Lee ys: BS 259
ILLUSTRATIONS
TEXT FIGURE
ig. Distribution of Northern. Ute groups: .!-) 22.220. Pee a2 ee ers 208
On Mag
Rs Na naSboemaene lee alge Oe ope Sana or
» o)
vi
i Ran- wauphnesieeh oy duelday as age b bande Caen w - MASTS A,
shay ees he eal oc cgeioalin aes ase s Gc tain Rendle hes Scar eae akin cee heniee | -
phanb ded yone ach lably sam -owaebotwq Joatado-stil wig ow
eX rat) ‘
a to ew errand lim he dn ar eM ia 9B 5 md oat eee i
i 7 pal *
a Ala ee hem Am a Oe law fp abacenens ovat sa shoal: af
Hole ;
eg a I ER ae ae 0 at ree tal Att ke Sane 14 oy SS
.
am @ PY SE Ee eee or ae een Pe ee ee Pee ee ee ee | Pe ewen e
ee ee eran ae a ee OPT ye er ae es ee as ee ye wm silt 6 J
ye - . Letwstiie 620) vicaCl nud add Yo etofatd bas 20 yo bontal
ahh $i wk meth winind nal ead = fae ah Gana SAI CARER
Puke aeen eee ep ennntecounnss DOM OUG ett ot stasmels af
<r m we r e w e e ‘ne ae’ ee dt ee a a
EVOITAN TA Al a
x MAIO TAAL
7 BOS aie PRE AEN)isiNes 9! MMM oe eV T “+= -eaorg SIU wait to nok
hee 4 | a WAL na Maa ‘a v
RNa hile ati h albu iuiatah? lace
THE SUN DANCE OF THE NORTHERN UTE
By J. A. Jonzs*
INTRODUCTION
The problem of this paper is to determine what role the Sun Dance
has played in Ute culture. The Sun Dance has been selected as a
focal point from which to discuss Ute culture because it is now the
principal, vital native feature remaining. Its adoption in 1890
marked a period of culture strain. From that time, attitudes and
values of the old culture were attached and integrated into the
ceremony until now, in another period of culture strain, the Sun
Dance has become a symbol of revivalism. It is apparent, therefore,
that the history of the Sun Dance among the Ute is essentially the
history of Indian-White contact, and the social, economic, and polit-
ical insecurities which have arisen among the Ute from this contact.
The Indians involved in this contact situation are principally the
Northern Ute bands now located on the Uintah and Ouray Indian
Reservation in Duchesne and Uintah Counties of northeastern
Utah. These bands are defined today as the Uintah, White River,
and Uncompahgre, and number about 1,500 people. In the aboriginal
state, however, there were other, smaller band divisions, and their
range extended far beyond the limits of their present reservation.
Steward postulates:
. . . that the ancestors of the recent Intermontane Shoshoneans were formerly
in the Western Great Basin and in southern Nevada, where, through contact
with a Basket Maker, or Derived Basket Maker culture, they acquired...
[certain] traits, and subsequently they spread throughout the Intermontane area
(Steward, 1940, pp. 454-455].
*I wish to express my thanks to those who aided me in the preparation of this monograph.
Dr. Florence Hawley, heading the University of New Mexico Summer Field Session in Ethnology for
1948, was responsible for my introduction to the Northern Ute, and helped in guiding my field work during
that summer. I am indebted to Dr. William Duncan Strong for securing financial aid from Columbia
University which enabled me to continue my field investigations among the Northern Ute during the
summer of 1949. To him and to Dr. Alfred L. Kroeber I am grateful for helpful suggestions regarding
the manuscript. My thanks go to Dr. Dimitri B. Shimkin for lending me his manuscript on the Wind
River Shoshone Sun Dance and permitting me to quote from it. Iam particularly grateful to Dr. Julian
H. Steward, whose scholarly guidance was invaluable in the preparation of this monograph. I wish also
to express my gratitude to the individual Northern Utes and to the Indian Service personnel of the Uintah-
Ouray Reservation who provided much of the material of which this monograph is composed. Finally, I
am indebted to my wife, Lilian Fuller Jones, for her assistance and encouragement, both in the field and in
the preparation of the material for publication.
207
208 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
Before the Shoshoneans spread to the East, however, a developmental
Pueblo culture disseminated traits over a considerable area. After
the Pueblo peoples disappeared in the northern periphery and re-
tracted throughout the Southwest, Shoshoneans, who are presumed
to have been in western and southwestern Nevada, perhaps already
differentiated into their present linguistic divisions (Northern Paiute,
Shoshone, and Ute-Chemehueve), expanded throughout their recent
territory (Steward, 1940).
Some data exist on the locations of some of these small bands of
Ute-speaking Indians in the early documentary material. Steward
(1937) and Cooke (1938) have made tentative reconstructions based
on these early sources. My research tends to corroborate their
findings generally, but some new evidence may be added to fill out
the picture. The accompanying map (fig. 13) is based on a combina-
tion of Steward’s, Cooke’s, and my data.
4 GRAND RIVER
<5 YAMPA
6 UNTAH
7 TIMPANOGOTS
WHITE RIVER
8. PAHVANT
9.SAN PITCH
Ficure 13.—Distribution of Northern Ute groups.
The eastern division of the Ute, now generally called the White
River band, seems to be a consolidation of two bands known as the
Yampa and the Grand River. The consolidation was completed
around 1879 under reservation conditions at the White River Agency
in Colorado (Ute Commission, 1879, p. 282). Previous to White
contact, these bands ranged along the White and Grand Rivers in
AnTHROP. PAP. SUN DANCE OF NORTHERN UTE—JONES 209
Colorado and as far east as the South Platte, which was Arapaho
territory.
The Uncompahgre, or Tabeguache, band of Ute ranged to the
south of the Yampa and Grand River bands. Their territory lay
between the Colorado and Gunnison Rivers (Ute Commission, 1881,
p. 884). They moved to the Ouray Reservation, just south of the
Uintah Reservation in Utah, in 1881.
The country south of the Colorado River was inhabited sparsely
by the Southern Ute bands as far south as the headwaters of the
Cimarron along the border of New Mexico (Clark, 1885, p. 391).
The Colorado Plateau was a natural boundary which prevented the
Southern Ute from having much contact with the rest of the Ute.
Steward says,
Most of the Colorado Plateau was either too high or... too dissected with
narrow and often impassible canyons and gorges to have favored human occu-
pation [Steward, 1940, p. 448].
And again,
. some Ute in Colorado who found the bison comparatively inaccessible, re-
mained very much like the western (Nevada Shoshone) people [Steward, 1940,
p. 496].
It is a matter of historic fact that the Southern Ute did not take part
in the series of culture changes that their neighbors to the north and
west of them did, and they have not been included in this paper for
that reason.
The northern division of the Ute was the Uintah band. Their
range was about 150 miles long by 100 miles wide by 1825, the center
of their territory beimg the confluence of the Uintah and Green
Rivers, in the Uintah Basin (Dale, 1918, p. 151; Forney, 1859, p. 732).
After acquiring the horse they roamed this area in several groups,
all called ‘‘Utahs”’ by the Whites (Hatch, 1862, p. 350). Perhaps these
groups would have crystallized into stable bands with territorial
rights had it not been for the restrictions of reservation life that
were imposed upon them.
Escalante saw no inhabitants of the Uintah Basin when he went
through, but he did see tracks of men and horses and fires from hunting
camps in that area. His guide told him they could be either Ute or
Comanche, both of whom hunted in the Basin. The Timpanagos
that Escalante described at Utah Lake in 1776 have been identified
as Uintah bands by Cooke and Palmer (Cooke, 1938, p. 628; Palmer,
1928, p. 39).
Chief Walker was the leader of Utes living around Utah Lake,
and called Timpanagos in the 1840’s before the Mormons came in
(Fremont, 1887, vol. 2, p. 386). It is possible that in the 70 years
that elapsed between Escalante’s visit and Fremont’s that a new people
210 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
could have moved into the area around Utah Lake and become Timpa-
nagos (a word descriptive of the area), but it seems unlikely. Hs-
calante’s Timpanagos and Walker’s Timpanagos may well have been
the same people.
The Timpanagos were displaced from the shores of Utah Lake and
moved to Spanish Fork where a farm was set up to take care of them
(Tourtellotte, 1870, p. 606). They became scattered among the
other bands and ceased to exist as a separate band. By 1866 most of
them were on the Uintah Valley Reservation, where they were
numbered with the Uintah (Head, 1866, p. 124).
The western division of the Ute consisted of the Sevier Lake or
Pahvant Ute, the Sanpitch or Sampit Ute, and the Fish Ute. The
first mention of the Pahvant appears in Russell’s diary. He found
them at the southeast tip of Utah Lake in 1841, and said, ‘‘They had
fine horses and lodges, and were partial to the rifles of the White
man” (Russell, 1921, p. 122). When the first contact with the
Mormons occurred, the Pahvant were led by a man named Kanosh,
who welcomed the help of the Mormon missionary, Jacob Hamblin,
in his efforts to teach the Indians agriculture. At that time they were
camped along Corn Creek in Millard County, Utah (King, 1947,
p: 32).
Most of the Pahvant moved to the Uintah Reservation in 1867
(Head, 1867, p. 174), but some remained behind. Steward says
“‘a small remnant of Pahvant Ute live at Kanosh, Utah” (Steward,
1938, p. 222).
The Sanpitch band also were possibly Ute, but from the descriptions
of them they must have taken on Plains trappings very late. Ferris
describes them as of 1844 as ‘“‘the most miserable human beings we
have ever seen” (Ferris, 1940, p. 410). At that time they were with-
out horses. Thirty years later, Hurt describes them as Utes, from
the dialect they speak, ‘‘though they are greatly inferior to them in
many respects.’’ They lived on the shores of Sevier Lake and along
the Sevier River (Hurt, 1876, p. 460). Dialect differences from South-
ern Paiute are possibly not great enough to differentiate them, and
certainly they resemble them culturally more than they do the Ute.
It is possible that they should be reclassified as Southern Paiute.
Head says they moved to the Uintah Reservation in 1866, where we
may assume they lost their band organization in the same way that
the Timpanagos did (Head, 1866, p. 124).
The Fish Ute resided aboriginally in the vicinity of Fish Lake
(Gottfredson, 1919, p. 327) or “Red Lake south of the She-be-
retches” (Tourtellotte, 1870, p. 606). Palmer places them on Red
Creek, an upper tributary of the Paria River (Palmer, 1928, p. 48)
but this may be too far south. They are first mentioned in the
NO ut) {®~«= SUN DANCE OF NORTHERN UTE—JONES 211
Reports to the Indian Commissioner in 1867 by Head (1868, p.
609), who says they numbered 100. From the Indian names for the
Fish Ute band that Steward and Cooke received from their native
informants, Cooke was able to identify this band as the one which
was led by Black Hawk (Cooke, 1938, p. 692). Head states in 1869
that ‘The principal chiefs, including Black Hawk, for many years
engaged in active hostilities, are among the most industrious Indians
upon the reservation” (Head, 1869, p. 699). This places the leader
of the Fish Ute on the Uintah Reservation, and since no other record
is to be found of the destiny of the Fish Ute, it appears that they
were absorbed as were the Pahvant, Timpanagos, and Sanpitch by
the Uintah. If the identification with Black Hawk is faulty it is
possible that these people were Southern Paiute rather than Ute, al-
though we know so little about the Fish Ute that we cannot even say
(apart from the identification as Black Hawk’s band) that they had
horses.
The Cum-um-bah, or Weber Ute, are sometimes classified as Ute,
and sometimes as Shoshone. Hurt described them as ‘‘a hybrid race
between Shoshonees and Utahs” (Hurt, 1876, p. 460). In 1867 Head
reports on the Weber Ute as follows: ‘‘This tribe is formed from mem-
bers of different Utah and Shoshone bands, the Utah element largely
predominating in their language’”’ (Head, 1867, p. 174). At the time
of the coming of the Mormons, they occupied the territory which
included the site of present Salt Lake City (Alter, 1944, p. 55). This
was the area which James Bridger, famous frontiersman and scout,
told Brigham Young was “something of a no-mans-land between the
Utes in the South and the Shoshones in the North’ (Clayton, 1921,
p. 278).
According to figures supplied by F. H. Head, superintendent of
the Utah Agency in 1866, there were about 600 Weber Utes at that
time. He states, “. . . these Indians are the most worthless and
indolent of any in the territory. Their land is nearly all occupied
by settlers, among whom they beg their maintenance.” He lists
their horses at only 50 (Head, 1866, p. 123), showing either recent
acquisition or lack of need of horses in the food quest. It is ap-
parent that at this early date, the Weber Ute had already reached
that stage of dependence on Whites that is characteristic of rapidly
deculturating Indians.
Whether the Weber Ute were true Ute, or actually a coalition of
individual Ute and Shoshoni-speaking families, no evidence may be
found that they ever joined the Utes living on the Uintah Reserva-
tion. Several definite statements appear in the Reports to the Com-
missioner of Indian Affairs that they refused to do so (Head, 1866, p.
123; Tourtellotte, 1870, p. 605).
ZAzZ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 157
The cultural background section (pp. 212-239) is organized into his-
torical periods showing the factors at work that caused the changes in
Ute culture which made it what it is today. The first period discussed
is the pre-horse period. The second is the post-horse, pre-White
contact period. The third is the White-contact period, beginning in
1847 with the coming of the Mormon settlers. The fourth is the
reservation period, beginning in 1866 with the end of the Indian-
Mormon wars. The fifth is the reorganization period, beginning in
1937 with the adoption of the Ute Constitution and By-laws for the
governing of the tribe under the provisions of the Wheeler-Howard
Act.
These five historical periods are set off in this way to underline the
changes in Ute culture. These changes are most marked in sub-
sistence economy, and the results of these changes are to be found in
every facet of the culture. Economic insecurity led to social in-
security, and the inconsistent Government policies toward the
Indians has led to political insecurity without alleviating either the
economic or social conditions. These insecurities, in turn, have
resulted in a sullen uncooperativeness on the part of the Indians
themselves, which makes ethnographic research among them very
difficult. More important, however, is the reaction against White
culture which has come about in recent years. The Sun Dance has
become a symbol of the native culture, and a revivalistic nativism is
growing up around it. This development is not restricted to the Ute,
and some discussion of the scope and form of this phenomenon will
be taken up in the third section, pages 252-254.
It was not possible to collect quantitative data to support the
hypothesis that there is considerable insecurity among the Ute
stemming from the existing economic, social, and political conditions.
Such data were not available to me. Psychological tests which
might produce quantitative evidence of any such widespread anxieties
have never been taken of the Northern Ute. Figures on actual per
capita income or consumption of food have not been compiled. In
my research, nevertheless, I questioned numerous individuals who
informed me that they, and others of their acquaintance, existed at
what may only be termed an extremely low standard of living.
Personal observations bore out these statements.
CULTURAL BACKGROUND
PRE-HORSE PERIOD
The cultural background of the Ute may be divided into five
historical” periods in order to illustrate the culture change which
resulted in the adoption and retention of the Sun Dance.
ANTE PAP; = SUN DANCE OF NORTHERN UTE—JONES 213
The first period may be designated as the pre-horse period. What
the culture was previous to the introduction of the horse must be at
least partially conjectured. As Steward said:
Northern Shoshone and Ute customs appear to have been so completely revamped
after the acquisition of the horse that it is doubtful whether their pre-horse culture
will ever be known. There is much reason to believe that these people formerly
resembled their western kin, but full proof of this is lacking. [Steward, 1940,
p. 477.]
The “reason to believe that these people resembled their western
kin” is the restricting influence of the natural environment which
the Ute shared with the Nevada Shoshone. The whole intermontane
area is characterized by high altitude, dry climate, and hence restricted
quantities of edible plant and animal species, and limited possibilities
for agriculture. A comparison of Lowie’s (1924) material on the Ute,
and Steward’s (1941) on the Nevada Shoshone bears out the fact
that in the main elements of culture, such as crisis rites, shamanism,
and games, as well as in some features of material culture, the Ute
continued to resemble the Shoshone even after the introduction of the
horse.
The elements described below as being pre-horse do not include two
ceremonies, the Bear Dance and the Sun Dance. The Bear Dance
seems to have originated among the Northern Ute, and has had a
spread south and west from the place of origin in the last 70 to 80
years (Spier, 1928, p. 273). The Sun Dance came into Ute culture
during White-contact times, and has just recently begun to spread to
Great Basin tribes (Steward, 1941, p. 266). These ceremonies could
not be held unless a surplus of food stuffs existed to feed a large number
of people, and such surpluses occurred in the Great Basin very rarely.
For that reason, the distribution of cultural elements not dependent
on a surplus of food could be expected to be different from the
distribution of these two ceremonies.
Some of Lowie’s data on the Ute resemble the material that Steward
gathered from the Western Shoshone. This distribution of culture
elements suggests that previous to the acquisition of the horse the
Ute resembled their western neighbors culturally. In discussing
crisis rites, Lowie takes up birth, adolescence, marriage, and death.
A woman in travail assumed a kneeling position and clung to a big stick planted
in front of her. One female attendant clasped her around the waist, squeezing
her, another made the delivery, cut the navelstring, and washed the infant, who
lay about for a month or a month and a half, when a cradle board was made.
The morning after the birth the father must run around in the hills. He will
break a branch, run, place it on a tree, break another limb, run on, and continue
in this fashion all day; otherwise he would never catch any deer. ... There
are other regulations to be followed. Neither parent must use his fingers to
scratch himself lest they leave black marks; instead a wooden scratching stick is
265191—54 25
914 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 157
carried in the braid or other part of the hair for one month. Further it is for-
bidden for both to rub their eyes during the natal period lest their eyes get sore or
even become blind. ... The woman must remain indoors for a month and
never drink cold water or eat meat; these taboos extend to her husband, but only
for four days. [Lowie, 1924, p. 22; see Steward, 1941, p. 314.]
Adolescence rites were observed for women, but not for men.
When a girl menstruated for the first time, an old woman made her take a bath
and washed her thoroughly. She had to remain alone in a blood lodge for ten
days, when she was again washed by the old woman. Thereafter her period of
seclusion was shortened by a day every successive month until it was reduced to
the normal span of three days. [Lowie, 1924, p. 273].
The menstrual hut was still in vogue when Lowie visited the Uintah
in 1912 (Lowie, 1924), and when Steward was there in 1932 (personal
communication). Menstruating women were not allowed to eat
meat for fear their husbands would have bad luck in the hunt. They
were never allowed to attend a dance, although social intercourse
was not completely denied them. The young men were allowed to
court women in the menstrual huts, although cohabitation at such a
time was considered dangerous to the health of both sexes (Lowie,
1924, p. 273; Steward, 1941, p. 317).
Marriage was a casually arranged affair among the Ute. Accord-
ing to Lowie, a girl’s father generally approached a prospective hus-
band for his daughter and invited him to move into the household.
Residence was usually matrilocal for awhile, but later married couples
usually lived with the husband’s relatives (Lowie, 1924, p. 275;
Steward, 1941, p. 311).
Death and burial customs show the same marked similarity be-
tween eastern and western Basin tribes. The property of the dead
person was either buried with him or destroyed on his grave (Lowie,
1924, p. 280; Steward, 1941, p. 319). Relatives mourned and cropped
their hair.
Shamanism was widely spread throughout the Basin, among the
Ute as well as other Shoshoneans. Lowie said:
Some Shamans were good, others bad. The latter were sorcerers who caused
people to fall sick. If several (good) shamans believed a certain bad shaman
was responsible for an illness, the Ute killed the sorcerer as soon as his supposed
victim died. This idea of killing a bad medicine man seems to be very
fundamental with the Ute. Curing was accomplished by sucking and singing.
Power to cure was received in dreams. (Lowie, 1924, pp. 191-192; Steward,
1941, p. 320).
Lowie mentions shinney and hand (guessing) games for the Ute, and
Steward shows wide distribution of them over the rest of the Basin
(Lowie, 1924, p. 257; Steward, 1941, p. 302).
In dress, Lowie mentions the rabbitskin robe, which was finger-
woven from long strings of rabbitskin (Lowie, 1924, p. 216; Steward,
Matt) t Y)~ SUN DANCE OF NORTHERN UTE—JONES 215
1941, p. 293). The shredded sagebrush covered, dome-shaped
wickiup, Lowie says, is old Ute, while Steward gives it a distribution
over the rest of the Basin (Lowie, 1924, p. 216; Steward, 1941, p. 293).
The same distribution occurs for the sweat lodge (Lowie, 1924, p. 308;
Steward, 1941, p. 284).
The Ute had both basketry and pottery. The pottery they used
they dug out of old pueblo ruins in the area, according to my in-
formants. Lowie said:
Jim Duncan told me that among his people (Uintah) stone-boiling with baskets
and pot boiling had been in vogue. The former was repeatedly referred to by
Ute informants. [Lowie, 1924, p. 226; Steward, 1941, pp. 282, 291, 294.]
The basketry cradle, gathering baskets, pitched water baskets, trays,
and the basketry hat were all known to the Ute. The Nevada also
had winnowing trays, which were absent among the Ute (by 1912)
(Lowie, 1924, pp. 241, 250; Steward, 1941, pp. 291, 295, 298).
Some subsistence activities of the Ute recall a pre-horse period.
Lowie said that in late summer and fall
. old women would go up the mountains in quest of berries, taking along
willow baskets with a burden strap. On returning home they spilled the berries
out on the ground and dried them, then put them back into the baskets, dug a
big pit and put the berries in their containers into the ground, covering up the
hole with dirt. In the winter when other supplies were lacking they would take
the berries from the caches. [Lowie, 1924, p. 201; Steward, 1941, p. 281.]
Rabbits were hunted communally; the Uintah used nets, made from bark fibre. ...
[Lowie, 1924, p. 199; Steward, 1941, p. 273.]
In the desert areas of western Utah, the transition to horse culture
did not take place until White-contact times. Ferris found the
Sanpitch in the desert area south of Utah Lake, in 1844, and described
their condition in the following words:
These are by far the most miserable human beings we have ever seen. The
barrenness of their country, and scarcity of game, compel them to live by separate
families, either in the mountains, or in the plains. In the latter, they usually
select the most barren places to encamp, where there is apparently nothing but
sand, and wormwood or sage. Here, the women and children are employed in
gathering grasshoppers, crickets, ants, and various other species of insects, which
are carefully preserved for food, together with roots, and grass seed. From the
mountains, they bring the nuts which are found in the cones of the pine, acorns
from the dwarf oaks, as well as the different kinds of berries, and the inner bark
of the pine, which has a sweet acid taste, not unlike lemon syrup. In the mean-
time, the men are actively employed in hunting small animals, such as prairie
dogs, squirrels, field mice, and larger animals, or birds, which fortune sometimes
places within the reach of their arrows. They likewise take fish with simple
instruments. . . . The Sann-pitch are generally quite naked, though in some
instances a small piece of skin is fastened before them. The women all wear a
piece of skin, reaching from the middle to the knees, and instances are not uncom-
mon where they possess a leathern shirt, but no other article of dress. They are
extremely shy . . . (Ferris, 1940, p. 267.]
216 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 157
Ceremonies present a somewhat different picture in their distribu-
tion, and this brings up an interesting point for discussion. ‘The
Circle Dance or Round Dance is widespread throughout the Basin,
but the Bear Dance seems to be aboriginal with the Ute, and present
elsewhere in the Basin owing to recent borrowing (Lowie, 1924, p.
299; Steward, 1941, pp. 323, 324). The Ute ceremony is performed
early in the spring in a circular enclosure. According to the tradi-
tional account, a bear gave the dance to the people, and the alleged
object is to conciliate the bear species. Both men and women partici-
pate, facing each other, and dance to the accompaniment of music
produced by scraping a notched stick until in the last night’s activities
one dancer falls to the ground from real or feigned exhaustion (Lowie,
1924, p. 299). The women choose male partners in an aggressive
fashion, and it is the role of the males to be coy and diffident. The
Bear Dance is essentially a mating dance, with the religious element
of only minor importance (Steward, 1932, p. 273), but it is a mani-
festation of the widespread phenomenon of Bear Respect.
The question is raised: Why were the Ute able to hold a spring
ceremony of this sort when other Basin peoples were not? Throughout
the rest of the Great Basin, where the environment provided a very
meager subsistence at best, the spring of the year was perhaps the
hungriest season of all. Certainly no group living under such condi-
tions would find itself in a position to hold a ceremony of the propor-
tions of the Bear Dance when there was barely enough food to provide
for a group the size of one extended family.
It is possible that the typically Basin subsistence items were more
abundant in the Ute range than they were in the western areas where
the Bear Dance was absent aboriginally. It is unlikely, however,
owing to the nature of these items, that they would provide the neces-
sary surplus to feed a greater than normal assemblage of people in
the spring. It therefore follows that a considerable addition to typical
Basin fare must have been available to the Ute. The meat of large
game animals would have supplied this addition to their diet. These
could have been deer, antelope, or buffalo, or perhaps a combination
of these animals which wintered in the foothills of the Wasatch and
Uintah Mountains, as did the Ute themselves. It was perhaps the
higher level of subsistence afforded the Ute by the presence of large
game animals which allowed the rapid development of horse bands
organized around hunting among the Ute. It is a matter of historic
record that the horse band developed among the Ute while their
western kin led a foot-going, food-gathering existence until they were
placed on reservations and learned agriculture.
oa Par. SUN DANCE OF NORTHERN UTE—JONES 217
POST-HORSE, PRE-WHITE-CONTACT PERIOD
Wissler (1914, p. 2) states that the Ute probably had horses as
early as 1600. He bases this statement on the documentary evidence
of early explorers that other tribes below the Platte and lower Missouri
were well supplied with horses by 1682. Since the Ute, with the
Comanche, Apache, Kiowa, and the Caddo were in contact with the
Spanish in the Southwest at that time, Wissler believes that these
tribes stole from the Spanish the horses with which they supplied the
rest of the Plains.
Haines (1938, p. 436) says “horses spread simultaneously on both
sides of the Rocky Mountains.” She further gives documentation to
show that the Cayuse, Nez Percé, Flathead, Blackfoot, and Crow all
obtained their horses from Shoshone-speaking people. Her postulated
dates for Plains tribes’ acquisition of horses range from 1600 to 1700.
Nothing would be gained by reviewing the source material used
by Wissler and Haines, because the first direct historical reference to
the Ute occurs in 1776 in the Diary of Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante.
Escalante (Harris, 1909) and a companion explored part of the Great
Basin in search of a route from Santa Fe, N. Mex., to Monterey,
Calif.
In the entry for September 6, 1776, Escalante wrote—
. . . Here were three Sabuagana huts from which came six men to our camp,
and among them one who had just arrived from the land of the Commanches
Yamparicas, where with four others, they had gone to steal horses. He said the
Commanche had all gone away.
At that time, Escalante was at a location just north of the Gunnison
River in western Colorado.
Escalante identifies the Sabuaganas as Ute, and mentioned that
some Timpanagos were visiting them from Utah Lake (Harris, 1909,
p. 146). Therefore, the eastern Ute had horses by 1776, and used
to obtain them by stealing them from the Comanche. The Timpana-
gos were being raided at that time by Northern Shoshone, who had
horses. It is possible that the Timpanagos visiting the Sabuaganas
had come seeking horses with which to fight the Northern Shoshone.
Escalante did not mention horses in Western Utah, and it is pos-
sible that, except for areas around Utah Lake, Sevier Lake, and
the Sevier River, horses arrived very late. The areas just men-
tioned were all occupied by Ute, and had enough grassland to support
horses. The northern bands of Ute acquired the horse and horse
trappings of the Plains probably by 1800. Ashley met the Uintah
in 1825, and described them in this manner:
These people were well dressed in skins, had some guns, but armed generally
with bows and arrows and other such instruments of war as are common among
218 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuULL. 157
the Indians of the Missouri. Their horses were better than Indian horses gener-
ally are east of the mountains, and more numerous in proportion to the number of
persons. [Dale, 1918, p. 151.]
The same year Ashley made a camp on the Green River about 10
miles below Brown’s Hole on the site of an old Ute camp—
. where several thousand Indians had wintered during the past season.
Their camp had been judiciously selected for defense, and the remains of their
work around it accorded with the judgment exercised in the selection. Many of
their lodges remained as perfect as when occupied. They were made of poles,
two or three inches in diameter, set up in circular form, and covered with cedar
bark. [Dale, 1918, p. 144.]
It would have been impossible for such a large gathering of people
to live together without horses. With horses, the stored surpluses
of dried meat, berries, and seeds could be transported to a central
location. A camp of the size described by Ashley would have been
quite safe from the attacks of war parties, which was an added security.
Acquisition of the horse seems to have been responsible for the
development of the band in the Basin. Where the horse was, there
also was the band. As Steward (1937, p. 632) says, “It is an empirical
fact that the western limit of the horse was also the western limit of
the true band.’’ Where grazing conditions did not permit the
spread of horse culture, the people continued to live in small, bilateral
family groups as among the Sanpitch described above.
The horse changed the subsistence economy of the Ute by making
it possible to use new methods of hunting which resulted in more
food. Communal bison hunts in the Basin undoubtedly were respon-
sible for the decrease of the buffalo there. Fremont (1887, vol. 2,
p. 218) says the buffalo were extinct in northern Utah by 1832.
Hurt (1876, p. 461) gives the date as 1825. With the extinction of
the bison in the Ute range, either bison had to be hunted east of the
Rockies, or the communal hunting techniques had to be adapted to
other game in order to support groups of people larger than single
families. It seems that both of these developments occurred.
Lowie (1924, p. 199) mentions the hunting of rabbits on horses by
the surround method. This was probably applied to deer and
antelope as well, as occurred among the Gosiute (Steward, 1938,
pp. 34-36). Bison hunting took the Ute into the Plains east of the
Rockies where they trespassed on Arapaho and Cheyenne hunting
grounds. This led to enmity between the Ute and these Plains
tribes, which was expressed in typical Plains fashion. War parties
raided east and west, and the Ute soon learned the Plains war pat-
terns (Hurt, 1876, p. 461).
The importance of warfare led to the importance of war leaders.
According to Clark, “‘. . . the recurring wars that then took place
Nout} {~~ SUN DANCE OF NORTHERN UTE—JONES 219
between the Ute and other tribes of Indians brought to light the
fighting qualities of the warriors, and the bravest men were made
chiefs” (Clark, 1885, p. 390). This process of elevating warriors to
positions of prominence within a band was noted as early as 1776 by
Escalante (Harris, 1909, pp. 179-183), but the great impetus given
warfare as an item of cultural importance probably occurred 50 years
later with the extinction of the buffalo on the Ute range. Horses
were wealth, and when the Ute possessed large enough herds to make
the effort profitable, it is natural that other tribes would try to steal
horses from them. Their intermittent warfare with the Wind River
Shoshone is attributed to horse-stealing raids about 1834, by Clark
(1885, p. 386).
Other accouterments of Plains culture acquired by the Ute after
the introduction of the horse were the tipi, which replaced the wickiup
(Lowie, 1924, p. 220), and the increased use of animal hides for dress,
and containers. Pottery and basketry became less important in the
culture (Lowie, 1924, p. 216). The Ute did not adopt the travois,
however, which was almost universal in distribution over the plains
(Lowie, 1924, p. 249).
Religion remained as individualistic as ever, owing to the stress on
individuality in the war complex, as well as the extension of the pat-
tern of self-sufficiency from the old foot culture. Lowie speaks of
individually acquired supernatural powers for luck in war (including
invulnerability to bullets), luck in gambling, and luck in hunting.
Such powers came to an individual in dreams from the supernatural
being who controlled the power, and this supernatural became a sort
of a guardian spirit for the individual (Lowie, 1924, pp. 291-298).
Steward discusses these elements of culture as being present among
the Nevada Shoshone (1941, p. 264) and the Northern Shoshone
and Gosiute (1943, p. 286).
With the coming of the traders into their area, the Ute found a
new way to acquire material possessions. Antoine Robideau set up
a trading post in the heart of the Uintah range in 1832 for the pur-
pose of obtaining furs from the Indians. Sage, who visited it in
1841, mentioned that the Indians trapped for Robideau, trading skins
for rifles, knives, gunpowder, red cloth, blankets, and vermilion. He
said, ‘Skins are very abundant in these parts as the natives, owing to
the scarcity of buffalo, subsist entirely upon small game which is
found in immense quantities’ (Sage, 1858, p. 232). The fort was
destroyed in 1844 by the Ute because of their personal dislike of its
proprietor, and for the trade goods that Robideau kept there (Reagan,
1934, p. 60). This violence against Whites is characteristic of period
3, which began 2 years later, with the coming of the Mormon settlers.
220 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 15%
WHITE-CONTACT PERIOD
In 1847 the first wagon train of Mormon immigrants reached the
Salt Lake Valley and settled down. Four years later the Govern-
ment established an Indian agency to act as mediator between the
Ute and the settlers. Already changes had taken place. Wilson, an
Indian Service employee on his way to California, wintered at Fort
Bridger in 1849, and reported the fish and game around Utah Lake
had been greatly depleted by the settlers. He reported, further, that
the Uintah Basin was still unaffected, because the emigrants used
the famous South Pass, which was north of the Uintah Mountains.
The Wasatch Mountains to the west of the Uintah Basin acted as a
barrier to settlement by the Salt Lake} Valley nucleus of Mormons
(Wilson, 1849, p. 1004).
Stansbury, who was in Utah surveying for the U. S. Bureau of
Topographical Engineers in 1852, said in his official report:
Upon terminating the field work for the season, I dispatched three men, one of
whom was my guide and interpreter, with a small invoice of goods, to trade for
horses among the Uintah Utahs, with directions to await my orders at Fort
Bridger. Reports afterwards reached us that a bloody fight had taken place
between the Sioux and the Yampah Utahs, which latter tribe reside in the vicinity
of the Uintahs. [Stansbury, 1852, p. 120.]
At this time the Yampah were evidently still going to the Plains to
hunt, and had evidently incurred the enmity of Sioux who roamed
central Wyoming at that time.
Brigham Young was appointed the first superintendent of the
Utah Indian Agency. In his official capacity he tried to make peace
between the Ute and the Wind River Shoshone in 1852 (Young, 1852,
p. 437). Shortly after that, the Timpanagos under the celebrated
Chief Walker, conducted a number of raids against the Mormons
themselves. The direct cause for these raids, known in the litera-
ture as ‘‘Walker’s War,” was, according to Jones, an altercation be-
tween a Mormon and one of Walker’s men. The Mormon hit the
Indian with his gun for beating his squaw. The Indian was killed,
and the growing bitterness of Walker against the Whites ended in an
attempt to wipe them out. Just previous to this incident, Young
had declared the slave trade carried on between the Ute and the
Spanish in New Mexico illegal. The Spanish were forbidden to buy
the Paiute children which Walker and his band bought or stole from
their families, and a lucrative business stopped (Jones, 1890, p. 56).
Walker and his band were camped on Utah Lake at this time, which,
according to Wilson, was being settled by the Mormons.
Walker reached his position of prominence by leading raids into
southern California against the Spanish settlements there. Jones
SO aT)’ )~©6 SUN DANCE OF NORTHERN UTE—JONES PAN
speaks of one such raid in 1852 in which Walker drove off over 1,000
horses (Jones, 1890, pp. 41-42). According to Frémont, Walker’s
band also held up wagon trains bound for California, which, after
paying a tribute in goods to Walker, were allowed to proceed safely
(Frémont, 1887, vol. 1, p. 386).
Young made peace with this powerful chief in 1855 (Hurt, 1855,
p. 518), and set up a series of farms the next year to teach the Indians
how to make a livelihood from the soil. The Pahvant under Kanosh
were settled on Corn Creek Farm in Millard County, the Sanpitch
were settled on Twelve-mile Creek Farm in San Pete County, and
Walker’s band were settled on Spanish Fork Farm in Utah Valley
(Young, 1856, p. 776). Walker died before his band left for Spanish
Fork (Burton, 1862, p. 475), however, and Jones said his band split
up (Jones, 1890, p. 42).
In the next few years, reports from Indian agents give a picture of
what was happening to the Ute. Forney at Whiterocks in the
Uintah Basin wrote in 1858 that he had had a visit from two Ute
bands under Sanpitch and White Eye, and they were starving (For-
ney, 1858, p. 561). He further stated that the whole Utah Valley
was taken up in farms with 8 towns of from 300 to 4,000 people scat-
tered through it. The Indians that had lived in that area were
settled at Spanish Fork, and Salt Creek (in San Pete County) on
farms. Forney engineered new peace talks between the Wind River
Shoshone and the Ute during that year (Forney, 1858, p. 565).
The next year he stated the Ute were destitute, and:
It is my clear conviction that the immigration of a white population into this
territory has had a deleterious effect on the Indian. Game cannot exist except
in the fertile, watered valleys; these, with a few exceptions, are occupied by a
thrifty population, and, consequently, the game is exterminated. [Forney, 1859,
p. 733].
On October 3, 1861, by Executive Order of President Abraham
Lincoln, the Uintah Valley Reservation was created. Consequently
the Indian agents at that time endeavored to induce the Indians to
move to that reservation. This became official policy on May 5,
1864, when an Act of Congress authorized the sale of all Indian reserva-
tions theretofore made in Utah except the Uintah Valley Reservation
and directed that as many Indians as possible be collected and placed
in Uintah Valley.
Violence broke out again, however, in 1865, which temporarily
halted the process of confining Indians to reservations. Jones
said the immediate cause was the whipping of one of Black Hawk’s
men by a white man (Jones, 1890, p. 166). A series of raids occurred
immediately after that. The underlying cause was hunger, however,
229 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 157
and possibly smallpox epidemics as suggested by Lavender (1948,
p. 79).
The war threatened to become general when one of the band
chiefs, Sanpitch, was arrested for supplying Black Hawk with am-
munition, and was killed while trying to escape. Since Sanpitch
was a relative of Tabby, who was then Uintah chief, this upset the
Uintah. Short rations during a hard winter on the Uintah Valley
Reservation made the situation worse. Head was then agent at
Whiterocks, the agency town on this reservation. He described
the state of affairs in the following words:
The Uintahs were previously somewhat ill-disposed from the nonreception of their
presents, and from the fact that almost no provisions had been furnished them
during the winter. The winter was one of unusual severity, and they had nearly
perished of starvation. Agent L. B. Rinney, in charge at the Unitah agency, was
guilty of gross neglect of duty, and had expended the liberal appropriation made
by the government in such a manner to be of almost no benefit to the Indians.
The Indians were greatly exasperated against him from his having made countless
promises to them which were not fulfilled. The causes above named united in
producing much ill-feeling among the Indians, who prepared for a general war.
Large numbers were assembled in Uintah valley. The white laborers at the
Indian Farm at Whiterocks were much alarmed and left the reservation. [Head,
1866, p. 125.]
To complicate matters, Superintendent Irish had made treaties
with all the Ute in 1865 to induce them to settle on the Uintah Valley
Reservation, and the Senate refused to ratify the treaties. In 1867
Head warned that ratification should be accomplished immediately
to keep the Ute from starting a general war. He quoted Tabby, the
Uintah Chief:
. should war break out between the whites and Indians, or should they be
induced to join Black Hawk’s band (which they have frequently been urged to
do) the “Great Father’? in Washington would see the folly in not keeping his
word. [Rhodes, 1867, p. 181.]
Black Hawk was shot through the lungs in a raid on Round Valley
and he ceased raiding from that time on (Alter, 1931, pp. 99-108).
Eventually he settled down on the Uintah Reservation and turned
his hand to farming (Head, 1869, p. 669).
Alter quotes Black Hawk as saying in 1870 just before he died
that raiding was forced on him because of the starvation of his people.
The Ute had lost their hunting and fishing grounds to the Whites,
and his warriors were whipped and occasionally killed by the Whites
(Alter, 1931, p. 108).
Jones, who was instrumental in eventually pacifying the Indians
said that bad management in the agency was responsible for the
state of starvation which the Indians found themselves in most of
the time (Jones, 1890, pp. 174-175).
Aa} Tf! «SUN DANCE OF NORTHERN UTE—JONES 223
To the Whites, every time the Indians behaved in an unpredictable
manner, it seemed as if total war was about to be thrust upon them.
As a consequence, the authorities were continually reassuring the
people of the peaceful intentions of the Indians to prevent panicky
Whites from shooting Indians indiscriminately. The quotation is
from a contemporary newspaper with the dateline June 21, 1870.
It reads:
Mr. M. J. Sheldon, Government Interpreter for Uintah, reported that the
Tabbywatts, Piemps, and Yampa Utes, from the White River country, the
Uinta Utes, Snakes, Bannacks, and other northern tribes of Indians were as-
sembling in the Bannack country, fifty miles east of Bear Lake Valley, to perform
their traditional religious rites. They meant peace, and when through with
their rites, would disperse. [Alter, 1932, p. 391.]
THE RESERVATION PERIOD
By 1870 most of the Utah Ute were on the Uintah Valley Reser-
vation, although they still left the reservation for their annual hunts.
Some of the Uintah at this time were seriously trying to farm.
Powell visited the Whiterocks agency in 1869, and had a talk with
the old chief, Sowiet, and his wife. He found Sowiet to be senile,
but his wife
. . . has much to say to me concerning the condition of the people, and seems
very anxious that they should learn to cultivate the soil, own farms, and live like
white men. After talking a couple of hours to these old people, I go to see the
farms. . . . It will be remembered that irrigation is necessary, in this dry climate,
to successful farming. Quite a number of Indians have each a patch of ground,
of two or three acres, on which they are raising wheat, potatoes, turnips, pumpkins,
melons, and other vegetables. . . . They are still occupying lodges, and refuse
to build houses, assigning as the reason that when anyone dies in a lodge it is
always abandoned, and very often burned with all the effects of the deceased
and when houses have been built for them, they have been treated the same way.
[Powell, 1875, p. 42.]
Sowiet’s senility left the Ute without a leader of enough prestige
to demand allegiance from all the bands. Head reported of this:
The various distinct bands and tribes of Utahs are virtually without an efficient
head chief whose authority would be everywhere recognized. Tabby, the prin-
cipal chief of the Uintas, is not fully recognized as their chief by the small bands
of Sanpitches, Yampas, Timpanogs, and others upon the Uinta reservation, and
in case of the recurrence of petty stealing raids there is no recognized head chief
who can be held accountable for the depredations, or whose authority to punish
the offenders would be acquiesced in by all. The office of head chief is elective,
all the different bands of Utahs being entitled to a vote; but no action will be
had in the premises during the life of Sowiet, and the present somewhat anomalous
condition of affairs will doubtless continue so long as he shall live. [Head, 1868,
p. 610.]
During this year the crops sufiered so much damage from grass-
hoppers that very little was saved for the harvest. The Ute had
dropped their old habit of eating the grasshoppers, and decided that
224. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 157
it was not very intelligent to raise food for grasshoppers to eat, since
they had no value (Dodds, 1868, pp. 615-616). Therefore, the Ute
backslid as farmers. In 1871, Thompson, one of Powell’s crew in
the exploration of the Colorado River, stopped off at Whiterocks and
commented on this situation.
I am not very impressed with the success of the attempt to civilize the Indian.
The employees at the Agency plough the land, furnish seed, dig the irrigating
ditches, cut the grains; in fact do all the work that requires the use of tools. The
Indians irrigate a little. The bucks make the squaws do the work while they
race horse or loaf around the Agency. . . . Employees all without exception,
state that the Indians will steal from Mormons at every chance, especially horses
and cattle. The employees do not seem to care how much stealing is done by
the Indians, provided the Mormons are the sufferers. . . . Others have been
known to steal and get blankets. Two or three months ago a trapper was killed
by some Utes. The agent presented the meandoers with presents to teach them
to do so no more. [Thompson, 1939, p. 28.]
He visited one of the Indian camps nearby, and wrote this descrip-
tion of it.
Went to Lo-ki-wa-no’s wickiup first. He has a lodge of canvas and a summer
home of boughs. Was lying on a buffalo ribe. Squaw was smoking an elk skin.
Fire in middle of wickiup. The boys sat in a ring and smoked with the host,
and a visitor. He seemed to be the most industrious, best dispositioned Indian
among them. Has perhaps two acres of wheat, one of potatoes, one of corn
that he has done most of the work on. Has it fenced with a sort of a brush
fence to keep out the goats and stock. His squaw looks old but seems to enjoy
life better than most of them, that is, is not abused as much. [Thompson, 1939,
p. 29.]
Critchlow reported in 1874 that the Ute under his supervision dis-
appeared from spring to fall on their annual hunt (Critchlow, 1874,
p. 584). He started a day school at Whiterocks in 1875, but was not
very successful, according to his own testimony. Nevertheless,
from 1875 on, some sort of school was always provided at Whiterocks
for the education of Ute children. Critchlow reported in 1877 that
some of the band leaders appeared dissatisfied with the Uintah Valley
Reservation. Kanosh took his Pahvant back to their old haunts
south of Utah Lake, and a Sanpitch band returned for a while to San
Pete County (Critchlow, 1877, p. 578). Some of these drifted back
to the Uintah Valley Reservation, but Steward mentions a remnant
of Pahvant still to be found at Kanosh, Utah (Steward, 1938, p. 222).
The Yampa and Grand River bands were at Meeker, Colo., under
a separate agency at this time. Their history was more or less parallel
to the Uintah during the 30 years between 1847 and 1877, but in 1878
they unfortunately were put under the jurisdiction of an agent, N. C.
Meeker, who was determined to civilize them immediately. Meeker
wrote in his report for 1879, “I should like to have plenty of land in
cultivation, with tools all ready; take away their horses; then give the
MET F4?)) SUN DANCE OF NORTHERN UTE—JONES 225
word that if they would not work they should have no rations”
(Meeker, 1879 a, p. 125). He further stated that he believed too
much time was spent in gambling and horse racing, and wished to
stop these pursuits. Meeker did not understand his charges. He
sent an article to the American Antiquarian the same year depict-
ing the Ute as friendly and peaceful, but lazy, and needing the stern
hand of discipline to give them more industrious and orderly ways
(Meeker, 1879 b, pp. 225-226).
Meeker set about his reforms by plowing up the race track for a
wheat field. The Ute rose under the leadership of a war chief, Doug-
las, and massacred the agent and most of his agency officials. News
of this electrified the Whites in this area. At the Southern Ute
Agency in Colorado, Page, the agent reported:
Three days after the massacre of Agent Meeker, at White River, about 250
miles distant by trail, six young bucks arrived here and endeavored to induce the
Southern Utes to join them in a general war; scalp and war dances were held day
and night, and a grand council was held at the agency, and for a time there
seemed but little doubt of their success. [Page, 1880, p. 139.]
A commission from Washington came out to settle the trouble.
They had the Ute living under the White River Agency jurisdiction
rounded up, whereupon they made a treaty with them. The White
River Indians were moved under guard soon after to the Uintah Valley
Reservation where they were given land, much to the consternation
of the Uintah. The Uncompahgre were removed from their reserva-
tion in Colorado, and given land just south of the Uintah Valley
Reservation in 1881 by the same commission. The war scare reported
by Page, combined with the fact that valuable mineral deposits had
been discovered on their reservation forced the move (Ute Commis-
sion, 1881, pp. 383-390).
In 1883, Davis reported interband friction developing between the
Uintah and the White River bands because the White River Indians
got annuity payments as a result of the treaty following the Meeker
massacre, and the Uintah got nothing because they had been peaceful.
Furthermore, the Uintah had not been compensated for the lands
taken away from them and given to the White River for settlement
(Davis, 1883, p. 198).
This sort of interband friction and rivalry was not so much the
result of old hatreds as it was of new frustrations. They were raising
one-third of their subsistence by farming at that time, obtaining one-
third through hunting and fur trapping, and receiving one-third from
the Government in the form of rations (Davis, 1884, p. 200). None
of these sources of supply were secure. Hordes ofjgrasshoppers often
destroyed the crops, game was scarce, and at that time Government
rations were even more scarce. Thus the Ute became acquainted
226 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
anew with economic insecurity. The old insecurity of living in an
inhospitable environment had been solved by the development of the
communal horse band. Having known security, they felt more bitter
about losing it than they would have if they never had knownit. The
interband rivalry already reported in 1883 shows that the Ute had
learned that aggression toward Whites was best repressed. The
agency officials could and did withhold rations from noncooperative
Indians, and the Indians had become dependent on those rations.
Therefore, the aggression was turned inward upon members of the
group who, though Indians, belonged to different bands.
It is probable that there was an increase of fear and suspicion of
witchcraft at this time. Lowie mentions the practice of killing
shamans suspected of witchcraft (Lowie, 1924, p. 191). Hamblin
said in 1862 that ‘‘This very prevalent idea of good and bad medicine,
among the Indians, gives evidence of a very general belief in witch-
craft’? (Hamblin, 1881, p. 64). Gottfredson (1919, p. 231) adds that
“They [the Ute] are very much afraid of witches and crazy people.”
These references all refer to this general time in history (1860-80)
and show that there was in the culture an institution by which per-
sonal frustrations could be resolved. Critchlow mentioned an in-
crease in sickness among his wards in 1881 (Critchlow, 1881, p. 215).
Because sickness was believed caused by witches, it is evident that
with more sickness, there would be a general belief in an increase in
witchcraft, and a suspicion of shamans and deviants as being respon-
sible for the state of affairs.
In my researches among the Ute, I found a widespread fear of witch-
craft. One informant told me that I was foolish to eat with people
to whom I was not related. He said that the danger of being poi-
soned by evil-minded people was enough to make any Ute extremely
cautious. When fear of witchcraft reaches the proportions it has on
the Ute Reservation, it becomes obvious that frustrations inherent
in the cultural situation have found an outlet in aggression toward
neighbors.
The Ute, in 1886, still retained many of the outward appearances
of being Indians culturally. They were described by White—
. . . blankets, leggins, moccasins, gee-strings, paint and feathers constitute the
fashionable or prevalent Ute costume, and the brush wickiup or the cloth or skin
tepee is the almost universal Ute habitation. [White, 1886, p. 444.]
In this year Fort Duchesne was built to police and protect the
Indians on the reservation. Negro soldiers were stationed at Du-
chesne, and some racial intermixture took place between the Ute and
the Negroes (Gilbertson, 1913, p. 363). My informants told me that
the Indians*had hated the Negroes, however, and were very bitter
about their presence at the fort.
Ae tT} «© SUN DANCE OF NORTHERN UTE—JONES 227
The Indians themselves still spent most of their free time with
their gambling, however, and showed little interest in settling down
and becoming farmers. In 1888, Agent Byrnes tried to curb this
practice again. He reported:
There has not been as much gambling during the past year as heretofore, as I
have entirely broken up all gambling at, around, or about the agency, and the
police force (Indian) are under instructions to break it up wherever it is practiced.
[Byrnes, 1888, p. 220.]}
The Ghost Dance of 1890 seemed to have affected the Ute but
little. Mooney reported the Ute were present at Wovoka’s second
dance in 1889 at Pyramid Lake (Mooney, 1896, p. 802). If they
tried a Ghost Dance on their own reservation, there is no record of
it. One of the objects of the dance was to bring back all the dead.
Fear of the dead evidenced by Ute burial practices shows that this
would be inconsistent with their desires. The year 1890, is the one
quoted by Lowie (1919, p. 405), Spier (1921, p. 495), and Shimkin
(1953, p. 472) as the date of the actual introduction of the Sun Dance
to the Ute, however. This is more fully discussed on pages 239-241,
but it may be suggested here that the Sun Dance was for the Ute at
this time what the Ghost Dance was for the Plains Indians.
The first Christian missionaries to come to the Ute appeared in
1897. <A this time the Episcopal Mission was established at White-
rocks (Randlett, 1897, p. 286). A mission is still maintained by this
sect there, and probably gave to these people the first Christian
doctrine outside of Mormonism. Shimkin (1953) believes, however,
that Wind River Shoshone missionaries proselyted among the Ute
as early as 1890.
In 1886 the General Allotment Act was passed specifying that all
Indian reservations were to be broken up, with 160 acres to be al-
lotted each family head, and 80 acres to be allotted each single person
over 18. Conditions on the Uintah and Ouray Reservation were not
ready for the dismemberment called for by the law. Congress finally
took notice of this situation, and on May 27, 1902, another Act of
Congress authorized an allotment of 80 acres of irrigable, agricultural
land for each head of a family, and 40 acres of such land to each
other member of the Ute tribe then residing at the reservation.
By Acts of Congress on June 19, 1902, March 3, 1903, and March 38,
1905, about 250,000 acres of nonirrigable land were set aside as a
grazing reserve, to be kept intact as tribal land (Taylor, 1931, pp.
29-32).
By June, 1905, the allotment of land to individual Indians was com-
pleted, and unallotted land was opened to sale to Whites by lottery
(Leupp, 1905, p. 145). In protest against this invasion of what the
Ute considered their domain, 600 of them took their cattle and be-
228 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu 157
longings and left the reservation. They were rounded up in Wyoming
and settled in South Dakota on the Pine Ridge Sioux Reservation.
The Sioux did not want them, so when the Ute had killed and eaten
all their livestock, they asked to be taken back to their own reserva-
tion. The Whites who moved onto the reservation were generally
dissatisfied with the land their lotteries gave them, and many of them
moved away after a few years. Without irrigation, land in this area
is worthless for agricultural purposes because of scanty and uncertain
rainfall.
The Indians’ lands were put in shape for farming starting in 1906.
Wright summed it up:
Since the Uintah Basin is an arid country, the Government passed an Act in 1906
authorizing the construction of the Uintah Indian Irrigation Project. Out of the
proceeds of the land sales, and the homesteads, there was appropriated $600,000
to build the project. Various appropriations were added from time to time until
now the total has run into many millions of dollars. This project covers approxi-
mately 80,000 acres and contains 22 canal systems, which divert water from all
the streams. No storage facilities were created, just diversions. A land-sub-
jugation program was initiated by the Government to level and clear, plow and
fence the Indian allotments. For that purpose tribal funds were used. Some
of the allotments at the present time have as much as twelve to sixteen hundred
dollars debt against them for the subjugation work done to get these lands into
cultivation. [Wright, 1948, p. 335.]
Lowie visited the Ute briefly in 1912. He was unable to establish
rapport with the Ute at Whiterocks, and was forced to use Southern
Ute informants at Ignacio, Colo., for most of his data. He reported:
Shoshoneans in general are extremely reticent about divulging ethnographic
information, and in the case of the Northern Ute this sentiment is intensified by
a feeling of hostility against whites generally. [Lowie, 1924, p. 191.]
He was asked to pay what he considered exorbitant fees for both
interpreters and informants at the Uintah Reservation which shows
the Indians had become aware of the cash econony of White culture
at that time.
Densmore visited the Northern Ute to make a study of their music
in 1916. Her only observation of interest here was that despite a
proclamation by the agency outlawing the Sun Dance, it was held
as usual (Densmore, 1922, p. 79). At this time Government policy
attempted to discourage elements of native culture. The intent was
to civilize or acculturate Indians as rapidly as possible, and elements
of native culture which harkened back to old ways of doing things were
erased when possible.
The same year, according to La Barre, peyotism was introduced.
A Sioux introduced peyote to the Uintah and Ouray Agency. The Ute around
Fort Duchesne have used peyote ‘‘on the sly’’ since before 1916; the cult was
vigorous around Randlette, Utah, by the spring of 1916. [La Barre, 1938, p. 120.]
Math f! =SUN DANCE OF NORTHERN UTE—JONES 229
Several of my informants told me that the agent at that time made
every effort to stamp out peyotism. Supplies of peyote were con-
fiscated and destroyed when they were located, and meetings were
broken up with fines for the participants. Nevertheless, most of the
old fullbloods joined the movement, and it became fully embedded
in the culture. Its Christian symbolism was progapanda for White
acceptance, but in effect it has not worked out that way. It is one
of the few attempts to achieve a group solidarity as Indians that has
come from within the culture, after its introduction. Unfortunately
in accomplishing this, the Ute have given the neighboring Whites
another characterization to add to the stereotype ot lazy, dirty, drunken
Indian that has grown out of the contact situation. Taking of peyote
has become limited almost entirely to old fullbloods among the Ute,
and young fullbloods who identify themselves with Indian culture.
As such, peyotists have become a factional group, with the generally
better educated mixbloods forming a pro-White faction against them.
Steward visited the Ute in the early thirties. He observed both
the Bear Dance and the Sun Dance. Of the Sun Dance, he said that
it had become so commercialized as to be meaningless to the Ute
themselves (Steward, personal communication). The Bear Dance,
however, retained some of its old form, although its function had
presumably changed partly owing to ‘restrictions imposed upon the
dance by the Indian administration” (Steward, 1932, p. 263). His
opinion was that the Ute were in a state of extreme deculturation,
having lost much of their old culture, without much success at sub-
stituting elements of White culture in its stead.
In 1934, when the Wheeler-Howard Act was passed offering to In-
dians a method of achieving a measure of self-government, the Ute
considered adopting the Charter and Constitution drawn up for them
by the Indian office to take advantage of this opportunity. Fore-
most in this action was a group of young mixbloods who saw in it a
chance to take the tribal government into their own hands. When
Kroeber visited the Ute Reservation in 1900 on a collecting trip for
the American Museum of Natural History, he saw almost no mix-
blood Indians there. These mixbloods were born after the influx of
Whites into the reservation in 1905, when many of the White settlers
took Indian wives. Their efforts to achieve ratification of the meas-
ure were successful in 1937, and period 4 of Ute history began.
THE REORGANIZATION PERIOD
The ratification of the Constitution and the Charter was neatly
engineered by the Indian Agency at Fort Duchesne. By 1936 the
agency knew who was in favor of the reorganization, and who was
not. Therefore, the ratification vote on the Constitution was held
2651915426
230 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
on December 19, 1936. In mid-December in this section of Utah,
most of the roads are blocked by deep snow, and many of the Ute
were kept from the polls. My informants told me that agency trucks
rounded up those who were favorable to the reorganization, but the
fullbloods, who live in the foothills in the winter were not well rep-
resented. It passed by a vote of 347 for and 12 against.
The Constitution has the same powers embodied in it that the
Charter has, and some tribes adopt only one or the other. It is in-
teresting, however, that the vote on the Charter was held on July 6,
1938, and it was accepted by a vote of 213 for to 8 against. During
July in Utah excellent weather prevails, and the fullbloods were clus-
tered in their summer quarters around the small towns where the
polls were held. Nevertheless, in spite of a larger potential vote, the
actual vote fell off by about two-fifths.
Elections were held in January of 1937 for members of the Tribal
Business Committee. Again, the fullbloods were out in the foothills,
and a slate of mixbloods took office as a result. By July of 1938,
many of the people were already disillusioned about the reorganiza-
tion, and even some of those who had voted for the Constitution re-
fused to vote for the Charter. The Ute have trouble organizing
themselves under a leader. As individuals they behave as independ-
ent units, and few leaders can command over a few handfuls of fol-
lowers. ‘Therefore, when they disapprove of something, they behave
in a negativistic manner. They become sullen and noncooperative,
and ignore the efforts of the White administrators to enlist their co-
operation. This accounts for the light vote on the ratification of the
Charter, and also explains why disapproval was not actively voiced
at the polls.
One of the members of the Tribal Business Committee informed
me that it has become necessary to ask for nominations for the Com-
mittee repeatedly before there is any reaction. What happens, is
that all of the old chiefs who are descendants of the pre-reservation
band chiefs, are nominated, and the fullblood vote is split, allowing
the few mixblood candidates to ride into office.
The first change in the culture to be brought about by the reor-
ganization was the replacement of the old chiefs by the Tribal Busi-
ness Committee. By 1937 chieftainship tended to be hereditary.
Sons of men who had led horse bands took over their fathers’ posi-
tions at their deaths. Their authority had deteriorated to the point
of being spokesmen for their band members when the agent requested
such a spokesman.
Therefore when decisions for the tribe were made by a group whom
the people considered outsiders, a feeling grew among the Ute that
a betrayal had occurred. The mixbloods had represented them-
Moat! = SUN. DANCE OF NORTHERN UTE—JONES 231
selves, truthfully, as being better able to cope with Government red
tape than the non-English speaking, fullblood tribe members. They
were not, however, the mere spokesmen for the people that the old
chiefs had been. My informants told me that most tribal business
is carried on without the knowledge, and sometimes without the
approval of the people.
The issue between the mixbloods and the fullbloods that has
resulted in a growing and increasingly bitter factionalism is merely
one of orientation. The names ‘“‘breed”’ and ‘‘fullblood,”’ are used
by the Indians themselves to distinguish those who, regardless of
the biological definition, are oriented toward Indian or White cul-
ture. Some individuals who are part White identify with their full-
blood Indian friends, and are accepted without prejudice. Having
one English-speaking parent who, being a member of the dominant
culture is usually dominant in the home, has a certain advantage for
mixblood Indians. They pattern themselves after the White parent
and accept the standards of White culture as theirown. They usually
get more education and end up with more economic security than the
fullblood tribe members.
The personal philosophy of Collier, the administrator who pushed
the passage of the Wheeler-Howard Act, has resulted in other changes
on the tribal level. Collier (1947, pp. 154-155) listed seven principles
in his book, Indians of the Americas, which guided him in his office of
Indian Commissioner.
1. Indian societies should be continued in their native state, regenerated, or
recreated.
2. Indian societies, whether ancient, regenerated or created anew should be
given status, responsibility and power.
3. Each and all freedoms should be extended to Indians, including guarantee
of the right to organize, proclamation and enforcement of cultural liberty, re-
ligious liberty, and unimpeded relationships of the generations.
4. The land should be held, used and cherished in the way the particular Indian
group desires.
5. Freedom should include positive things like guided organization, extension
of credit to be managed co-operatively, education, conservation of natural re-
sources and acceptance of tribal responsibility.
6. Indians must be given the experience of responsible democracy.
7. Integrated research by specialists on the tribal level to solve the social and
economic problems of Indians is imperative to the success of the program.
These principles seem very clear when considered separately
but they contain certain inconsistencies. The first two principles
voice the assumption that the deculturation process can and should
be stopped and even reversed. If this were carried to its logical con-
clusion, we might expect the reoccurrence of war parties raiding each
other on the Plains, or a return to seed gathering as the subsistence
economy in the Basin. Practically, it means that the forces for con-
232 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
servatism among Indians would be sponsored in their fight against
modern medicine, education, and scientific agriculture. This has
actually happened to some extent, but principle No. 5 has tended
to offset the effects.
The phrase ‘‘enforcement of cultural liberty,” in principle No. 3 is
particularly unfortunate. Factionalism occurs in most Indian groups
today. The Indian Office has taken sides from time to time, a practice
that has caused the factionalism to become more bitter. Principle
No. 4 has been interpreted in the light of attitudes current among
Indians in the Southwestern Pueblos. Communal ownership of the
land is supposed by the Indian Office to be the universal Indian usage,
and this has been put into effect where possible. Principle No. 6
is in direct opposition to Nos. 1 and 2. Democracy is a particular
method of political organization that has grown out of Western
European history, and is foreign to most Indian cultures. The
need for research emphasized in principle No. 7 has been used to put
across the six other principles, and has been directed toward that
goal. Directed culture change is certainly an end to be aimed for,
but when we know as little about the mechanics of culture change
as we do now, the success of such an attempt will be questionable.
The effects of the reorganization on Ute culture were manifold.
Peyotism had been suppressed as destructive to the property, and
health, of those who partook in the ceremony until 1937. The In-
dian Office recognized it as a true, Indian religion in spite of its recent
introduction, and peyotism was legalized and protected. Today on
the Uintah and Ouray Reservation, peyote is taken by most of the
fullblood Ute in weekly ceremonies. It has become a year-round
integrating factor for those who identify themselves with Indian cul-
ture, and according to administrative officials is the biggest stumbling
block to a real integration of the whole people that exists today.
Very bitter factionalism has grown up, particularly in the last few
years, between those who profess to follow this true, Indian religion,
and those who see it as a practice which degrades all Indians in the
eyes of the surrounding Whites. This split is particularly serious in
view of the fact that the ruling faction, the mixbloods who do not
generally become peyotes, do not recognize the cause behind peyot-
ism. If the need for security were not so great among non-English-
speaking fullbloods, it would not be sought in this typically nega-
tivistic fashion.
Communal ownership of land has been pushed by the Indian Ad-
ministration. It has become policy to return land individually held
to the tribe. The reason advanced for this is that some land is so
tied up in heirship that it cannot be conveniently worked. Land
was not allotted on the Ute Reservation until 1905, and some allot-
AnTHROP. PAP. SUN DANCE OF NORTHERN UTE—JONES 233
ments are owned by the original allottees. A lawyer who represents
individual Nez Perce told me that probating of wills by the Indian
Office is so slow and so badly done that it is impossible to unsnarl
the tangle before the statute of limitations runs out. This means
that the complicated fragmenting process must be undertaken in
spite of the will, and a new parcel of land becomes difficult to work
because of the number of heirs claiming it. My informants told me
that this was the case among the Ute also.
Land is returned to tribal ownership in two ways. The Annual
Report of the Uintah and Ouray Tribal Business Committee for May
31, 1948 (p. 2), shows both of these processes being employed:
The Tribal Land Division has purchased 38 tracts of land from individual Indians
for a total of 2,820.04 acres. Of this amount, 2,220.04 acres were purchased with
tribal funds at an expenditure of $23,418.98 plus settlement of old tribal reim-
bursable indebtedness in the amount of $1,364.70. From Indian Reorganization
Act Funds, 8 tracts of land totaling 600 acres have been purchased at a cost of
$8,327.60. In addition to this acreage two tracts of land have been conveyed to
the tribe in settlement of reimbursable indebtedness, with no cash involved. The
acreage totaled 80 acres and the reimbursable indebtedness settled was in the
amount of $1,047.03. In addition to that amount of reimbursable indebtedness
settled through land sale money, more than $3,000.00 in cash has been collected
from the heirs on their own reimbursable indebtedness in addition to that allowed
them in settlement of old debts by the conveyance of land.
The indebtedness mentioned has come from the workings of the
Uintah Indian Irrigation Project. Wright (1948, p. 335) described
it as a land-subjugation program initiated by the Government to
level, clear, plow, and fence the Indian allotments. Among other
things, 22 canal systems were built to supply water for irrigation.
Tribal funds were used, and the cost was charged against the in-
dividual allotments, amounting to as much as from 12 to 16 hundred
dollars. Annual charges for water have been leveled against these
allotments whether water has been used or not. My informants told
me that pressure is put on individuals to sell their land to the tribe
to wipe out the indebtedness that has been built up through the
years. Land that has outstanding debts against it cannot be worked
by the owner. I was informed of one case where a crop was con-
fiscated and sold to cover the debts of one man who planted his crops
in disregard of the agency order. This matter was discussed at the
Uintah and Ouray General Council Meeting, May 31, 1949 (p. 8 of
the minutes). One Indian complained:
It seems to me that if we are going to have to pay the price of water that we
pay today it will not be very long until we will be unable to put in our crops.
Last year I paid $57.00 and this year $70.00. . . . After paying for water, we are
unable to buy seed to plant. I am pleading for my people. This water charge
should be cut down. Farmers can’t go out to earn money for water and still
buy seed. I guess children will have to eat water this winter.
234 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
Figures for actual land ownership do not appear in any of the
ordinary sources. Dale quotes a statement from the Superintendent
of the Uintah and Ouray Agency given him on January 10, 1947.
In 1947 they numbered 1,472 people, owning 53,334 acres of trust-allotted ir-
rigable lands upon which they had first water rights, together with 511,160 acres
of tribal grazing lands. . . . Most of the irrigable land is leased to whites, al-
though in 1946 the Indians farmed about 4,000 acres. They owned at that time
about 5,000 cattle and 7,000 sheep which were cared for under three livestock
associations. [Dale, 1947, p. 250.]
The smallest farms in this area are 40-acre plots, and most farms
comprise 80 acres. If only 4,000 acres were being cultivated in
1946, there were between 50 and 100 families actually living on farms.
This would take care of 400 people at most. What did the other
thousand do? The cattle and sheep mentioned were handled by coop-
eratives, which means that a few riders were hired to look after the
herds, and the marketing, etc., was handled by the agency. The
people had very little to do with stock. The communally held lands
are used for grazing purposes by the cattle associations, although of
recent years the tribe has begun to buy up farm land which has been
assigned for irrigation farming purposes to Indians.
The general attitude of the Ute toward this collectivist trend is
that it is contrary to every native value they still possess. In the
aboriginal state, the Utes were individualists. Even in the days of
communal hunting, band allegiance was voluntary. The personal
attraction of an individual, and the regard and respect in which he
was held by a number of people was the foundation of the band.
Individual families traveled and hunted with those congenial to them.
Communal ownership of material goods did not exist. Ownership
of land was a concept that was very hazy, since bands trespassed
onto each other’s territory more or less at will. None of their experi-
ences during the White-contact period tended to promote a feeling
of communal interest. ‘The Ute today are as individualistic as ever,
and only the insecurities they suffer in common seem to be bringing
them to common action.
The Indian Administration has encouraged the manufacture of
native arts and crafts in an attempt to regenerate old culture values.
Among the Ute an Arts and Crafts Guild was set up by a special
Government employee from Washington. Articles of beaded buck-
skin were the sole produce of the Guild. Money for supplies to start
the project was loaned by the Tribal Business Committee. Un-
fortunately there seems to be no outlet for the manufactured articles.
The prices charged are very high in comparison to comparable mer-
chandise obtainable in the nearby towns. This is typical of the
Indian Office’s effort to create a specialized Indian business style
AxtaROP. PAP. SUN DANCE OF NORTHERN UTE—JONES 235
without training the people who must run it, in modern merchan-
dising, advertising, bookkeeping, and the other principles of modern
business. The project seems to be failing.
Education has been stressed by the Indian Administration, and yet
facilities for education have been curtailed on the reservation. This
is due principally to budget slashes by Congress, but an eighth-grade
education is all that has ever been available for most Ute. One tribal
official told me that the young mixbloods who spoke English in the
home were sometimes sent to Sherman, in Riverside, Calif., for high
school. A few have gone on to college and are leaders today, but
there are still a number of children on the reservation who never
attend school at all, and grow up speaking only their native tongue.
In 1939, a modern 30-bed hospital complete with surgery and dis-
pensary was built by the U. S. Public Works Administration at Fort
Duchesne, the present agency headquarters. The head resident
nurse informed me that a resident physician had never been employed,
and most cases had to be sent out for care in one of the neighboring
towns, with individual families responsible for their own medical
bills. She said that tuberculosis took a frightful toll every year,
and only a few cases ever received treatment.
To supply the lack in modern medical facilities, the Ute today have
been forced to turn to peyote and prayer, or rely on the shaman.
Some cures are achieved in the Sun Dance by individuals who dance
for that express purpose. Modern shamanism is still a very strong
force on the reservation. Most shamans are believed to inherit
power from dead relatives who were shamans. Either men or women
may possess these powers, and there seems to be no preference for
either sex in terms of popularity as doctors.
Informants say shamans may have weather-control powers and
divining powers as well as curing powers. All such power to control
supernatural forces comes in dreams, or in an unconscious state
occurring occasionally in the Sun Dance when a dancer faints from
hunger and exertion. Curing is accomplished through songs, manip-
ulation, sleight-of-hand, and sucking. Sickness is believed to be
a result of object intrusion, and comes from evil-minded people who
practice witchcraft. Shamans themselves are often under suspicion
for witchcraft, especially when they have lived a long time.
Shamanism and peyotism would both eventually lose their curing
functions if it were possible to obtain adequate modern medical
treatment. As long as the old people live and continue to influence
the younger people, however, it is probable that it would be very
difficult to introduce modern medical practice. There is a question,
too, of how much sickness with a psychosomatic origin would continue
to respond to native treatment, but possibly good results from native
236 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 157
treatment would be common. Anyway, as conditions stand today,
both shamanism and peyotism areforces for conservatism, as well as in-
stitutions to handle sickness. It is predictable that these elements will
be retained with their present functions in this culture for some time.
In no respect may the Ute be said to have benefited from the
reorganization. Most of them still live in one-room, dirt-floor cabins
in the winter, and tents in the summer. The men wear blue jeans
and big cowboy hats, and the women wear cheap calico dresses and
shawls. Both men and women spend their free time on the gambling
grounds, instead of in the fields, and consequently live on a diet of
garden vegetables and wild fish and game in summer, and go hungry
in winter. The average family is in debt to the trader at the general
store. The future of the children appears to be limited to this sort of
life at the present time.
SUMMARY
The five historic periods discussed under Cultural Background are
summarized here, with emphasis on the culture changes which
occurred in each period.
The pre-horse period was characterized by a subsistence economy
which was based primarily on gathering. Hunting was an individual
undertaking rather than a communal one, and large game animals
had to be eaten where they were killed since no adequate method of
transporting the carcass of a bison or an elk, or a bear, existed at that
time. Basketry, the wickiup, the bow and arrow, the net, and the
rabbit-fur cloak were material culture elements in the Ute pre-horse
culture.
The primary social group was the biological family unit. Larger
groupings occurred in the fall when wild seeds could be harvested, and
in winter when family groups lived near these caches of food. Spring
and summer found the family groups scattered over a wide expanse
of territory, since the inhospitable environment could not support
large groups with the technological equipment for exploiting the
natural surroundings possessed by the Ute at that time.
Ceremonial life was restricted to the Bear Dance, held in the
spring just before the temporary winter villages broke up, and certain
social dances such as the Round Dance, which were held whenever
conditions permitted. Crisis rites were emphasized. For women the
onset of menstruation was marked in a ceremonial fashion. There
were restrictions on both the mother and the father when a child
was born. Burial practices were designed to carry the family through
the period of readjustment that the removal of a member would
entail.
The principal religious figure in pre-horse culture was the shaman.
MTT T)«©6 SUN DANCE OF NORTHERN UTE—JONES 237
Through supernatural powers he controlled, the shaman was able to
cure the sick, discover witches, control the weather, and predict the
future. The shaman was a specialist in the sense that he filled a
special role in the culture, but there probably was not enough demand
for his services for him to procure a living thereby.
The post-horse, pre-White-contact period was marked especially by
changes in the subsistence economy, and in social organization. The
acquisition of the horse allowed new and more efficient methods of
hunting to be practiced. Hunting communally, a number of mounted
men were able to surround, kill and transport back to a central loca-
tion small herds of large game animals. Out of communal hunting
practices grew bilateral bands, somewhat nebulous in character at
first, but eventually crystallizing. They were composed of unrelated
families and were not landowning, but they were named, and had a
political unity, strengthened by need for protection in warfare.
As the new methods of hunting reduced the game herds, competi-
tion for hunting grounds grew. Horses were needed to exploit what
hunting there was, and horses came to be regarded as wealth. Eventu-
ally the Ute were forced to seek the bison herds in the Plains to the
east of the Rockies, where they came into unfriendly contact with
Plains tribes. They were raided both for their horses and for tres-
passing by Arapaho, Cheyenne, Sioux, and Wind River Shoshone, and
the Ute learned the Plains war patterns in this fashion.
Leadership qualities in men came to be recognized, both for civil
and war activities, and individual leaders became known outside of
the small band. Occasionally small bands associated themselves
together under the leadership of one of these widely recognized men
for purposes of raiding or defense. Hatch mentions the Uintah
being organized into four subbands all under allegiance to one man
(Hatch, 1862, p. 204).
Religion met a new need during this period. The growing impor-
tance of warfare gave an impetus to seeking individual powers for
warfare. Guardian spirits gave individuals protection against enemy
bullets, as well as luck in hunting, gambling, and love. Supernatural
powers came in dreams, and such dreams were often sought by sleeping
in places inhabited by the spirits controlling the powers. Shamanism
continued to be important in combating sickness, and wounds
received in battle were treated by shamanistic individuals.
Period 3, the White-contact period, was foreshadowed by the
influx of fur traders in the 1830’s. The Indians received rifles about
this time and met the incoming Mormon settlers in 1847 on equal
terms. The settlers took over the fertile, watered valleys for their
farms and consequently reduced the number of food animals and plants
238 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
upon which the Ute had subsisted. Some of the bands turned to
raiding the settlements as a substitute for hunting, and between 1850
and 1870 occasional trouble broke out between the two peoples.
By 1870, however, the Ute had become dependent on Government
rations for a large part of their subsistence and were kept in check
fairly well by the threat of withdrawal of this support, and period 4,
the reservation period, began.
By 1880 almost all of the Ute north of the Colorado River were on
the present Uintah and Ouray Reservation. They turned to farming
in an unenthusiastic way to make up the difference between the
amount of Government rations issued and the amount of food needed
to stay alive. In this period consolidation of the various bands of
Northern Ute into three large bands was accomplished. The present
Uintah, White River, and Uncompahgre bands are a result of this
consolidation. Leadership degenerated to the point where a leader
was a spokesman and nothing more.
In 1897 the first Christian mission was established among the Ute
at Whiterocks. This mission remained, and today it is still the only
Christian mission among the Ute. ‘The Indians had long been familiar
with some of the tenets of Mormonism, but drew a careful distinction
between it and Christianity. Only a few mixblood Indians who were
born into Mormon families have embraced that doctrine, owing to
the long history of mutual dislike in which the Ute and the Mormons
have held each other.
Peyotism was introduced about 1916 by a Sioux medicine man.
This religion was underground until 1937 when it was legalized
and protected, but informants say that 20 years previous to this most
of the fullbloods were members of peyote groups.
The reorganization period started in 1937 after the ratification of
the Ute Constitution, and the subsequent election of the Tribal
Business Committee. Since its inception, the Tribal Business Com-
mittee has been controlled by the mixblood faction on the reserva-
tion, and has become more and more unpopular with the fullblood
majority in the tribe. For the first time in the history of the tribe,
the political power was placed in the hands of a group who were
activated by a desire to conform to White culture standards.
A marked increase of economic insecurity was induced by policies
directed by the Indian Office, and administered by the minority
group in power. An attempt to collectivize land holdings has been
partially successful, and has led each land owner to fear a forced land
sale to settle old debts against his land. It has been increasingly
difficult for families to get through the winter, because the food sur-
pluses are harder to come by each year. There is no market for
it ~~ SUN DANCE OF NORTHERN UTE—JONES 239
Indian labor off the reservation, and no effort has been made to
create such a market.
Religion has become a rallying point for the Ute during this period.
Peyotism functions as a year-round integrating factor for fullbloods,
and is the principal mechanism to combat disease on the reservation.
The Sun Dance has become a political integrator, and is the dramatic
symbol of the native culture around which a revivalistic movement is
growing.
THE SUN DANCE
INTRODUCTION AND HISTORY OF THE SUN DANCE IN UTE CULTURE
The Sun Dance is generally believed to have been introduced to
the Ute about 1890 by the Wind River Shoshone. The following re-
evaluation of the data is offered as being more complete than exist-
ing reconstructions, and better fitting the sequence of historical events
which led to its introduction.
In 1868 a small party of Ute surprised a war party of Kiowa and
Comanche, and in the ensuing skirmish captured two Sun Dance
dolls which the Kiowa were using as war medicine. Mooney gives
an account of this meeting, but neither identifies the Ute involved
nor gives a consistent account of the ultimate disposal of the dolls.
He states, however, that the Kiowa never got them back (Mooney,
1898, pp. 322-325).
At this time the agent for the Uintah Valley Reservation at White-
rocks, Utah, warned the Commission of Indian Affairs that the Ute
were preparing for a general war. Large numbers of Indians were
gathered in the area (Rhodes, 1867, p. 181). A contemporary news-
paper ran an announcement in 1870 by the Government interpreter
for the Uintah that various bands of Northern Ute, Northern Sho-
shone, and Bannock were assembling 50 miles to the west of Bear
Lake Valley to hold “‘traditionary religious rites’ (Alter, 1932, p.
391). There is no real evidence that any religious rites had ever been
held by any such assemblage previous to this time.
The following hitherto unpublished letter was the source of the
newspaper account.
Heber City, Wasach Co. U. T.
May ? A. D. 1870
Col. J. E. Tourtellotte, Supt. Ind. Affrs. for Utah
Salt Lake City
Sir,
I arrived here yesterday evening. This morning I started on my journey—
Three miles from this place I came upon Tabby’s and Tokona’s lodges,
consisting of thirty-five indians. I asked them when they intended returning
to the Reservation. They informed me that it was impossible for them to
go at present on account of the high waters. Tokona introduced me to
three strange indians who he said live in the vicinity of Fort Bridger. They
240 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
have come to these indians with word for all the indians to meet as soon as
possible in the Bannock Country. An expressman left last night to carry
word to all the indians south. They say that word is being carried to all
the indians, east, south west and north to not fail to come as they intend to
reserect their forefathers and all indians who wish to see them must be there.
I have spent the forenoon endeavoring to dissuade them from going but they
say the White man has nothing to do with this, it is the command of the
Indian God and if they do not go they will sicken and die. Deeming it my
duty to inform you of this movement I have returned to this place in order
to do so. The place selected for the grand meeting is in the vicinity of
Wind River—northwest of Washake’s Reservation.
. . . I suppose my expenses here will be about $5.00 having been detained
unavoidably as Tabby wished I should write to you. He says they have no
evil intentions but religious ceremonies.
Yr. Obdt. Srvt.
M. J. Shelton !
It would appear, of a certainty, that the 1870 Ghost Dance was
known. to the Ute, and perhaps participated in by them, although the
Ute have a real fear of the dead, and the idea of resurrecting their an-
cestors would ordinarily not hold much appeal for them. At least
they were amenable to new ideas insofar as group action for a re-
ligious purpose was concerned, particularly one hostile to the Whites.
Furthermore, the Ghost Dance of 1870 was spreading at that time
from the Northern Paiute around Pyramid Lake to the California
and Oregon tribes.
At this time in California and Oregon, the native cultures of that
region were undergoing a period of stress. Indian life was under-
going progressive disintegration owing to pressures from Whites and
the resultant disruption of their aboriginal economic patterns. The
influx of miners into California during the Gold Rush of 1849 and of
the settlers who followed shortly after was the most important cause
of cultural disintegration in that area (Du Bois, 1939, pp. 1-7).
Comparable to this was the settling of the Mormons in Utah in 1847.
By 1860 the Mormons had expanded from their original settlement
through most of the fertile valleys in western Utah. The Ute had
been displaced in the same fashion that the California tribes had
been, and were suffering from the same sort of economic insecurity,
brought about by the rupture of their aboriginal economic patterns.
It is possible that a Sun Dance was held at the 1870 meeting for the
effect it would have on the assembled Indians. The Shoshone were
familiar with the dance. According to Shimkin (1953) they had held
annual Sun Dances since 1800. The Ute had just captured the Kiowa
Sun Dance dolls from a Kiowa war party, and may have wanted to
utilize their new possession. The Sun Dance itself was a dramatic
1 Manuscript in U. 8. National Archives, Washington, D. C.
Moat) tt «= SUN DANCE OF NORTHERN UTE—JONES 241
affair, well fashioned to whip up war hysteria. This is the sheerest
speculation, however. .
One example of the Sun Dance being used in this way, is the fol-
lowing: In 1870, the Comanche, a Shoshone-speaking Plains tribe,
attended the annual Sun Dance of the Kiowa. With the Kiowa and
the Cheyenne, they discussed the possibility of holding an all-out
war against the Whites. Richardson said of this meeting, “ . . . the
ceremony of the Sun Dance had come to have a social and political
significance to every tribe in the Southern Plains” (Richardson,
1933, pp. 336-337). Three years later, in 1873, the Comanche de-
cided to hold a tribal medicine dance similar to that which they had
witnessed among the Kiowa. The dance was for ‘‘war medicine” and
was followed by an unsuccessful raid against the Whites in southern
Texas (Richardson, 1933, p. 372).
The question is raised, however, why did not the Ute utilize the
Round Dance or the Bear Dance which were ceremonies well inte-
grated in the culture around which to rally against white pressures?
The Ute associated both the Bear Dance and the Round Dance
with a good time. They were primarily social affairs, and attitudes
the Ute held toward them did not correspond with the state of mind
of the Utes in 1870. As Shimkin pointed out:
In the crisis of 1890, tribes with well-integrated Sun Dances such as the Arapaho,
Cheyenne, and Dakota seized upon an alien rite, the Ghost Dance of the much-
despised Paiute, as the agency for crystallizing their anxieties. . . . In all cases,
there appears to be a correlation between the prior close functional integration of
& ceremony and its psychological rejection at a time of overwhelming crisis
[Shimkin, 1953, p. 435].
In 1881, Clark camped with some White River and Uintah on the
Reservation, however, and at that time, he said, they had no Sun
Dance (Clark, 1885, p. 388). Clark was familiar with the Sioux Sun
Dance and expected it to be held as an annual ceremony if it were
present. He describes the Bear Dance as such a ceremony. The
Sun Dance was not held as an annual ceremony, therefore, until 1890,
at which time Lowie (1919, p. 405), Spier (1921, p. 495), and Shimkin
(1953, p. 472) state that it was introduced; so if the Ute took part in
an 1870 Sun Dance, they did not incorporate it into their culture as an
annual affair until 20 years later.
Shimkin stated—
Between 1880 and 1905 the Wind River Shoshone Sun Dance went through a
period of profound change probably induced by the insecurity of early reserva-
tion life . . . (this) new form spread rapidly into the Basin, being adopted by
the Bannock and Ute about 1890.
In 1890, another Ghost Dance came out of Northern Paiute
country, this time sweeping through the Plains. Mooney stated
242 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn 157
that the Northern Ute sent delegates to Wovoka soon after the
first Ghost Dance in January, 1889, and were present at the second
one held soon after (Mooney, 1896, p. 802). There is no evidence
that the Ute spectators at Wovoka’s second dance in 1889 were able
to introduce it to their own people on their return to their own
reservation. Perhaps the Ute recalled the failure of the 1870 Ghost
Dance they seem to have taken part in or at least witnessed. Further-
more the Ute were no longer ready to join in a general war for the ex-
termination of the Whites. Cultural disintegration had gone too far.
A concern for health had become uppermost in the minds of the Ute
by 1890. The Sun Dance was introduced to the Ute from the Wind
River Shoshone in this new cultural setting. The needs of the culture
had changed, and the new ceremony was one which fitted a new need
in the culture. Although the Ute participated in the new Sun Dance
under the leadership of a shaman, the medical practitioner of the
aboriginal culture, such participation was on an individual basis, and
was motivated by the hope of a personally obtained cure for a personal
malady. From 1890 on, the Sun Dance became an annual ceremony,
like the Bear Dance.
An incident occurred in 1895 that put a new value into the dance.
My informants told me that during the sham battle which preceded
the Sun Dance as a regular part of the ritual, a man belonging to the
White River band was accidentally shot and killed by an Un-
compahgre. The Uncompahgre rode to the nearby Indian Agency
headquarters at Whiterocks and asked for protection. Agency
officials there stood guard over him to prevent relatives of the dead
man from seeking revenge. Word was sent to the chief agent of the
reservation, James Randlett, at Fort Duchesne, to send troops to
guard against possible rioting. Randlett himself rode up to the
scene of the trouble and conducted the Indian to jail, with a guard of
16 Negro troopers. The Sun Dance was not held that year. At this
site, the Sun Dance had been held since its reintroduction by the Wind
River Shoshone about 1890.
The next year fearing that agency officials would forbid the
holding of the Sun Dance, the Ute moved the dance site to the flats
near the Farm Creek Mountains by Snake John Spring (sometimes
called John Reid Spring). They held the Sun Dance at this site in
1896, 1897, and 1898. In 1899, they brought the dance back to the
area halfway between the present town of Neola, and the old White-
rocks Agency. Here it was that Kroeber saw the two lodges standing,
and where the Sun Dance has been held yearly ever since. ‘This site
is approximately 5 miles west of the old dance grounds where the
accidental death occurred.
During these 3 years the Sun Dance was held in the mountains,
Matt) ~=©6C SUN DANCE OF NORTHERN UTE—JONES 243
it became something of a symbol of defiance of the Whites. The
first political importance for the Sun Dance was gained, since it had
been held despite the disapproval of the agency officials. Densmore
saw a Ute Sun Dance in 1914, and remarked that it was held that
year against the orders of the agency (Densmore, 1922, p. 79).
When Steward was present in 1932, he believed the ceremony had
become so commercialized that it no longer had any meaning for most
of the spectators, although the participants took it seriously, dancing
for cures for themselves or members of their families. Many of the
people present used the holiday atmosphere as an excuse to become
drunk. No seriousness of purpose was evident among the spectators,
and it appeared to Steward that the whole ceremony would disappear
in a few years (Steward, personal communication). What kept the
Sun Dance alive was probably the realization on the part of the
Indians that the agency would like to have it disappear. The Ute
were dissatisfied enough with their lives, and with White overlordship
which the agency represented, that they would have kept it for this if
for no other reason.
The series of changes in the culture that occurred after the re-
organization of the tribal government in 1937 brought new insecurities
into Ute culture. This has been discussed in the section on Cultural
Background, but for the sake of emphasis, they are listed here.
Economic insecurity which the Ute had learned to live with because
they knew nothing else became even more of a problem. The policies
of the new Tribal Business Committee in regard to land usage deprived
some individuals of their land, and all farmers of their peace of mind.
The social insecurity which was evidenced in the treatment the Indians
had come to expect from the Whites living in the vicinity and from
the agency officials was extended to include mixbloods who were in
control of the Government. Political insecurity was a new frustration
for the Ute. Always before, their spokesmen could be expected to
voice the wishes of the people. The Tribal Business Committee
rarely even asked for opinions, however, preferring to follow the
policies dictated by the agency. This was the cultural setting in
which I found the Ute, and the Sun Dance when I witnessed it in
1948 and 1949.
THE MODERN SUN DANCE
The present Sun Dance as witnessed in 1948 and 1949 still retains
elements that were present when it was introduced. The dance form
changes, however, each time it is given in response to instructions
received by the participants in dreams. Some elements have become
nonfunctional and have died out. Others have been incorporated
into the total pattern so that they appear to be old. The following
P44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 157
description is based on the present dance, but additions and sub-
tractions from the old form of the dance will be noted where they are
known to have occurred.
The dance is initiated during the last day of the Uintah Bear Dance
in the spring when the old chiefs of the tribe gather together and
decide who is to be the leader of the Sun Dance. Several men who
have dreamed that they should lead the dance are interviewed before
this time and their dreams are discussed. Sometimes the leadership
is shared by two or three such men. A date is set coinciding with the
full moon, usually late in July after the ground has been thoroughly
dried out. This is an old practice among the Wind River Shoshone,
according to Clark (1885, p. 361).
Individual dancers may pledge to dance with one or another of the
leaders or may come in on their own, depending on what they have
dreamed. Dancers who dance independently usually have been
dancing a number of years, and there is a feeling of compulsion among
them that continued dancing is necessary in order to keep a cure
originally effected by dancing, or to renew shamanistic power that
tends to disintegrate and become dangerous with too much use. Re-
newal is accomplished by contact with the supernatural during the
Sun Dance.
It falls upon the leader to coordinate all aspects of the Sun Dance.
With his assistants he must organize the work groups, handle the
finances, direct the song practice, and supervise the actual construc-
tion of the lodge. Before the dance, he must instruct the novices
who are pledged to dance under his leadership in the proper actions
and attitudes. If one of the dancers becomes sick while dancing or
faints from exhaustion, he must either provide for the services of a
shaman or, if a shaman himself, take care of the sick man.
It is modern practice to receive money for the feast which follows
the dance and to pay the work groups from funds allocated by the
Tribal Business Committee for that purpose. The money received
from the sale of tickets to White spectators, and from the sale of food
and drink concessions is given away to Indian visitors after the dance
to defray their expenses. The dancers are not paid, but a small sum
of money is set aside to provide watermelon and soda pop for them
after they get through dancing so they can replace lost body water.
The Sun Dance leader and his assistant with a member of the Tribal
Business Committee are in charge of purchases, payments to workers,
and other financial matters.
The dance chief is the first to move to the dance grounds. He picks
the site of the lodge, which must be within the camp circle, clockwise
from the last site. He marks the spot with a small tree and sets his
own camp directly west of it with the doorway to the east. His
MTT TAP SUN DANCE OF NORTHERN UTE—JONES 245
shelter must be either a tipi or a brush house made of poplar branches
leaning against a rectangular framework. Another shelter or shade is
built near his for the dancers. Here the dancers dress before the
dance and here the drums and the buffalo head are kept. If the wind
blows cold at night, song practice may be held inside on the nights
preceding the dance.
Song practice, which is held for 3 weeks in a desultory fashion near
the gambling grounds, becomes very serious after everyone moves to
the dance grounds. For 3 or 4 nights preceding the dance, the Ute
gather around the drum in front of the dance leader’s tent to rehearse.
Individuals who have dreamed songs teach them to the other drum-
mers at this time, and old songs are revived. Since the Ute visit
other tribes at Sun Dance time, songs that have been introduced on
other reservations are also used. At present, many Ute feel that to
have a song sung at the Sun Dance that has been dreamed might
shorten one’s life. The dancers, however, say that they can feel the
power in the dreamed songs, and prefer them to the ones that have
been deliberately composed.
As other people begin to move into the camp grounds, it is the
leader’s duty to see that they are placed within the circle where they
ought to go. Most families return to the same place year after year,
but if there is any doubt about who should occupy a campsite, the
dance leader is appealed to for a decision. The Northern Ute camp
circlé is 300 to 400 yards in diameter, with an opening to the east.
In 1948 and 1949 there were approximately 50 camps around the
circle, with 2 to 10 people per camp. Visiting Indians camped to the
west of the circle.
The morning of the day before the dance, the dance leader borrows
a truck from the agency and takes his work group out into the moun-
tains after the lodge poles. When possible, war veterans are picked
because it is thought that the undertaking is fraught with danger.
The poles are not scouted for or treated as enemies as was the custom
elsewhere in the Plains. The center pole, a cottonwood, is chosen,
prayed over, and cut down. It should be about 12 inches thick at
the base, and be forked 20 feet above the ground. Twelve smaller
poles (5 inches through and 10 feet long) are cut with little ceremony,
and a number of rafters and perimeter poles of pine, chosen for their
straightness, are cut down at the same time. The load is hauled to
within one-half mile east of the dance grounds and dumped.
Formerly, the next morning everyone dressed in aboriginal costume
and the sham battle was held (Lowie, 1919, p. 407). A brave man
shot the center pole with an arrow, which was the signal for an attack
by another group posing as Arapaho or Cheyenne warriors. The
sham battle continued while the center pole was dragged into the
2651915427
IAG BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
camp circle. Ropes attached to the pole were fastened to the saddles
of men on horseback to accomplish this. There was no feeling that
bad luck would strike the camp if the pole touched the ground, and
no ceremonial rests occurred as they did elsewhere on the Plains.
When the skirmishing parties entered the camp circle, the sham battle
turned into a parade. Both men and women rode beside the pole,
and sang. Since the possessions of a dead man are buried with him
or burned, the old costumes no longer exist, and the sham battle has
been discontinued. The people can no longer dress the part.
A substitute for the sham battle which has also died out was the
cowboy raid. The young men used to come riding into the camp
circle from the east at daybreak. They shot their guns into the air,
and lassoed dogs and children who were unwary enough to come
within their range. Linton reports a similar mock raid in his article
on the Comanche Sun Dance (Linton, 1935, p. 424). This was a
clown invasion in which individuals smeared themselves with mud
and chased people and animals all over the camp circle, hitting them
with mud-soaked switches.
No ceremony attends the transporting of the center pole into the
camp circle now. The dance leader merely gathers his work crew,
helps them load all of the poles on a truck, and the load is then driven
to the place previously chosen where the lodge is to be built.
The Northern Ute still believe that digging the hole for the center
pole is a dangerous job. I was assigned the job in 1949, and was
informed that when possible a non-Ute is always asked to dig this
hole. Holes for the 12 side poles, however, may be dug by anyone
willing to do this work. They were correctly placed by measuring
the distance from the center pole to the side poles in the lodge that
had been built the year before, and, using this measurement as a
radius, circumscribing a circle around the center hole.
The side poles themselves are then cut to uniform length, and the
center pole has the butt end flattened and the bark peeled for about
8 feet. Throughout the process of preparing the poles no special
ceremony was observed, and no particular respect was shown to any
of the poles. Red clay was then rubbed into the peeled surface of
the center pole so that it would be cool to the dancers’ touch, and a
blue ring was painted around the pole at the top of the peeled portion.
A bunch of willows was tied in the crotch with a piece of rope, and
three colored flags were tied to the tops of the two forks.
No native symbolism is now attached to either the painted band
or the bundle of willows. One informant stated that the willows
kept the rafters from wedging the forks of the center pole apart,
and thereby splitting it. Hoebel says in his article on the Hek-
andika Shoshone Sun Dance that the flags are for the dance leaders,
oan Par. SUN DANCE OF NORTHERN UTE—JONES 247
one for each leader (Hoebel, 1935, p. 571). Since three men were
associated in the Northern Ute dance as leaders in 1949, and two men
the year before when two flags were used, perhaps this holds true
for the Northern Ute as well. The flags may be a survival from the
Plains practice in which dancers were tethered to the center pole by
strips of rawhide, although torture elements were never accepted by
the Ute. If it is a survival, however, it may have been diffused in
this form from the Wind River Shoshone who did have torture
elements.
When the center pole has been prepared for raising, the work crew
gathers on either side of the pole. Extra workers may be recruited
for this undertaking. In 1949, the dance leader had the Tribal
Policeman stop the gambling that was being conducted near the con-
cessions stand so that the people would come and help. At this time
the pole is on its side so the willows will not be crushed, and has the
butt end pointing east. The workers, including the dance leader,
remove their hats, bow their heads, close their eyes, and to the
rhythm of their clapping hands chant a prayer. At the conclusion of
the prayer they make a feint at lifting the pole. On the third at-
tempt the pole is raised. This is an illustration of how the old
Plains sacred number four has been replaced by the Christian number
three. Guy ropes are tied to the pole to direct its motion, and scis-
sored poles are propped under it from time to time to let the workers
rest. Once the pole is upright, it is oriented so that the crotch
faces east, the forks north and south.
Time is a premium once the center pole is raised. Some workers
put the side poles and rafters up while others gather brush for
screening. A certain order is observed in placing the rafters, with the
east-pointing rafter first, north second, south third, and the others
clockwise, beginning with the one north of the entrance. By the
time the side rafters are up, brush is ready to lean against the side of
the lodge, and the lodge is soon completed. Except for the center
pole, and the east-pointing rafter which has a dozen hawk feathers
tied to it, no decoration is made of any part of the lodge at this
time.
While the lodge is being built, the dancers are presumably resting
and thinking of their coming ordeal. Actually some of the dancers
work on the lodge, and the dance leader must always be present to
supervise its construction. Before the dance begins all of the dancers
must ceremonially wash, and put on the costumes they will wear for
the first night of dancing. Some paint their faces and bodies, and
others do not, depending on the instructions they have received in
their dreams.
Just after sundown, the dancers file out of the shade that was
IAS BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
constructed for their use and approach the rear of the lodge. The
chorus follows the dancers, carrying the large two-headed drum.
The dancers circle the lodge in a clockwise direction, blowing on the
eagle-bone whistles that are suspended by a thong from their necks.
They pass the entrance twice and enter the third time, thereby signi-
fying their intention of staying in the lodge 3 days and 3 nights. The
chorus follows and the crowd of spectators flow in.
Not all the dancers enter the lodge at this time. Those who have
pledged to follow one or another of the leaders come in at this time.
The dancers who have vowed to dance by themselves may come in
any time up to midnight on the first night.
The dancers kneel before the center pole, facing east and chant a
prayer terminated by the blowing of the eagle-bone whistles. As
the dancers continue to kneel, the leader rises and walks to the center
pole, where he prays for a moment in an almost inaudible voice.
When he leaves the pole the dancers rise and take their positions
near the back of the lodge. The leader stands directly under the
east-pointing rafter, but other dancers are free to stand where they
wish. All dancers maintain the same relative positions to the other
dancers throughout the dance.
The fire is then lit by an old shaman who has the job of keeping
it going throughout the night. Its real purpose is to keep the drum
dry. Hoebel reports from the Hekandika Shoshone that any old man
may perform the duty of fire tending (Hoebel, 1935, p. 574), but this
position is an important one among the Northern Ute, and has been
filled for many years by the same man. This man was, according
to Steward, chosen in 1931 to lead the Uintah Bear Dance, and has
continued in that office until the present (Steward, 1932, p. 264).
After the fire is lit, the chorus begins a song to the accompaniment
of the drum. During the third song, the leader takes a short run
toward the center pole and then hops slowly back, tooting his eagle-
bone whistle. With the fourth song other dancers venture forth and
dance up and back several times during each song until the crowd
thins out. Then, one by one, the dancers go to sleep for the night,
but the chorus continues to sing and drum until daybreak.
The next morning shortly before sunup, the dancers rise and warm
themselves at the fire. Accompanied by guards, they drift out in
twos and threes to an area not far from the lodge which they have
for a latrine. A fire is kept burning there for their use by the same
man who tends the fire in the lodge. I was interested to notice that
these trips out were no less frequent toward the end of the dance than
at the beginning in spite of the rigid restrictions on food and water.
A few minutes before the sun actually rises, the dancers shed their
blankets and line up to the left and right of the center pole facing
Nout SUN DANCE OF NORTHERN UTE—JONES 249
east. The chorus begins a sunrise song with more spirit than it has
shown for hours. As the first rays hit the dancers, they lift their
arms, and point them toward the sun, while blowing on their eagle-
bone whistles. After a minute or two of this, they begin patting
their bodies, washing in the sun’s rays, and the spectators join in.
The dancers break formation when the song ends and, robed in
their blankets, take seats around the fire. Each man holds a hand-
ful of earth from the foot of the center pole. A shaman sings a solo
prayer and terminates it by blowing on his eagle-bone whistle. Then
four songs are sung by all the dancers in unison, each ended in the
same fashion. After the last song, the dancers pat their bodies with
the earth from the foot of the center pole. The shaman then stands,
goes to the pole, faces east with his back to the pole and prays in a
low voice. When he finishes, the dancers go back to bed, and the
chorus goes out for breakfast. In 1949, the shaman who led the
prayers was not the dance leader, but a friend of his who had offered
to dance with him.
In the period between the morning prayer and the start of the day’s
intermission, the buffalo head is hung from the center pole facing the
dancers, and stalls are built so the dancers can have some privacy.
The buffalo head used today is one stuffed by a taxidermist and is
mounted on a board. It is the possession of the old shaman who
tends the fire. Railings are set up to separate the dancers from the
spectators and the chorus, and a strip of canvas is stretched around
the back of the dancers’ side of the lodge to protect them from the
wind.
The dance follows this pattern until the third day when the dance
leader announces he has dreamed it should end at such and such a
time. The only important additions to the lodge are the Sun Dance
doll, which is added in the intermission period on the second day,
and, during the intermission on the third day, paths are dug in the
ground for the dancers to dance in.
The dancers are expected to change costumes and paint during the
intermission and generally ready themselves for the day’s dance.
Today, the costume consists of a Spanish shawl wrapped around the
waist and held up by a beaded belt. A beaded pendant may be
worn suspended from the neck, and white eagle plumes are attached
to both little fingers. One dancer in 1949 wore a wig with two long,
black braids. Old men are privileged to wear socks on their feet if
they so desire, but everyone else must be barefoot.
The dance leader may ask the audience to cooperate in fulfilling
a dream he has had that adds a new element to the dance. One I
observed was reminiscent of an old Ghost Dance practice. The
leader asked the women who were seated around the male chorus at
250 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
the drum and who sang and shook branches to the drumbeat to
shake out their shawls before leaving the dance lodge. Some women
refused to comply with his request, but they were in the minority.
It has been mentioned that there are rigid restrictions on eating
and drinking for the dancers. These are enforced by a group of
special deputies appointed to guard the dancers. Spectators are
forbidden to eat or drink in sight of the dancers in order to keep
temptation from their minds. The dancers may smoke, however,
and a calumet pipe was passed from dancer to dancer whenever the
owner felt like ighting it up. The dancers are permitted to smoke
manufactured cigarettes if they desire, and one dancer informed me
that a definite preference is shown toward mentholated cigarettes.
During the third day’s dancing the audience is very attentive.
The dancers are expected to faint during the third day if they are
going to, and this is good luck for everyone in the lodge. If this
happens, the unconscious man is carried to his cubicle and left alone
to recover consciousness when his visionary experience is over. It is
traditional for such people to have dreams in which they drink large
quantities of cool water. To the eye they appear refreshed when
they begin to dance again.
A description was obtained of such a vision from one man. He
said the buffalo head grew larger and larger and looked as though it
were about to charge. Its eyes were fiery. Just before the animal
charged, the man passed out. While unconscious he dreamed of
walking to a stream east of the lodge, and of playing in the water.
He said when he awoke he was no longer thirsty.
Curing of dancers and spectators is carried on by shamans during
the last day. ‘These shamans may be either dancers or old men among
the spectators. Each will have with him a bundle of grass or an eagle-
feather fan. If the sick person is not a dancer, he or she must remove
his shoes before stepping into the sacred area of the lodge. The
shaman prays silently over the person, bothing facing east, while
the dancers dance with renewed vigor. Then the shaman brushes
the patient’s body from head to toe on all four sides and shakes the
fan into the air to disperse the evil. This is repeated several times.
If the shaman is a dancer he will blow on his eagle-bone whistle while
performing the cure. The treatment is terminated by the shaman’s
sprinkling earth from the foot of the center pole over the sick person.
The dance ends suddenly and anticlimactically. At an appointed
time the dancers just stop dancing and the chorus members leave
their seats around the drum. The spectators wander outside the
lodge and gather for the give-away which follows the dance. All
Indian visitors sit in a line outside the lodge facing west, and several
of the old Ute chiefs welcome them by shaking hands and saying a
Nod) )~6 SUN DANCE OF NORTHERN UTE—JONES 251
word to each. The presents, contributed by the dancers’ families,
are piled on a blanket in front of the Sun Dance pole and distributed
to the guests. All the money from the sale of tickets to Whites is
also given to the visitors at this time.
Meanwhile, the dancers change into their ordinary clothes, feast
on watermelon, and when they have had enough they go to their
camps. Aftereffects wear off with a good meal and a'full night’s
sleep except for their feet, which remain tender for some time.
Special circumstances occurred during the Sun Dance of 1949,
which should be reported. During the dance a violent wind arose,
shaking the dance lodge. The branches laid against the lodge frame
as a windbreak were blown off, and the whole lodge was pushed awry
by the force of the wind. ‘The center pole leaned to one side and pulled
the side poles so that they threatened to come loose from the rafters
they supported. The spectators ran to their camps for shelter from
the wind and rain, only to find their own shades in the process of
collapse. A halt was called to the dance while repairs were effected.
An old dance lodge was torn up for braces and the sacred area west
of the center pole was entered without protest from the dancers by
spectators who sought to brace the side poles. A truck was backed
into the lodge to push the center pole erect, during which time, the
buffalo head was removed and set on the ground. After the lodge
was rebuilt, the dance continued. Some of the spectators thought the
lodge should be completely torn down and rebuilt. They maintained
that the interruption was a sign that something had been done wrong,
perhaps a dancer had broken his fast. The decision rested with the
dance leader who said the dance should be finished, but there was
much dissatisfaction among the old people.
The day after the dance a feast was held for all of the Ute and
any of the Indian guests who cared to come. I was informed that
the Ute had never used buffalo tongues for this feast although they
knew the custom once existed among the Wind River Shoshone.
They pointed out that the buffalo had disappeared from the Uintah
Basin before the Sun Dance came in. Boiled beef is the main food
item at the feast, but most families add their own bread and coffee
to round out the meal. When the feast is over the camp breaks up
and everyone goes home.
There is a rationalization of the Sun Dance into Christian sym-
bolism. The individual Northern Ute may or may not believe in a
Christian God, depending on his age, his degree of Indian blood, his
economic position, and his experience. Most of them, however,
agree that the Sun Dance is held in honor of the Christian God and
know the Christian symbolism. The lodge itself is referred to as the
House of God or the Indian Church. The center pole becomes the
252 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
crucifix and the bundle of willows the body of Christ. The twelve side
poles represent the Twelve Disciples and the sun is equated with the
Christian God. The dancers walk around the lodge before entering,
as “Christ walked around Jerusalem,” and the three-night dance
represents the ‘three nights that Christ was on the cross.’”’ The
morning prayer becomes a prayer to the Christian God, and the
hawk feathers on the east-pointing rafter become a guardian angel
that looks after the dancers.
The social function of the Sun Dance has grown so that it has become
more important than the Bear Dance as a social gathering. Visitors
from neighboring reservations and the Ute themselves gather together
to talk, watch the dance, gamble, and make friends. The practice of
capturing a girl at night by drawing her into the folds of a blanket is
a favorite with the young men. Flirtations have a chance to grow
into serious attachments since about 10 days is given over to the
Sun Dance. During the day, circumspect behavior is the rule, but
at night, young people wander around in twos and threes seeking
contacts.
NATIVISTIC ELEMENTS IN THE SUN DANCE
In 1946, on the Wind River Reservation at Fort Washakie, Wyo.,
a Sun Dance was held in honor of the returning soldiers. My in-
formants told me that in 1947 the idea of a Victory Dance caught on
at Fort Hall, Idaho, and at Whiterocks. During 1947, 1948, and 1949,
two Sun Dances were held each summer on all three reservations.
The only difference in form from the regular Sun Dance is that an
American flag is raised each morning and lowered each evening during
the Victory Dance, while no ceremony of this sort occurs in the regular
Sun Dance.
Participants in the Victory Dance must be fullbloods. The dancers
are mostly young men, and some are war veterans. The attitudes
present in the spectators is about the same, however, except everyone
realizes that this is a reaction among the young fullbloods against the
existing state of affairs. A feeling exists among the spectators that
the Sun Dance is the perfect time for political action. Petitions are
passed around among the fullbloods requesting that mixbloods be
cut from the census roles, that the agent resign, that the Tribal
Business Committee be recalled, that the Constitution and Charter
of the Northern Ute be revoked.
Because I was a complete outsider, and might have outside influence,
and because I was believed sympathetic, I was allowed to be present
at some of the meetings that were held during the Sun Dance in 1949.
Fullblood members of other tribes, Navajo, Southern Ute, Wind
River Shoshone, and Bannock were present. I was told that similar
iT) ~~ SUN DANCE OF NORTHERN UTE—JONES 253
meetings were held when visitors came to Fort Hall, or Fort Washakie,
to attend the Sun Dances there.
Linton observed, ‘‘We may define a nativistic movement as any
conscious, organized attempt on the part of a society’s members to
revive or perpetuate selected aspects of culture” (Linton, 1943, p. 230).
In terms of this definition, the Ute wish to revive the old political
organization with their old chiefs as spokesmen for the people. They
wish the Government to return to the practice of issuing rations so
greater economic security may be obtained. They wish to remain
individualists, and to participate or not as they see proper in coop-
erative schemes for land usage. They wish to control the spending of
their own money in a manner satisfying to their personal desires rather
than leaving it under agency control as it is now. They wish to
disinherit the mixbloods who identify themselves with White culture and
White attitudes, and who consider the fullbloods as an inferior group.
Most of all, they want an end put to the dictatorial powers or the
agent who interferes too much and too often in their lives.
These are the problems which the fullbloods talk about. They
discuss ways and means of acting on these problems, and a growing
feeling of unity is coming out of these discussions. In the peyote
meetings during the rest of the year, these same matters are talked
over in smaller, more intimate groups. The only instance to date
where results have come from direct action by these discussant groups
is the recall of one of the Tribal Business Committeemen for incom-
petency. This committeeman was elected to office on the strength
of his success as a Sun Dance leader. He is a mixblood, and the
fullbloods say of him that he used the Sun Dance to gain popularity
so that he might be elected to fill a political office.
The actual Sun Dance ceremony is still taken very seriously by
those who identify themselves with Indian culture. Individuals
seek individual cures, and believe that they may achieve them by
dancing and by faithfully observing the rules. In providing an
answer to sickness, the most acute manifestation of insecurity, the
Sun Dance is held in a reverent attitude by all of the people. Asa
symbol of the native culture, and as the rallying point for resistance
to the overbearing White culture, the Sun Dance has an emotional
value that is very strong in Northern Ute life.
It is interesting to see that the Sun Dance is spreading. Voget
(1950, pp. 53-63) said the Crow recently adopted the Wind River
Shoshone version of the Sun Dance after having lost their own version
when the war complex died out in Crow culture. I was informed
by an old Ute chief that requests were forwarded by mail for a dance
leader to be sent to the Fish Lake Valley Paiute to direct a dance in
1950. Not all such efforts to transplant the dance have been success-
254 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 157
ful, however. Steward mentions that the Sun Dance was introduced
to the Shoshone at Elko, Nev., in 1935, but the people there did not
accept it; it was too hard (Steward, 1941, p. 266). One wonders
what conditions at Elko are like now, and whether the dance would
be acceptable under the present conditions or not. This phenomenon
of growth will determine whether the Sun Dance will be the vehicle
vo carry the nativistic movement arising on the Ute, Fort Hall Sho-
shone, and Wind River Shoshone Reservations throughout the Great
Basin, or if something less dramatic, like peyotism, will be adopted for
this function.
CONCLUSIONS
In the pre-White contact period, the social organization of the
Northern Ute was changing. The introduction of the horse allowed
larger groups to live together, in cooperation for the food quest.
The horse gave the Utes an opportunity to range more widely than
was possible for individuals, or family groups, and permitted a surplus
of food to be available at all times in the horses themselves. Horses
were eaten when other food was unobtainable. Rifles made for more
efficient hunting, and led to competition for choice hunting grounds as
the game became scarce. Families were attracted to leaders with
reputations as successful hunters, and war leaders and horse bands
began to crystallize. At this time religion was oriented toward
curing. The Bear Dance and Round Dance were both social and cur-
ing ceremonies. Participation was individual, although these cere-
monies might be said to be embryonic collective performances.
The Mormon settlers arrived on the scene at this time and inau-
gurated the White contact and the reservation period. The Ute
had had contact with White traders and fur trappers for over 10 years
before this but without the pressures a large farming population
brings. The settlers took the fertile river valleys for their farms where
the Ute had once hunted deer and antelope. The Ute were pushed
into refuge areas to the south and east and eventually were forced
to beg or steal food from the settlers to supplement their diminished
diet. Both Walker and Black Hawk led their bands in raiding the
White settlements and immigrant wagon trains, and for a short time
substituted these raiding activities for hunting. Eventually, however,
all the Ute were pushed onto reservations where they were dependent
on rations from the Government to survive.
The Ute were restless under the restrictions of reservation life, and
from time to time threatened to resort to war to push the settlers
from their old hunting grounds. This was especially marked in the
1870’s when communication routes were very crude, and the Govern-
ment rations did not always arrive when scheduled.
No 47) )d SUN DANCE OF NORTHERN UTE—JONES 255
The general war did not materialize, however, and the Sun Dance
was introduced. With settled habitation, came epidemics of smallpox
and venereal disease that were beyond the power of the shaman to
cure with the simple remedies he controlled. The Sun Dance was a
new and dramatic ceremony that demanded more of the participants
than had the Bear Dance or Round Dance. Although under the
control of a shamanistic leader, participation in the ceremony was
still on an individual level, and was the effort of an individual to
obtain a personal cure for some malady. By 1890, the Sun Dance was
an annual affair held as a curing ceremonial enabling dancers to
obtain supernatural power to cure by being cured in this fashion
themselves. Christian elements were incorporated into the dance
either through the proselytizing of the Wind River Shoshone around
1890, or later through the peyote church about 1906.
An apathy stole over the Ute from 1900 on. Dr. Steward reported
that the Sun Dance had become a commercialized tourist attraction
by 1932, but still retained its curing function. The nativistic feature
which marks the Sun Dance today was not in evidence at that time.
With the reorganization of the tribal government, under the provisions
of the Wheeler-Howard Act, however, a change took place. A
historically oriented sketch of Government policy is imperative to
the understanding of the effect that the 1937 reorganization had
upon the Ute.
Government policy toward the Ute has never been consistent.
Up until 1868, the Government had no positive policy except that of
trying to keep the Indians from raiding the White settlers. From
1868 to 1887, the Ute agents, one by one, tried to turn the Indians
into communal farmers. This effort met with a notable lack of suc-
cess. In 1887, the General Allotment Act was passed, which broke
up the reservations and gave a portion of land to each adult Indian,
to be worked individually. By 1905 the Indians were all settled on
their allotments, and the unallotted land on the reservation was
thrown open to White entry. In protest against this act, 600 Indians
left the reservation and traveled east. They were rounded up in
Wyoming and settled in South Dakota on the Pine Ridge Sioux
Reservation until they had eaten all their cattle and asked to be
taken home.
Until 1937 this policy of forcing the Indians to live on their allot-
ments was continued. At that time, however, a new philosophy of
collectivism was introduced with the adoption of the charter and
constitution written for the Ute by the Indian Office. The Ute were
still too individualistic to handle such a system of government, how-
ever, and the political control of the tribe fell into the hands of the
educated minority who proceeded to take personal advantage of their
256 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buy. 157
position. In turn for well-paying jobs provided them by the newly
adopted constitution, this minority attempted to carry out the orders
of the agent in rebuilding the economic system of the tribe. Long-
standing debts against individual allotments for clearing and improving
the land were settled by foreclosure, and the individual’s lot became
hard indeed.
This is surely an indictment against Government policy toward
the Indians. The high ideals of the Indian Office were not realized
in the application of them, and the emphasis on native values was
unrealistically placed. Individualism is perhaps the value most
emphasized in Ute culture, but this was ignored in favor of an over-
all collectivism which Collier believed was basic to Indian culture
everywhere.
For the individual Ute today, the Sun Dance offers the only real
means of obtaining recognition from the group. LExhibitionism is a
prominent feature of the dance, and the individual who channels
his exhibitionist tendencies into culturally acceptable ways is re-
warded by the culture. The individual who has visionary experiences
and becomes a shaman as a result of Sun Dancing acquires prestige.
This prestige may be formally recognized by appointment to political
committees as an important man, or election to political office as a
representative of the people. Most often, however, rewards are to
be found in increased prestige only, without the formal recognition.
The Sun Dance has become the binding factor for all of the North-
ern Ute who have remained culturally Indian. Those who have be-
come oriented toward White values do not partake. It is the symbol
of the native culture which has practically disappeared and all of the
frustrations inherent in an acculturation situation are expressed
through it. At the same time it has integrated this nativistic preoc-
cupation with the value system in White culture. Christian sym-
bolism has been attributed to various elements of the dance form,
and the ceremony itself is held in honor of a Christian God.
The nativistic rejuvenation that exists at this time is pointed out
by champions of Indian Agency policy as indicative of the successful
guiding of Indian acculturation. That a feeling of unity among In-
dians exists, and is a growing phenomenon, cannot be denied, and
that the Wheeler-Howard Act as administered by the Indian Serv-
ice is the cause seems incontrovertible. However, on close analysis
it appears that this is a reaction against this policy rather than a
positive result of it. The fullbloods feel that they have been betrayed
to the Whites by their usually better educated mixblood tribe mem-
bers, who have become their official spokesmen under this program.
I have stated elsewhere in this paper that revivalistic nativism has
grown out of the social, economic, and political insecurities that beset
AnTHROP. PAP. SUN DANCE OF NORTHERN UTE—JONES 257
the Ute. The lack of quantitative data in substantiation of this
statement is unfortunate, but unavoidable. Quantitative data is not
available, because it has not been compiled. In place of it I have
been forced to rely on the statements of informants as to the nature
of interracial contacts, of agency policies, and of economic condi-
tions. If these statements may be considered as typical, then no
doubt can be held as to the presence of insecurity. The insecurity
must be measured, furthermore, in terms of individual behavior,
rather than empirically by psychological tests. This makes evalua-
tion for comparative purposes with similar studies difficult. Until
psychological tests are given and more complete statistics are made
available on economic conditions, we must rely upon the testimony
of informants and observers.
I have tried to show in this paper that the Sun Dance was adopted
to fit a cultural need, and that it changed its role in the culture as the
culture’s needs changed. Cause here may be figured in terms of a
changing subsistence economy which resulted in economic insecurity.
The horse, the rifle, and the White settlers all contributed to making
the natural food supply scarce, and forcing the Indians eventually to
depend on the generosity of the Government for support. This led
to social insecurity, as evidenced by the racial prejudices which have
grown up owing to this inferiority of their society in terms of com-
petition. The political insecurity which has grown out of the appli-
cation of the Wheeler-Howard Act has increased other insecurities.
It may be said that revivalistic-nativistic movements are attempts
to recapture a culture through a supernatural medium after realistic,
direct methods of retaining that culture have failed. Insecurities for
the Ute existing in their aboriginal state due to the inhospitable envi-
ronment were combated by supernatural means. It is suggestive,
however, that where nativistic movements arise will be found eco-
nomic and social and political insecurity among the participant
people. Such situations occur only when two patterns of culture
are in conflict. One sign of stress is the turning of aggressive feelings
inward upon members of the culture when the dominant culture is
strong enough to frustrate aggressive acts toward itself. A rising
incidence of witchcraft among the Navaho (Kluckhohn, 1944) and
Zuni (Adair, personal communication) is an example.
Outside of actual rebellion, the only aggression possible for mem-
bers of a submissive culture to show is a sullen, negativistic, non-
cooperation with administrative officials of the dominant culture.
The Ute are in this stage, and, except for their paltry number, would
be considered dangerous to the dominant society if their attitude
were more widely shared. Among African Negroes, this stage is
common and is giving much concern to the colonizing powers.
258 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
It is obvious that if nativistic movements are a reaction against a
dominant culture by a suppressed one that the question of ultimate
values must be weighed carefully. The technical superiorities in
agriculture and medicine, for example, of Western European society
may well be refused acceptance by peoples who hate the exploitation
which must be accepted with them. This is obviously unfortunate.
However, where nativistic movements arise, be they in the guise of
cultural revivalism, messianic movements, or incipient nationalism,
these problems also arise, and must be solved for the good of all con-
cerned. The general question of nativistic movements is beyond the
scope of this paper, but further research in this field should be im-
mensely rewarding.
In conelusion, the Sun Dance of the Northern Ute should be his-
torically oriented to the Sun Dance of the Plains. Shimkin has made
the latest historical reconstruction of the Plains Sun Dance.
Shimkin postulates:
. . . great elaboration of the original ritual appears to have developed in at least
three centers: the Arapaho-Cheyenne, the Blackfoot and the Dakota. The first
center, possibly affected by eastern and southern influences, may have contributed
the concept of a vow as a basis of the Sun Dance, a complex mythology and sym-
bolism; fraternity control of the ceremony, with adoption and wife exchange; as
well as other details such as the sunrise ceremony. In the second center might
have grown a great enrichment of ties with the buffalo—especially the tongue
ritual; elaboration of outlets for war prestige and wealth through ostentatious
property disposal; and lesser items such as plumes suspended from the dancers’
little fingers. Spier has demonstrated the likelihood of a Dakota origin for the
torture elements. [Shimkin, 1953, p. 407.]
This leaves unsettled what the functional role of the Sun Dance
was in these Plains tribes. It is not within the scope of this paper to
discover the role for each tribe in which it was a cultural institution;
to do so would necessitate a number of studies paralleling the one
just completed for the Ute. However, we may point to Spier’s
words in his Sun Dance monograph fora clue. Spier says in sketching
a generalized Plains Sun Dance, ‘“The performance of the ceremony
coincides very nearly with the summer buffalo hunt, on which occasion
the entire tribe come together from their separate winter quarters
and camps in a great circle” (Spier, 1921, p. 461). Here the primary
function appears to be the reinforcement of the ties which held the
group together. After spending the winter in small bands, it is con-
ceivable that the larger group, or the tribe, needed an institution
designed to induce a feeling of unity in its members. The attitudes
necessary for group cooperation would have to be fostered. The
Plains Sun Dance is a tribal ceremony, with functionaries drawn
from the public at large. Among some tribes, as the Cheyenne,
Oglala, and Kiowa, the attendance of every able-bodied adult in the
Nod) |) SUN DANCE OF NORTHERN UTE—JONES 259
tribe was compulsory (Spier, 1921, p. 459). Quarreling was forbidden,
and the military societies strictly enforced the peaceful conduct of
all members of the group to insure the proper atmosphere for the
dance.
The feeling is present among the Northern Ute that everyone who
attends the Sun Dance will benefit from being present, and the dance
is a definite force for integration since it is held for the public good.
The conditions operative today in Ute culture cannot be compared
with conditions operative among the Plains Indians at the height of
their cultural florescence, however, and the roles played by the Sun
Dance among the Northern Ute are understandably different from
those of one hundred years ago among the Plains Indians.
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1849. [Communication in] Rep. Comm. Ind. Affairs for 1849, Cong. Doe. Ser.
No. 550, pp. 1002-1004.
WISSLER, CLARK.
1914. Influence of the horse in Plains culture. Amer. Anthrop., n. s., vol.
16, pp. 1-25.
WRIGHT, CouLsEN and GENEVA.
1948. Indian- White relationsin the Uintah Basin. Utah Humanities Review,
vol. 2, No. 4, pp. 319-346.
Younc, BricHam.
1852. [Communication in] Rep. Comm. Ind. Affairs for 1852, Cong. Doc. Ser.
No. 658, pp. 487-439.
1856. [Communication in] Rep. Comm. Ind. Affairs for 1856, Cong. Doe. Ser.
No. 875, pp. 775-779.
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SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
Bureau of American Ethnology
Bulletin 157
Anthropological Papers, No. 48
Some Manifestations of Water in Mesoamerican Art
By ROBERT L. RANDS
265
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CONTENTS
PAGE
Imntroduction.~~=--*=-<2-2+-e- eee te ee teeter eee 201
The better established occurrences of water_____________-_-_---_-------- 273
Types of associations .cu+ =~ 2 ates ee SS Se _e POOL. sd AND 273
‘The-Mays. eeditess sei 26eeet ee S e Pole e E 277
theyMexicanicodices2is.~ 4 ee ee ee ee DI 280
Aztec and Teotihuacdn murals, sculptures, and ceramics_._--------- 285
Bumimery 22242. oo Ov, STO Tiree . evita) 2. eles 291
The proposedtidentifications of water_....=.......-----==------.--.--- 292
Artistic approach to the identifi¢ations.............-..2.-.-------- 292
Non-Maya murals, sculptures, and ceramics_____-_-__------------- 293
Maya murals, sculptures, and ceramics___-_-.-_------------------ 298
General considerationssii.) ebeest Lh oO Away wabet Sh died 298
Highestprobahility v€A)L: aryielnne soict 4.4. 200. yobel) ealt 302
Probability B: paraphernalia and secondary associations_..--_-_-_ 315
Probability B: fang, tongue, or water (?)_..---.-------------- 320
Artistic typology and miscellany______.__._____--------------- 322
Water and. the water lily... 5. -- 108-2 et) Re shaw? gd) 330
WonclisiGnse sem sete ewe rene ot Se he eee ee a 333
Appendix A. Nonartistic data and current reconstructions__-_-_--_------- 342
Direct water associations: physiological data__..._._._..._..-__------ 342
Water drom container. 2c. 29 ois spere tS ee See te ao poe? 344
Water trommMImolutheste so fos e a8 a ae eae ee ee ee ee 348
Water from.eyes.-c > 4 e — 08 bate bE Hh = OE ed Oe tt Pes 348
Witter EOIN aTOH Sb. = 2) met a tt ak Ie al 350
Water from between lese-=s200. 25a) eae ee a 350
Water from body, (pores Ta. t. tach = at SE SE — eee PE eee eee 350
Weaterifrom hand: vs.) 6.83520) Pat hOB es ee te 352
Water. from.other object. held. inshand.. es ¢ -» s. . ee 354
Waterlike design,from,bead..._..- 2s. — - 2. 4 ga2.0% - eb ant eEN 22D 355
Glyph in water: a5 ta i he OE 9 355
Obieetdan wateres rs 8 0 ee ed 359
TAL OG 2 2 ee Sie ee ON Pi ee rs ae 359
Anthropomorphic Long-nosed God____-__------------------------ 359
Femaleswater deityjc222 =< on 4. es oe Se ee 359
Blacks pod, (Vi, BS) eee ct 8s ees Sid a BA nS a ey en 360
Miscellaneous anthropomorphic figures_________------------------ 360
1 Ot ee a SE OE He See ey eer ter. «Ge, 2 ee AS met Qe Oe ee 360
Se) | 1 1) Oe ehe: ae = Oe ae nN ere nee Sayeneey Se en RG: cer Se r= tae 361
RUIN? (OCCLO ES rete A ae IT Ae POR a ON BE a cette 361
| | ER Bed Dice GEA, IN SO IG 2h oP Eas Cpe a oY UR aaa ea a 363
Miscellaneous animal: oes Bk Base A ie ee aes 363
Serpentiné-saurian monster... - 2. 0h 3 = 3 = es 364
Detached, rear head of manster... -. +. ~~: -...- 44 2. -- Sse ie 364
Other crotesane neat. 1960-2. 2-625 A ts eee eee 365
268 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buu. 157
Appendix A. Nonartistic data and current reconstructions—Con. PAGE
Death, mistorfune, destruction... 22.22 2= = S255 See eee 365
Water descending on surface water_....=2..+ 252.222 2 ee 365
Water descending on fittros =.= 5.222 Stes a a ee 366
Phe: benaing-over rammaker <2. 00 2. Sooo Sec ee eee ee 366
The'sky monster and its atidligtes: Af)... 222.225. s22s2ceecen 366
Balanced waterand, vecetations= ~ a2 5. see oe ee ee ee 367
SUMMARY. oe ae ee a Ni oe ea Oe 367
Appendix B. Identifications of subject matter in Mesoamerican art-_---_-- 369
Appendix C. Notes on the tables.2_..........~.-.-- sesitinlene: be aoe 374
fgipendix D. Notes on figure 16_..>...-.-...._ =... wastes sere et oe 384
iiterature cited...) obo oo ee ethene sien ee 386
ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATES
FOLLOWING PAGE
Ye: Dresden Codex, page: 74... 2... IU AI99 208 .2eU lees Si 394
73. a, Madrid Codex, page 30. 06, Borgian Codex, page 28______--_---- 394
74. a, Rios Codex, page 4. b, Aztec sculpture (Entry 1). c, Tres Zapotes,
Monumenti@: (intiy (21) ain Jae Bi bear er ee eee 394
75. a, Izapa, Stela 1 (Entry 16). 6, Yaxchilan, Lintel 25 (Entry 55)..-. 394
76. a, Quintana Roo (Entry 62). 6, c, Copdn, Temple 22 (Entry 29). d,
¢, Copan, Temple 26.(Entry 30). <. e SU e 394
TEXT FIGURES
PAGE
14. a, Laud 1. 6b, Mural scene at Tepantitla, Teotihuacdn (Entry 4). c,
ba 2 GA Se ell No Rad ntl cat aly py tp Ro a pipet ti Marng tak Ms 284
15. a-c, La Ceiba (Entry 60). d, Monte Albdn, Stela 11 (Entry 19). e,
Chama Cintry 58) 2 ott ene cn een ohn = + on = 0 on BOOTS AS Pe 294
16: Interrelationship of representations.-~~ ~~ ee. t St Le Se ee 300
17. a, Palenque, House E (Entry 34, front head). a’, same, rear head.,
Piedras Negras, Stela 6, (Entry 40, front head). 6’, same, rear head,
c, Piedras Negras, Stela 14 (Entry 42, front head). d, Piedras Negras,
Stela 11 (Entry 41, front head). d’, same, rear head________----- 304
18. a,b, Palenque, Temple of the Cross (Entry 35). c, Palenque, Temple of
the Sun (Entry 36). d, Yaxchilan, Stela 3 (Entry 51). e, Living-
stone (reported provenience) (Entry 61)_____-__-_--_----------- 307
19. a, Yaxchilan, Stela 4 (Entry 52). 6, Yaxchilan, Stela 7 (Entry 54). c,
Yaxchilan, Stela 6 (Entry 53). d, Ulua Valley (Entry 65). e,
Palenque, Temple of the Foliated Cross (Entry 37). jf, Yaxchilan,
Stela 1 (Entry 50). g, Copan, Stela D (Entry 26). h, Tikal, Temple
EV); -Copan; Stela a -(@intry 22 cee cette tee ee 308
20. a, Quirigua, Stela A (Entry 43). b, Quirigua, Stela C (Entry 44).
c, Quirigua, Stela H (Entry 45). d, Finca Encanto (Entry 31). e,
Valloch-Gintry 60) = = =~ +e es ce re eee eee eee 310
21. a, Quirigua, Zoomorph P (Entry 46b). b, Quirigua, Zoomorph P (Entry
46¢);> -e-Chamar(lintry 57) <-.22 vane eases eee eee 311
22. Quirigua, Zoomorph P. a, Entry 46d. 6, Entry 46e. c, Entry 46f-. 313
NO4s])’ WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 269
PAGE
23. a, Palenque, House D. 6, Palenque, Temple of the Sun (Entry 36). c,
Nexapa (Entry 63). d, Tikal, Temple IV (Entry 48). e, Chama
(Entry 59). jf, Quirigua, Zoomorph P (Entry 46a). g, Quirigua,
Mppmoanpyne ke Chul tO et oe ee ee em ae ee 317
SOURCES OF ILLUSTRATIONS*
Figure 14. b, after Caso, 1942.
Figure 15. d, after Caso, 1928. e, after Dieseldorff.
Figure 17. a, a’, after Maudslay. 6-d’, after Spinden, 1917.
Figure 18. a-c, after Maudslay. d, after Spinden, 1913. e, after Seler, 1902-
Zon
FiaureE 19. b, after Spinden, 1913. e, g-i, after Maudslay. f, after Pro-
skouriakoff.
Ficure 20. c, after Spinden, 1913. e, after Gordon and Mason.
FIGuReE 21. a, b, after Maudslay.
FiaureE 22. a-—c, after Maudslay.
Figure 23. a, f, g, after Maudslay. 6, after Waldeck (in Maudslay). c, after
Spinden, 1928 a.
PuaTE 76. b, d, e, courtesy Carnegie Institution of Washington.
*Date of publication is omitted if only one work by an author appears in Literature Cited.
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SOME MANIFESTATIONS OF WATER IN
MESOAMERICAN ART?!
By Roserrt L. Ranps
INTRODUCTION
The aboriginal art of Mesoamerica was varied and rich in its por-
trayal of water. Closely related were the agricultural base of civili-
zation and the generally heavy rainfall—necessary for the growth of
crops, though at times too heavy—which played an important part
in influencing the art. In view of the Mesoamerican practice of
personifying natural forces it is not surprising that supernatural
beings should repeatedly be delineated in the act of producing rain-
water.
A great deal of scholarship has been directed toward the elucidation
of certain Mesoamerican art motifs and religious concepts pertaining
to rainfall. Commentators on the codices such as Seler (1902-23),
Schellhas (1904), Férstemann (1906), and Tozzer and Allen (1910)
have been particularly active in this, while Thompson (1950, 1951)
has made the Maya hieroglyphs the primary focus of his detailed in-
vestigations of water symbolism. The present study can hope to
contribute little toward a better understanding of aquatic motifs in
the codices. Rather, conclusions which have been drawn from past
studies of the codices form a springboard from which to attack the
problems set forth in the present paper.
Broadly speaking, the aim of the present investigation is to extend
the identification of falling water to certain motifs in the sculptural
and ceramic art of Mesoamerica. Working from the known to the
unknown, the commonly accepted depictions of water in the codices
and, more rarely, murals, are made the basis for the identifications.
When appearing to be applicable, modern folk tales and religious
1 The writer wishes to express his appreciation for the advice, criticism, and encouragement given by
numerous individuals: Tatiana Proskouriakoff and J, Eric S. Thompson, of the Department of Archaeol-
ogy, Carnegie Institution of Washington; Ralph L. Roys, affiliate of the same Institution; Dr. Linton
Satterthwaite, Jr., the University Museum, University of Pennsy!vania; Dr. Gordon R. Willey, Peabody
Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University; and Dr. Matthew W. Stirling, Bureau of
American Ethnology. Extensive aid on the illustrations was given by Boyd Wettlaufer and the writer’s
wife, Barbara C. Rands.
271
272 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
beliefs, mythological passages from the historical sources, and ritual
practices are used to bolster the interpretations.
Others have ventured into this siren’s field of art interpretation.
Von Winning (1947 a) for Central Mexican antiquities and Spinden
(1913, 1928 b) for Maya sculpture may especially be mentioned as pro-
ponents of certain designs as falling water. Like the present writer,
Thompson follows Spinden in making some highly important identi-
fications on the Maya monuments (Spinden, 1913, figs. 84, 85;
Thompson, 1950, fig. 44, nos. 1-3). These suggestions have not gone
completely unchallenged, however. An identification of falling grain
seems to be preferred, in certain representations, by Proskouriakoff
(1950, fig. 13y—b’, pp. 109, 132, 146). Other explanations might be
adduced. The field is a complex one, fraught with dangers of many
sorts. Once one commences tracking down motifs which have in-
dubitable resemblance to known portrayals of water, artistic forms
which are partially comparable or vaguely so come repeatedly to
light. Soon, in the words of the poet, one sees “‘water, water, every-
where.” It is hoped in the present paper to systematize the argu-
ment for the identification of water and, thereby, to review some of
the methodological problems involved in artistic analyses of the
present type.
By virtue of its subject matter, the present investigation inevitably
touches upon a very distinct sort of problem. A recent series of
papers has stressed the possibility of trans-Pacific contact between
Southeast Asia and Mesoamerica (Heine-Geldern and Ekholm, 1951;
Kkholm, 1950, 1953). One of the more important evidences cited is
the striking correspondence in the depiction of the lotus or water
lily in Maya and in Hindu-Buddhist sculpture. Recently, occur-
rences of the water lily in Maya art were traced by the present writer
(Rands, 1953). This was not done for the purpose of drawing con-
clusions about the alleged Asiatic contact but to present data upon
which these conclusions, or others pertaining to intersite connections
within the Maya area, could in part be drawn. Among the corre-
spondences which have been noted between the water lily in Indian
and Mayan art are certain portions of the body with which the plant
is arbitrarily shown—e.g., hand and mouth. Additional associations
characterize the water lily in Maya art; thus, the flower grows from
the head or eye, is intimately associated with the fish and jaguar, and
sO On.
The importance of these facts to the present study is simple enough.
If the identifications of water in Maya art which will be made are sub-
stantially correct, these same associations, held by the water lily,
occur repeatedly with the falling streams of water. Unless it can be
shown that the same attributes are given water in Hindu Buddhist
No48)) ’’ «WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 273
art, the possibility of convergence is considerably increased as an
explanation for the similarity of the floral treatments in the two
hemispheres. This is to say that in Maya art certain associations
given the water lily may have been transferred from associations
originally given to streams of rainwater. Even if the reverse is true,
and the floral associations preceded the aquatic ones, a new dimension
is introduced into the study of the water lily. It is one with which
the proponents of trans-Pacific contact will have to reckon.
Three broad avenues of investigation, which appear to be of tangible
significance, emerge from the attempt to identify water. These
problems are: (1) To explore the details of Mesoamerican religion—
the glyphs, deities, and mythic situations—with which water is apt
to occur. This should provide added information on an important
aspect of culture in Mesoamerica and, thereby, help to fill in the
ethnographic picture of earlier times. The “conjunctive approach”’ of
Taylor (1948) should be compared. (2) To note typological distribu-
tions and variations of the artistic forms in time and space. Historical
insight should be obtained. Unfortunately, however, examples which
can confidently be identified as water are rather scarce outside of the
codices. Accordingly, the determination of trends has to be on an
impressionistic rather than statistical basis. (3) To examine the
similarity in the associations given falling water and the water-lily
flower, noting the possible role of convergence or “substitution”’
(cf. Spinden, 1913, pp. 39-46, 122-124). This has importance, both
for the problem of possible Asiatic connections, as raised by Heine-
Geldern and Ekholm (1951), and for an understanding of the develop-
ment of Maya art and religion.
THE BETTER ESTABLISHED OCCURRENCES OF WATER
TYPES OF ASSOCIATIONS
In the varied cultural phenomena of Mesoamerica, it is possible to
isolate a number of distinctive associations with which streams of
falling water clearly occur. The nature of the proof—or better, over-
whelming weight of evidence—which permits us to say that water is
intended, differs according to the specific association. Sometimes, as
has been indicated, the telling evidence is derived from designs in the
codices, with or without an accompanying explanation in European
gloss. Sometimes the proof is to be found in documentary sources
dating from the period immediately following the Spanish Conquest.
Again, it lies in present-day Mesoamerican beliefs or practices which,
with apparent correctness, can be regarded as survivals from pre-
Spanish times. Previous investigations have drawn together a number
of these evidences. As a result of all this, several associations which
274 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
were quite surely accorded rainwater in the period prior to the Spanish
Conquest may be recognized. Some of these are:
(1) The emergence of water from a container, usually an inverted
jar or other pottery vessel. An analogy to the human method of
water storage is indicated.
(2) The emergence of water from some liquid-secreting portion of
the body. An analogy, apparently, was drawn between the fluid in
question, as produced by mundane beings, and rain as produced by
supernatural ones. Thus, the production of rainwater seems to have
been suggested by tears from the eyes, saliva from the mouth, milk
from the female breast, urine or some other fluid from between the
legs, and perhaps sweat from the pores of the body.
(3) The contact of water with some other portion of the body,
which serves as the immediate source of the falling stream. Here, the
analogy appears to have been with anatomical parts which would
serve as temporary places for storing and then dispersing the water.
Examples are: the mouth, where the cheeks form a somewhat expanda-
ble reservoir for holding water and the lips a means of ejecting it; the
hands, from which water may be sprinkled. Here, perhaps, the
sprinkling of water from an object held in the hands may also be
mentioned.
(4) The occurrence of some foreign object, apparently of symbolic
nature, within the falling water. The symbol may be a glyph, or it
may merely be the representation of an object which seems to have
strong connotative value.
It will be noted that the mouth qualifies as an anatomical association
of potential importance, owing not only to its liquid-secreting function
but to its pouchlike qualities, ideal for the temporary storage of water.
Moreover, the passage of water through the mouth in drinking may
have served to enhance its aquatic associations, while vomiting offers
another physiological analogy upon which the emergence of water
through the orifice might have been based.
More succinctly, these associations may be listed as follows:
(a) Water from container.
(b) Water from mouth.
(c) Water from eye.
(d) Water from breast.
(e) Water from between legs.
(f) Water from body (pores?).
(g) Water from hand.
(h) Water from object (other than container) held in hand.
(t) Waterlike design from head. (This, however, may not actually be in-
tended as water.)
(j) Glyph in water.
(k) Object in water.
04s)’ WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 275
These categories appear in tables 1 to 3 and 6 under the broader
heading, “Direct water associations.” Obviously, although the singu-
lar is used, it may be that multiple containers, mouths, or other
associated objects appear in a given representation.
The listing of these 11 direct associations does not imply that
additional ones cannot be found in extant material from Mesoamerica.
An attempt toward completeness has been made, however, in the case
of liquid-secreting portions of the body. As a matter of fact, at one
time or another during the archeological and protohistoric record,
several of these associations seem to have been of minor importance.
Artistic evidence would indicate that this is true of c to f (water from
eyes, breasts, between legs, and body), and perhaps others.
The aquatic associations are not confined to the objects heretofore
mentioned. Certain supernatural beings also recur with the streams
of water, as the rain-producing agents. Several agents are recognized
in the tables, under the heading ‘Water producers.”’ Their more
precise characteristics will be developed textually but, for general
purposes, four broad classes may be abstracted: (1) anthropomorphic,
with established pluvial associations, viz, deities of the rain; (2) an-
thropomorphic, but not known to function primarily as rain gods;
(3) animals; and (4) composite monsters in which serpentine or saurian
characteristics are pronounced. Some blurring of these categories
occasionally exists.
For purposes of tabulation and effective analysis, the water pro-
ducers are treated in a somewhat different way. The following cate-
gories are recognized:
(a) Tlaloc, Tlaloc variant.
(b) Anthropomorphic Long-nosed God.
(c) Female water deity.
(d) Black God (M, B).
(e) Miscellaneous anthropomorphic.
(f) Frog.
(g) Serpent.
(h) Jaguar.
(¢) Bird.
(7) Miscellaneous animal.
(k) Serpentine-saurian monster.
(l) Detached rear head of monster.
(m) Other grotesque head, face.
Except for the grotesque face and the rear head of the saurian-
serpentine monster, all are known to be water-producing agents in
previously established portrayals of water.
Associations of yet another kind may be recognized. Certain
themes or complex treatments seem often to have been introduced
into portrayals of water. Tabulation of such recurrent patterns is
276 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun. 157
attempted but, by their very nature, the associations require extended
textual explanation. In the tables, they appear under the general
heading “‘Configurations.’”? The categories of this sort are:
(a) Death, misfortune, and destruction.
(6) Water descending upon horizontal surface water.
(c) Water descending upon figure.
(d) The bending-over rainmaker.
(e) The sky monster and its affiliates.
(f) Balanced water and vegetation.
Each of the configurations is known to occur in established portrayals
of water.
The reality of the various associations of water has, up to this point,
been affirmed but not demonstrated. Nonartistic data have an
important story to tell in this connection. Not only does the ac-
cumulating knowledge of Mesoamerican hieroglyphic symbols and
religion provide a broad background from which to approach the
problem, but it repeatedly provides new evidence with which to
bolster the conclusions. To cull the findings of others is anything
but a thankless task. Yet to do so is somewhat apart from the pri-
marily artistic alms of the present investigation. Therefore, other
data, although significant, are confined to Appendix A; and elsewhere
the argument that the water associations are actually represented is,
as nearly as possible, developed along purely artistic lines. Separated
in this way from the other types of data, the artistic evidences may
perhaps be more clearly seen.
Still, it is necessary to make certain fundamental assumptions, on
which there will probably be general agreement. (1) Designs show-
ing water have been successfully identified in the Mexican and
Maya codices by previous workers. (2) Many of the beings shown
in association with falling water in the codices are supernaturals
connected with rainfall; hence, the water is actually intended as rain.
(3) Therefore, if outside the codices a given design occurs in connec-
tion with what seems to be a supernatural being, the falling of rain
may be depicted, whereas if the being lacks obvious supernatural
attributes, rain itself or even water per se is not so likely to be shown.
Instead, some sort of paraphernalia or other object which may
symbolize rainfall would appear to be a relatively greater possibility.
(4) Hence, when religious and symbolic attributes are indicated, it
may be that some liquid other than water is depicted but that it is
meant to symbolize water. Here, it is necessary to refer to nonartistic
data, for there are good evidences that liquids such as balche some-
times served to symbolize rainwater in Mesoamerican religious
practices.
Except for the first and fourth, these assumptions are not of im-
No 48). *) WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 277
mediate significance to the present thesis. Yet the fourth assumption
rests upon the second and third, so all have their importance. In
the following passages, the identifications will usually be made as
“water” or ‘probably water’? without reference to the possibility
that some other liquid which symbolizes water may be portrayed.
If the four assumptions are correct, this procedure should be thoroughly
justified. The important concept—rainfall—would not be altered.
It is recognized that there is often great difficulty in determining
whether a being in the sculptures is “supernatural” or ‘‘mundane.”’
Common-sense judgments and the accumulated background knowledge
built up from past studies must be relied upon.
For the previously established portrayals of water in the codices,
therefore, it is sufficient to tabulate the individual occurrences and
restrict discussion to especially informative examples and general
trends. Added discussion is required as consideration is given to
representations which are increasingly tenuous in their identification.
THE MAYA CODICES
The most distinctive water scene in the three Maya codices is that
on page 74 of the Dresden manuscript (table 1; pl. 72). Other repre-
sentations of falling water are quite frequent, consisting almost
entirely of vertical blue or green lines or rows of dots, often against
a lighter background of the same color. On Dresden 74, however,
clearly outlined columns of falling water are depicted. Slightly
undulating lines and rows of circlets mark the inner portions of the
water; larger circles are placed along the margins; the vertically
descending streams frequently jut out in rounded, slightly downward
pointing projections. Although dots occur frequently, and projections
rarely, on other representations of water in the Dresden Codex,
these features are completely absent in the Madrid and Paris
manuscripts.
Many of the water associations discussed herein occur on Dresden
74. Astanding anthropomorphic figure with jaguar claws—Schellhas’
Goddess I—leans forward while pouring water from an inverted jar.
Bones decorate her skirt, which isalso marked with green circles
of the type that denote water elsewhere on the page. One or two
glyphs appear in the water which she is pouring; the day sign Eb,
without numerical coefficient, and a smaller, shell-shaped design which
has been identified as zero or completion (Férstemann, 1906, p. 222;
Spinden, 1913, p. 68) yet which may possibly be merely a shell without
this significance.? Other streams of water gush from signs of the
sunand moon. More water seems to flow from the mouth of the snake
2 Shells are frequently known to appear in Mexican, although not in other Maya, portrayals of falling
water. They often occur in surface water in the Maya codices, however.
265191—54——_29
278 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 157
atop the head of Goddess I, although this water may, instead, be
an extension of the stream that falls from the sun. An armed black
god kneels at the bottom of the page, a “‘screeching”’ bird ? atop his
head. The rear portion of what seems to be his breechcloth closely
parallels the color and markings of water elsewhere on the page.
Apparently the breechcloth bears water symbols, although it is
possible that an actual stream is intended, falling from the general
region between the legs. Dominating the entire scene is a great
column of water which descends from the mouth of a monster with
downward pointing head. The creature’s body is a band of astro-
nomical symbols (or perhaps emerges from such a band); its leg,
with cloven hoof, dangles from the sky.
The prominence given the dragon in this aquatic setting attests
to the general importance of the sky monster configuration. The
creature on Dresden 74 has been identified as a crocodile by Férste-
mann (1906, p. 265) and as a lizard-crocodile-peccary-reptile by
Tozzer and Allen (1910, pp. 287, 320, pl. 32, No. 6). Except for the
absence of a rear head, it is a classic example of the serpentine-saurian
dragon of the Maya with parallels in the sculptures and elsewhere
in the codices. Thompson (1939) has held that the numerous bands
of planetary symbols, from which rain is often shown falling, are
intended as segments of the monster’s body. If this is allowed, the
configuration of the sky monster and the direct association of water
with its body are well nigh ubiquitous in the codices. Such repre-
sentations have not been tabulated, although Thompson’s suggestion
has much to recommend it. With a head attached, however, only
one other planetary band occurs in the codices as a source of rainfall
(Paris 21). Here it is impossible to tell if the monster is single- or
double-headed, due to the obliteration of the design. In other cases,
serpents are so placed as to give the appearance of being in the air
and are, moreover, directly or indirectly connected with the production
of water. Thus, the snake’s body sometimes holds an inverted vessel
from which water is spilling or has been emptied (Madrid 9(?), 31b(?),
14b). The snake also serves as an object upon which other water-
pouring deities are standing (Madrid 13b, 30a). These celestial
snakes are tabulated as having only a doubtful affiliation with the
sky monster.
Another of the configurations prominently displayed on Dresden
74, the theme of death and destruction, characterizes additional
water scenes in the codices. On Madrid 7b it is simply that the
death god, A, is the water producer, a stream descending between
his legs. On Madrid 32b a human figure is falling, head down and
3 The bird is described as a possible eagle by Tozzer and Allen (1910, pl. 20), as screeching and raging
by Morley (1915, p. 32).
Aas) SY) «WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 279
with eye closed in death, in a stream of water from the mouth of a
variant of Goddess I. Madrid 32a, on the other hand, does not
display any of the direct water associations. But rain is falling
heavily from the sky band, a serpent is in the sky, and the armed
black god strides militantly through the downpour.
The bending-over rainmaker is present, in the person of Goddess
I, on Dresden 43b as well as Dresden 74. In the latter case, how-
ever, the characteristic posture seems to result from the fact that
she is leaning over her jar, while in the former her back seems almost
to be deformed. It is a question whether the same concept is re-
flected. Her posture is upright in other codex portrayals.
Goddess I frequently presents strong feline aspects. Her jaguar
features are pronounced on Dresden 74, where she not only has clawed
hands and feet but a brownish body and spots on her legs, as well.
Clothing prevents knowledge of the presence or absence of these
jaguarlike features elsewhere on her body. On Dresden 67a her
body is reddish-brown, and she has unmistakable jaguar paws,
here marked with spots, for hands and feet. All of these features
tend to indicate a connection of the jaguar with water, although else-
where when Goddess I has aquatic associations she is lacking in feline
attributes. On Madrid 30b, however, a small animal identified as a
jaguar by Tozzer and Allen (1910, p. 356) sits on her outstretched
hand, while streams of water gush from her breasts and between her
legs, as well as from the animal’s mouth (pl. 73, a).
Viewed as an isolated case, the position of the water-spitting
jaguar in the goddess’ hand would not evoke special comment. In
other instances, however, it will be seen that objects held in the hand
likewise serve as the origin of falling streams. These objects are
clearly not containers in the usual sense, and some of them are of a
rather specialized type. Perhaps the position of the jaguar on
Madrid 30b reflects a related concept, although the argument cannot
be pressed at this time.
The direct association of rainwater with the hand is also somewhat
tenuous. On Madrid 33b a black god wears scorpion (?) claws * at
his waist, and water pours out from them. The sprinkling of water
from the hand is suggested. On Madrid 93c there seems to be no
doubt that water is shown falling from the hand. It is sprinkled by
human figures upon seated individuals, however, and a baptismal rite
is apparently represented (Tozzer, 1941, p. 102). The Madrid 93c
scene is unique among the tabulated portrayals from the Maya cod-
ices in that it does not occur within a passage in which water is prom-
inently and repeatedly shown. This fact, coupled with the absence
4 The scorpion’s sting is characteristically treated as a grasping claw or even as a hand in the Maya cod-
ices (Tozzer and Allen, 1910, p. 306, pl. 4, Nos. 1, 2).
280 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuu. 157
from the scene of a sky band, greatly lessens the possibility that rain
is either pictured or symbolized.
Numerous glyphs occur in seemingly fortuitous contact with repre-
sentations of water. This is well exemplified by Madrid 32a, where
rain blankets the entire scene. Numerals are in the water which falls
between the legs of Goddess I on Madrid 30b, 32b (pl. 73, a), although
there seems no reason to regard them as falling in the streams in the
way that appears to be true of Eb on Dresden 74. Paris 21 may
warrant attention, however. In the midst of rain which descends
from the body of a sky monster there appears a glyph of unknown
meaning (glyph 321.1 of Gates, 1931, pp. 147-148) and a “sun me-
dalion”—a kin sign within a circle from which four stylized serpent
or bird heads radiate outward.®
The extended discussion which has been accorded certain rare or
deviant associations of water should not be allowed to obscure the
prominence of other traits. Water is poured from a container in
some eight or nine codex scenes, falls from between the legs in six to
eight scenes, and gushes from the mouth in five scenes (table 1, p. 376).
The actual occurrence of water from the mouth is greater as it has
this association with four frogs on Madrid 31a, two animals on Madrid
30b, and perhaps two serpentine creatures on Dresden 74. Of the
direct water associations, then, these three—water from container,
mouth, and between the legs—seem to have been of paramount im-
portance during the comparatively late period from which the codices
apparently date.
THE MEXICAN CODICES
Representations of water, blue or green in color, are frequent in
the non-Maya codices of Mexico. Surface water is commonly
depicted, rather than the rain descending from the sky that so often
appears in the Maya codices; surface water, correspondingly, is rel-
atively infrequent in the Maya manuscripts. Almost invariably
Mexican water is shown topped with foam or branching into an angular,
serrated outline. Although stylistically distinct, these branches
faintly recall the projections that characterize a few portrayals of
water in the Maya codices. The branches are frequently tipped with
alternating circles and shells. This combination, unknown in Maya
art, is sharply differentiated from the rows of dots that sometimes
occur at the margins of Maya water. Lines, which often appear
within Mexican water, are generally more wavy than the lines within
water in the Maya codices. These Mexican features which, faintly
and perhaps fortuitously, echo certain elements that occur in Maya
5 Comparable medallions occur at Palenque and Piedras Negras (Maudslay, 1889-1902, vol. 4, pl. 6; Maler,
1901, pl. 19).
Novas). WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 281]
water, combine to form a type of portrayal which is radically different
from the water of the Maya codices.
Elaborate scenes on pages 27 and 28 of the Borgian codex are
difficult to classify but surely display several of the water associations
(pl. 73, 6). On each page the rain god Tlaloc is portrayed five times,
being assigned to the four cardinal points and the fifth direction, the
center. In each representation he is in the air, green columns of
water falling from between his legs and in apparent connection with
objects he holds in both of his outstretched hands.
According to Seler (1904, p. 269), each of the Tlalocs holds in his
right hand an effigy jug with the features of the rain god. Effigy
vessels with Tlaloc faces occur elsewhere in the codices and as arche-
ological specimens. However, the so-called jugs on Borgian 27 and
28 are highly ornate and are apparently lacking an orifice of any type.
Moreover, the water, as sometimes depicted, appears to descend from
the god’s right wrist rather than from the “jug.’”’ True, the water
may conceivably be represented as flowing from the “jug” but behind
the wrist. In some of the pictures this explanation seems plausible,
although in others it would require extreme impressionism, not to say
sloppiness, on the part of the artist. The associations most in keep-
ing with a literal adherence to the portrayal are water from the wrist
or wrist ornament (not hand!) and possibly water from an object
which is not a vessel but is held in the hand. In Maya sculpture
there will be occasion to note the attachment of waterlike designs to
rain-god-like heads which are held in the hand. Perhaps the parallel
is of importance in explaining the Borgian representations. Closer
to home, Selden 9 portrays a full-figure Tlaloc that holds a Tlaloc
head, from which drops of water are falling. ‘The correspondence to
the Borgian scenes is striking, and here again a container in the normal
sense of the word is not indicated.
Yet so far as possible the Borgian scenes must be explained on their
own merits, and the object held in the left hand of each Tlaloc figure
would seem to offer valuable comparative evidence. This object is
identified as a hatchet-shaped lightning serpent by Seler (1904, p.
269). By and large, the serpents appear more clearly to be sources
of the falling water than is true of the small effigies held in the opposite
hands. Nevertheless, the water below the left hand of each Tlaloc
appears at times to issue from the god’s wrist or hand instead of from
the serpent. One might suppose that the same water-producing
agent would occur consistently. Perhaps, then, this evidence demon-
strates, more than it does anything else, that too literal adherence to
the actual design often obscures the intended meaning. Elsewhere
in the Mexican codices, however, the artists give every indication of
having faithfully recorded the exact associations they desired for the
282 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 157
falling streams. Arguments and rebuttals can be prolonged without
reaching satisfactory conclusions about this highly interesting set of
aquatic associations.
Various objects are pictured, apparently falling, in the columns of
water below the serpents and Tlaloc effigies. The nature of the
objects may be associated with the calendric division to which they
are assigned, for the symbolism is sometimes beneficent, sometimes
injurious (Seler, 1904, pp. 269-270). On Borgian 27, in the division
assigned to the east, maize ears appear in the water; in the north,
hatchets and a maize ear; in the west, a maize ear; in the south, maize
ears and a hatchet with flame shooting from it; and in the center,
spear thrower, darts, shield and banner, an ear of maize, a bone, and
a skeletal figure of the death god. Here the theme of death and de-
struction is especially manifest. On page 28, in the division represent-
ing the south, small figures of Ehecatl appear, head downward, one in
each of the falling streams.
On Borgian 27 and 28 as elsewhere, streams of water descend upon
or in back of human or anthropomorphic figures. The water is not
actually shown contacting the figures and may accordingly fall behind
them in the Borgian portrayals. This is also true on Borgian 31 and
Nuttall 19. On Vienna 12, however, a seated figure is clearly pouring
water over himself from a jar. And on Nuttall 5 Tlaloc is depicted in
the air, emptying from his half-everted jar a stream of water which
splashes over the sitting figure of the supposedly historical personage,
Lord Eight Ehecatl (Codex Nuttall, 1902, 'p. 27). Some of these occur-
rences do not particularly suggest the production of rain, although the
occasional presence of the god Tlaloc may possibly argue for such a
connection for the scenes as a whole.
Reminiscent of Borgian 27 and 28, various objects occur in falling
streams of water in additional codex representations. On Laud 5, the
conventionalized jawbone of a serpent appears in water that is poured
upon a fire from a vessel. Definite glyphs, signs for the rubber ball,
appear in streams of water that are poured from containers on Fejer-
vary-Mayer 8 and 33.5* On Borgian 31 water arches from the mouths
of two skulls; at the end of each stream, perhaps falling in the water,
is another skull which has arms that terminate in claws.
The same theme is indicated on Rios (Vaticanus A) 4 where the
water goddess, Chalchihuitlicue, is pictured in the midst of a torrent
of water which is apparently descending from the sky (pl. 74, a).
The accompanying text of this post-Conquest codex indicates that the
scene treats of the previous destruction of the world by water (Kings-
borough, 1830-48, vol. 6, pp. 172-173). Chalchihuitlicue is holding
8s The glyphs’ association may, however, be primarily with the piles of firewood upon which the water
descends, rather than with the water itself (cf. Seler, 1901-2, pp. 66, 181).
AaTBT Tr) WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 283
an inverted vessel. An aéllike design with circle-tipped prongs occurs
below the container, apparently a small stream that is distinct from
the general rush of waters, being dark green on a green background.
Chalchihuitlicue is apparently adding to the deluge by pouring out
another, smaller stream. A distinctly outlined design curls upward,
around her knee. It has the branching prongs typical of water, though
they are not tipped with circles. It appears very probable that this
is yet another stream of water, which issues from the region of the
goddess’ genitalia.’ Additional configurations are present in this
scene. The theme of death and destruction is not necessarily to be
inferred from the scene itself but is clearly recorded in the accom-
panying text. The area covered by the water—comparatively narrow
at top but broad at the base of the representation—attests to the
descent of water upon surface water.
The latter configuration also appears on page 1 of the Codex Laud
(fig. 14, a). Here, in a scene dominated by a large figure of the rain
god Tlaloc, an anthropomorphic frog pours water from a half-inverted
jar. The stream falls upon a foam- or wave-capped representation
of surface water in which aquatic animals appear. It is also of interest
that the frog leans forward slightly while emptying the jar; like other
Mesoamerican rainmakers, it is bending over while at work.
The falling water on Laud 1 is highly atypical in design. Instead
of branching into a number of comparatively narrow, angular prongs,
it divides into two distinct streams which are uninterrupted in outline.
While for the most part colored blue, the water is sharply differen-
tiated from other representations in the Mexican codices by having
narrow, uncolored bands along portions of the margins. It will be
seen that probable representations of water in Maya sculpture are
similarly characterized by a tendency to divide into semidistinct
streams and by marginal bands. Likewise, streams of falling water
on Nuttall 19 (fig. 14, c) are marked with protuberances which far
more closely approach the projections diagnostic of Maya water than
they do the serrated outlines so well-nigh ubiquitous in the Mexican
portrayals.
The configuration of water and vegetation is remotely suggested on
Codex Fejervary-Mayer 33. Here Chalchihuitlicue wears a compli-
cated headdress that consists of a serpent head, jaguar ear, vegetal
motif, and extended arm and hand; the hand grasps plumes that are
attached to an inverted jar, from which a stream of water is descend-
6 The container is unusual in appearance, but similar sacrificial bowls, in the Borbonicus Codex and in
stone, are discussed by MacCurdy (1910, pp. 392-393).
7 On Borgian 27 and 28, as in the Maya codices, however, the water which descends between the legs is
wide and columnar—a general liquid downpour—rather than, as here, as a comparatively narrow stream
which seems to issue from 4 specific organ. Possibly a sash is shown, but if so it is treated in such a manner
as to suggest and probably symbolize the descent of water.
284 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 157
c, Nuttall 19.
y.
money .
LI IZA Ni SY
(Y
[AD
XS
Zz
b, Mural scene at Tepantitla, Teotihuacan (Entry 4).
Ficure 14.—a, Laud 1.
AuTi) Y) WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 285
ing. The maize god is pictured with her, vegetation also growing
from his head.
Notwithstanding the possible incompleteness of table 1 for the
Mexican codices, a totaling of the traits’ occurrences should be helpful
in indicating important trends. The most frequent of the direct water
associations are the emergence of water from a container (some dozen
scenes) and from the mouth (six scenes). Scenes showing water falling
between the legs are rare (1 or more), but this is shown 10 times on
Borgian 27 and 28. Objects, human figures or otherwise, appear to
be falling in water rather frequently (4 scenes, including 10 of the
30 columns of water that appear on Borgian 27 and 28). Glyphs
appear twice in the water, both times in the Fejervary-Mayer. When
water does occur with the mouth, the snake is often involved (Baranda
3, Borgian 36, Dehesa 9). The only other animal engaged in the
production of water is the frog (Laud 1). Of the deities, Tlaloc
occurs as a water producer in four scenes (10 times on Borgian 27 and
28) and Chalchihuitlicue at least twice. All of the configurations
except the sky monster seem to be present. ‘The descent of water
upon (or behind) a seated figure is most frequent (five scenes) but,
as indicated above, different concepts may be involved. The death
and destruction theme seemingly is featured in three scenes.
AZTEC AND TEOTIHUACAN MURALS, SCULPTURES, AND CERAMICS
The probability that water is portrayed is certainly less in the
representations about to be discussed than was true for the Maya
and Mexican codices. Nevertheless, the basic identifications as falling
water have been made by previous workers, and on good grounds;
for the artistic tradition is clearly related to that of the Aztec atl
(water) sign and portrayal. Considerable continuity in the treatment
of water from Teotihuacdn times through the Tula Toltec (cf. Meyer,
1939, fig. 1) and up to the Aztec is indicated. In the codices, to be
sure, the blue or green color serves as a guide that water rather than
some other liquid is portrayed; blood, for example, is usually shown
with the characteristic atl outline § but is red. The evidence of color
may be utilized on murals but generally not on sculptures or ceramics.
This factor, as well as the admittedly increasing divergence from late
norms as one goes back in time, introduces a degree of doubt into
the identifications. Yet in most cases the uncertainty would not
seem to be great.
There can be no reasonable doubt that water is poured by the
human figure in low relief on the lid of an Aztec stone box in the
8 Shells do not occur at the tip of the prongs in standard representations of blood.
286 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLu, 157
British Museum (pl. 74, b, Entry 1).° The water branches into prongs
tipped with alternating circles and shells, being stylistically identical
to that pictured in the Mexican codices. Curiously, however, it
divides into two streams; one falls and the other ascends. This is
true, at least, if the two drops of water (which are essentially identical
to the rather infrequent droplets of precipitation shown in the codices)
are descending vertically; in such a case the jar is half inverted. If,
on the other hand, the figure is shown head downward, the jar is fully
inverted and the water spreads out at either side; but in such a case
the drops are moving horizontally. Reminiscent of Borgian 27, ears
of maize appear in the water. Elsewhere on the box an ahwitzotl
occurs, water perhaps emerging from its body (Seler, 1902-23, p. 518).
Admittedly, footing is less secure when one turns to a consideration
of waterlike designs in Teotihuacaén art. Two basic problems may be
made explicit from the start, in the form of questions. (1) Is the
liquid which is so frequently portrayed—all sources apparently grant
the presence of liquid of some sort—actually intended as water?
Broadly speaking, earlier identifications of the designs favored pulque;
this was the classic explanation accorded the motifs in the Teopancaxco
murals. Especially with the discovery of the Tepantitla murals but
even prior to this event, however, identifications of comparable
motifs as water were gaining in ascendency. There is no need to
review the literature on the subject in detail and, as stated earlier,
the relationship of the motifs to pluvial symbolism need not neces-
sarily rest on the actual portrayal of water. Because of the great
abundance of these highly standardized designs, however, the problem
does assume considerable importance. (2) Are the speechscroll-like
designs with waterlike markings to be recognized as simple speech-
scrolls, as speech or song with an aquatic import, or as actual repre-
sentations of water emerging from the mouth?
Seler’s description of the Teopancaxco murals (Entry 3) represents
a point of view worth recording.
All the figures have before their mouths a very large and broad spiral roll,
adorned with flowers, which means [euicatl], ‘‘adorned speech or song.’”’ They
hold in the left hand a copal-xiquipilli, an incense bag, a well-known priestly
attribute, and with the right hand they pour a liquid to the ground. This liquid
has a border of scum, it is finely dotted, and it may be that it originally exhibited
a blue colouring, but it is fringed with flowers like the sign of the adorned speech
or song, and from this fact it must be inferred that this liquid is not meant as pure
water. Most probably it may be explained as representing pulque [Seler, 1913,
p. 200].
® The probable dates of dedication and sources where the noncodex portrayals have been illustrated are
indicated in the following fashion. An entry number is assigned to each water scene or group of essentially
identical scenes. This number is given textually, in the appropriate table (1 or 2), and again in table 4,
where it relates to these and additional data. Cross reference is thereby facilitated without interrupting
the flow of textual discussion or over-crowding a given table.
Agis) S’) WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 287
The adornment of speechscrolls and liquid with the same type of
flowers suggests a connection between them, although it is difficult
to see why this indicates a portrayal of pulque rather than of pure
water. Streams of falling water in the Borgian Codex are sometimes
shown with flowerlike appendages, strongly reminiscent of those on
the Teotihuacan designs (pl. 73, 6, fig. 14, 6). Foam or scum some-
times appear on surface water in the Mexican and Maya codices
(e. g. fig. 14, a, and Dresden 65b, 67b). Could not the ‘‘incense bag’”’
be a container from which water is cast upon the ground? (It does
not, to be sure, look like a pottery vessel.)
For comparable designs, at least, the consensus of opinion seems to
have moved away from the interpretation of pulque and toward that
of water. Linné argued in 1942 (pp. 82-86) that an engraved vessel
in Teotihuacén style from Calpulalpan (Entry 10) showed various
types of water, beneficial and harmful, as sprinkled from the hand
(cf. Linné, 1934, pp. 57, 58, 61.) In the same year, Caso (1942)
identified designs in the newly discovered Tepantitla frescoes as
water; like those from Teopancaxco the designs emerged from the
hand but, in addition, they were clearly associated with representa-
tions of the rain god Tlaloc and descended upon undoubted portrayals
of surface water (Entry 4). Since then Armillas (1947) and Villagra
Caleti (1951), in one way or another, have emphasized the aquatic
significance of varied Teotihuacin motifs. Von Winning’s researches
are especially pertinent. His identifications of dripping water include
single droplets (1947 a, fig. 1); trilobal drops, in which three droplets
merge at the top to comprise a composite element (1947 a, fig. 3,
g-n); and a treble scroll, to which droplets are sometimes attached
(Neys and Von Winning, 1946, figs. 1, 2, e-i). His primary discus-
sions concern the motifs themselves, rather than their associations,
but his references in the latter connection are significant. For, in
Teotihuacan art, Von Winning mentions water in connection with the
mouth (1948, p. 131; Neys and Von Winning, 1946, p. 84); the eye
(Von Winning, 1947 a, p. 334, fig. 1, h-m); the hand (1947 a, p. 333);
and an object for sprinkling connected with the hand (Neys and Von
Winning, 1946, pp. 83-84). With some degree of probability, then,
the existence of several of the direct water associations has already
been shown for the Teotihuacan culture.
In a particularly convincing fashion, the emergence of water from
the mouth and hands seems to be depicted in murals of the Palacio
de Tepantitla, Teotihuacin (Entry 4, fig. 14, 6). A standard of
comparison is offered by designs which have commonly been identi-
fied as waves of surface water’°—an interpretation supported by the
presence of various shells and aquatic animals such as starfish and
10 For a somewhat similar treatment of waves, cf. Fejervary-Mayer 3.
288 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Butt. 157
turtles (Caso, 1942, p. 134).1! In repeated, virtually identical de-
signs, a series of Tlaloc-like figures appear above the waves. The
Tlalocs are flanked by human figures comparable to the “singing
Pulque priests’ of Teopancaxco. Both the Tlalocs and the priestly
figures seem to serve as agents for the production or distribution of
water, and various streams surely descend upon the surface water at
the base of the design.
Caso (1942, p. 134) has identified the designs which pass from the
Tlalocs’ hands as water. Each design seems to spurt up from the
palm of the hand and then cascade downward. Elongated, more or
less individualized drops are shown, which closely correspond to the
actual appearance of falling water. Although infrequent, somewhat
comparable drops are not unknown in Aztec portrayals (pl. 74, 6).!?
Several of these drops at Tepantitla are clearly shown as falling not
from the hands themselves but from the adjacent wrist ornaments.
Borgian 27 and 28 (pl. 73, 6) come vividly into mind in this connec-
tion, and an association of water with Tlaloc’s wristlet as well as with
his hand may well be indicated.
The streams from the hands of the human figures are shown in
somewhat different fashion. Rather than consisting of semi-indi-
vidualized droplets, these designs are basically columnar in shape.
In this they correspond to falling water as usually pictured in the
Mexican codices. Like the codex portrayals of water, too, they are
fringed with characteristic objects; apparently water-lily leaves and
buds in the Tepantitla frescoes (fig. 14, b), as compared with flowers
in the Borgian Codex (pl. 73, b) and shells in the typical Aztec por-
trayals (pl. 74, 6). The resultant serrated outline is also a diagnostic
of water in the codices. According to Caso (1942, p. 134), these
priests cast seeds and jade beads to the earth. In view of the simi-
larity of the designs to water, it would seem that these objects are
intended to appear in falling liquid streams.
This fringed and serrated column does not totally comprise the
design which emerges from each human hand, however. For the
representation bifurcates, a portion rising in a speechscroll-like spiral.
Yet the failure of this element to approach the mouth suggests that
a speechscroll is not intended and, moreover, it is considerably wider
than the well-established speechscrolls. To be sure, it may also be
argued that water would not rise upward from the hand and that
such an identification would, thereby, be equally inapplicable. Sev-
eral factors severely minimize the weight of this objection, however.
11 Note identical “‘starfish’’ on the costumes of the so-called pulque priests at Teopancaxco. Von Win-
ning’s trilobal drop element also occurs on their dress (Pefiafiel, 1900, pls. 82, 83, 85, 86, 87). The same
objects adorn the costumes of comparable figures at Tetitla, who also seem to be sprinkling water
(Entry 5).
13 Of. their association with Tlaloc, although not with his hand, in Magliabecchiano 44.
ANTHROP. PAP. WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 289
(1) The water may be tossed upward from the hand into the air.
(2) The scrolled nature of the element seems consistent with this
suggestion, for it could easily convey the impression that a liquid
thrown into the air had been halted in its upward path and was
caught in the wind before slowly commencing its descent. (3) How-
ever this may be, probable water elsewhere in the murals has been
seen to surge upward from the hands of Tlaloc before it tumbles down.
(4) Falling water is shown as bifurcated, with one branch probably
rising, in Aztec sculpture (pl. 74, 6). Accordingly, the rising nature
of the design would not appear to impose particular difficulties in an
identification of water. The case for the rising scroll depicting water
does not rest solely upon this rebuttal, however, for positive evidences
also exist. (1) The frequent occurrence of shells within the scroll is,
alone, an indication of aquatic connections. (2) The rising scroll is
fringed with floral motifs, like the lower section of the bifurcated
design, and emerges from the same hand; hence the identity of the
two elements seems probable and an identification of water indicated,
inasmuch as the lower section has just been seen to display important
correspondences to streams of falling water in the codices. (3) Most
convincing of all as evidence that water is protrayed would appear
to be the fact that in shape, as well as inner markings, the rising scroll
precisely duplicates many a wave pictured in the surface water below.
Elsewhere in the Tepantitla murals are shown large, full-face
Tlalocs without lower jaw. From behind the tusklike teeth of the
upper jaw emerges a branching object, which has been identified as
a bifurcated tongue (Caso, 1942, p. 134). That it may in reality
portray water which gushes from the mouth is indicated by several
factors. (1) In outline it is essentially identical to the waves. (2)
“Starfish” are depicted within it and also in several of the waves.
(3) It is not simply bifurcated but occurs as four more or less distinct
elements, two of which are in part lower than and behind the others.
‘The impression given by this is that of an undulating mass which is
tumbling down—an appearance much more characteristic of water
than of the tongue. The treatment is analogous to that of droplets
from Tlaloc’s hands in the same frescoes, where one drop emerges
from behind another higher one.
The prolonged argument that water is portrayed need not be re-
peated for virtually identical Teotihuacdén designs. Minute differ-
ences, on the other hand, do require additional comment. (1) Some-
times the design in question does not have the outline of a wave
(Entry 8) but instead is marked with a row of hooks such as are ac-
knowledged to indicate waves on numerous representations of surface
water (including many in such codices as the Vienna, Fejervary-
290 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 157
Mayer, and Nuttall). The conceptualizations appear to be identical:
the streams of falling water are simply given artistic attributes char-
acteristic of surface water. (2) The design that spurts up from the
hand does not always fall as droplets. In Entry 6 (the well-known
““Goddess of Waters’’), such designs trail off in horizontal bands
which are decorated with hooks of the sort just discussed. (3) The
rising, speechscroll-like elements frequently pass from the mouth
rather than from the hand. An association with the mouth is con-
sistent both for song or speech and for water, but when virtually
identical scrolls emerge from the hand the sprinkling of water is much
more readily suggested. Morever, the design from the mouth
occasionally falls in a way characteristic of water (Entry 8) rather
than spiraling outward in the typical speechscroll manner. Thisis
not to deny that, say, ritual chants about rainfall may sometimes
be indicated by the designs from the mouth. If one is to be consistent
in assigning a specific meaning to this oft-repeated motif, however,
water is much more clearly favored as a possibility than is the
speechscroll.'*
The Atetelco frescoes (Entry 2) are not as patent in the portrayal
of water as are those from Tepantitla. Rather than wide scrolls
of the Teopancaxco-Tepantitla sort, the designs emphasize recurving,
composite spirals or simple ones of the typical speechscroll type.
In place of realistic streams of the Tepantitla sort, there appear
symbols that supposedly indicate water—Von Winning’s treble scroll
and trilobal drop elements. Drops are consistently shown falling
from all these art forms, enhancing their probability as water. The
motifs appear in connection with the mouths of humans, serpents,
and composite feline monsters, as well as with conch shells that are
worn or carried by human figures. In the latter case, it would seem
that the scrolls are emerging from the spiresof the conch shells.
Appearing within the more elaborate scrolls are cross sections of
shells and the trilobal drop and treble scroll symbols. Such occur-
rences suggest the existence of both objects and “glyphs” in the falling
streams.
The most that can be hoped for the tabulated Teotihuacdn designs
(table 1) is that they begin to represent the range of variation in the
treatment of falling water at the site. Water from the mouth and,
especially, the hand are the direct water associations given greatest
prominence. Possibly the consensus of opinion which would regard
all the spirals from the mouth as speechscrolls is correct, after all; but
18 That some convergence took place, between art forms if not the underlying concepts, is indicated by
designs associated with one of the Teopancaxco figures (Pefiafiel, 1900, pl. 87). Here a spiral from the mouth
is narrow, resembling a typical speechscroll in every respect. It is symetrically balanced by a narrow
scrolling band, marked with wavelike hooks, that passes either from the hand or from a staff, possibly
rattle, that is held in the hand.
Ao48)) «6 WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 291
several different treatments would still remain as associations of the
mouth and water. The themes of water descending on surface water
and balanced water and vegetation are very important. Tlaloc and
anthropomorphic (‘‘priestly’’) figures serve most frequently as the
water producers, although serpents, jaguars, birds, composite animals,
and a female figure also have this function. Additional direct water
associations exist. Objects appear in falling water, probably including
shells, seeds, flowers, signs for jade, and various water symbols. It
seems appropriate to classify some of these examples either as objects
or glyphs in water. Von Winning’s designs showing the supposed
associations of the eye with water have not been tabulated, partly
because the ‘‘eye’”’ does not seem to occur as a source of the streams.
Probably, however, these eyelike designs can be regarded as an addi-
tional object which characteristically is shown falling in the water."
Nor have the objects identified by Neys and Von Winning (1946) as
sprinklers for water been made the subject of tabulation. Much of
their material is quite suggestive, and their figure 2, a, seems surely to
show the sprinkling of some sort of liquid. The red color of the
drops suggests the portrayal of blood, however.
SUMMARY
Indubitable oceurrences of falling water are to be found in the Maya
and Mexican codices, in Aztec sculpture, and presumably in the
murals, sculptures and ceramic art of Teotihuacin. The Teotihuacdn
examples, while somewhat less certain than the others, are of great
significance because they appear to push back a number of the water
associations to the early Classic period in Mesoamerica. A minimal
dating is thereby provided. Briefly restated, five major reasons may
be listed for accepting the identifications of falling water at Teotihua-
cin. These consist of the often realistic nature of the portrayals; the
correspondences of the portrayals to water in the Mexican codices;
the specific correspondences of the portrayals to what must be surface
water in Teotihuacaén art; the frequent proximity of the portrayals to
this surface water; and the repeated associations of the portrayals
with a goggle-eyed deity who must be a forerunner of the Aztec rain
god Tlaloc. It is also worthy of comment that at Atetelco, Teotihua-
cin, previously identified water symbols (the trilobal drop element
and treble scroll) substitute for the designs recognized herein as
portrayals of water. This strongly suggests that the same concept
was manifested under different art forms.
4 An eye may occur in water poured from a vessel in Mexican Codex art (Hamburg Codex, concerning
the authenticity of which there is, however, some doubt). For additional support of Von Winning’s identi-
fication, see probable surface water at Tetitla (Villagra Caleti, 1951, fig. 13; Gordon, 1905, p. 140, pl. 4, b; and
Borgian 72 (table 1)).
292 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
The existence of most of the water associations is established on the
basis of the codices and of the archeological remains from the Valley
of Mexico. Notable exceptions, the existence of which has not been
demonstrated, are water from the eye and possibly the body. There
is a paucity of supporting evidence for water from the breast and
from an object held in the hand, although there can be no doubt that
these associations occur. The data considered to this point fail to
establish the rear head of the serpentine-saurian monster as a water
producer, although significantly the one-headed version of this
monster is closely connected with water on Dresden 74. All of the
configurations are present. The array of well-established water
associations is impressive, and when a design of unknown significance
appears repeatedly with similar associations, a precedent exists for
provisionally identifying the motif as falling water.
THE PROPOSED IDENTIFICATIONS OF WATER
ARTISTIC APPROACH TO THE IDENTIFICATIONS
It is not enough to identify a motif as falling water simply because
it appears in connection with beings or objects which are known else-
where to be associated with water. Certain other requirements
should be met, and the more rigorously they are fulfilled the more
impressive the identification becomes. The motif in question should
resemble portrayals of water, particularly falling water, that are
known to occur in the art of the same general period or region. It is
necessary as a final requirement that the motif somehow convey the
impression of a falling liquid. This is largely a subjective judgment,
but to some extent it can be analyzed into artistic factors. The
impression may, for example, be provided by an essentially columnar
shape, with the vertical axis emphasized. Yet some modification of
a solid, straight-sided column seems called for, in order to convey the
multipartite and undulating qualities of a liquid. Interior markings,
which may indicate droplets or at least suggest that. the substance is
composed of semi-independent entities, may help to fill this need.
Or it can be achieved through a fluidity of outline—although here
purely stylistic factors may falsely convey the sense that a liquid is
portrayed. Splashing may be realistically shown, or subtly suggested
by scrolls or other devices, as another modification of the basic
columnar design. There is no set answer as to how the impression of a
falling liquid may be obtained, but artistic conventions of the sort
just discussed provide possibilities which, it will be seen, were utilized
by the ancient Mesoamericans. If the motif combines these three
types of evidence—associational, comparative, and impressionistic—
the combination of factors becomes quite telling. This constitutes
Ao ds) «WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 293
the artistic approach to the identifications. Additional evidence,
concerning current beliefs about Mesoamerican religion, symbolism
and glyphs, is discussed in Appendix A. Such data are, however,
properly to be regarded as supplementary support, and the identi-
fications should be able to stand on their own artistic merits. Meth-
odological problems connected with the two approaches are considered
in Appendix B.
NON-MAYA MURALS, SCULPTURES, AND CERAMICS
Teotihuacén-like motifs occur in the murals of Tomb 105, Monte
Albin (Entry 14), suggesting the portrayal of water. Blue drops
fall from the hand of a hunched-over figure who also carries a con-
tainer of Teotihuacén type. A probable speechscroll rises from the
mouth of this figure; it is narrower than the scroll from the mouths
of the corresponding figures at Teotihuacén and gives no indication
of being water. Elsewhere in the scene, in the headdress of a par-
tially comparable figure, Von Winning’s “‘trilobal drop element”
(1947 a, p. 341) appears beneath the upper jaw of a grotesque head
(cf. the Tetitla murals, Entry 5). Here, then, water would seem to
be shown emerging from the mouth.
Water may stream from the corners of the mouth of a highly con-
ventionalized sky being depicted at the top of Stela 11, Monte Alban
(Entry 19, fig. 15, d); marked at the end with circles, the representa-
tions are in the generalized Mexican water tradition. Comparative
evidence tends to support the interpretation that streams of water
gush from the mouth of the sky god. On Lapida 1, a Zapotecan
monument in the Museo Nacional (Caso, 1928, fig. 81), a similar but
more stylized representation of the fauces of the sky is flanked by two
scrolled designs which are edged with circles. The designs on the
lapida are surely water; corresponding ones, blue in color, occasion-
ally appear in the codices of southern Mexico (e. g. Vienna 16).
Although these scrolls do not issue from the mouth, their positional
association is similar to that of the motifs on Stela 11 and reinforces
the belief that water is portrayed there.
The sky god on Stela 11, Monte Alban, and a being at the top of
Monument C, Tres Zapotes (Entry 21, pl. 74, c), are similar in appear-
ance. Each is a grotesque mask; the lower jaw is not depicted; the
teeth of the upper jaw are prominent. A curling design occurs below
the teeth of each, apparently representing a forked tongue. And,
corresponding to the probable streams of water which issue from the
corners of the mouth on Stela 11, two plain elements on Monument
C extend below the sides of the mouth. These have been tentatively
described by Stirling (1943, p. 18) as the halves of a broad bifurcated
tongue; but, barring duplication, this possibility is disposed of by
2651915480
Ficure 15.—a-c, La Ceiba (Entry 60). d, Monte Alban, Stela 11 (Entry 19). ¢, Chama
(Entry 58).
Rois,’ «WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 295
the curling design previously referred to. Extending below the
forked tongue appears a serrated, circle-tipped (?) design that sug-
gests the atilike representation on Stela 11. In view of the other
similarities between the beings on Monument C and Stela 11, and in
the light of the evidence that strongly indicates water to be portrayed
falling from the mouth on Stela 11, it seems probable that the corre-
sponding designs on Monument C likewise signify water.
This supposition is supported by the occurrence on Monument C
of additional designs that seem to represent water. A scrolled panel
along the base of sides A and B is identified as water by Stirling (1943,
pp. 18-19). Pecked out dots appear in connection with the scrolls.
Larger scrolls, on sides C and D of the monument, give a subjective
impression not unlike splashing waves of water, and one scroll, edged
with circles, corresponds closely to scrolls depicting water in the
Mexican codices and on Lapida 1, Monte Alban (Stirling, 1943, pl.
6, c, observer’s right). Onsides A and B other scrolled designs, formed
by a series of raised parallel lines with marginal embellishments, have
a more generally vertical position and, perhaps, portray falling water
(pl. 74, c). In several instances these representations are associated
with probable serpent heads, giving rise to the suggestion that they
resemble the coils of plumed serpents (Stirling, 1943, p. 19). When
associated with the serpent heads, the designs seem occasionally to
contact them at the mouths rather than at the necks, as would appear
more fitting if they truly depict serpent bodies. Probable tusks and
tongues below the serpent mouths seem to eliminate the possibility
that the scrolls in question are to be identified as flamboyant versions
of these objects. Accordingly, water may also fall from the mouths
in these instances. These possible streams of water sometimes con-
tact the scrolls along the base of the monument, suggesting the descent
of water upon surface water. The theme of death and destruction
may also occur, for armed human figures, one clearly dressed in a
warrior’s costume, appear on the monument against a background of
the waterlike designs. Certain of the individuals are falling head
downward, recalling the figure, eye closed in death, that falls in this
position in a stream of water on Madrid 32b, as well as being reminis-
cent of portrayals on Borgian 27, 28, 31.
Designs that seemingly portray water occur on Stela 5, Izapa
(Entry 17). In appearance and concept they are strongly reminiscent
of the representations on Monument C, Tres Zapotes. Stirling (1943,
p. 64) identifies as water a scrolled design along the base and part
way up the right-hand side of Stela 5. The row of scrolls is marked
by occasional dots—less frequent but stylistically similar to those
placed within the scrolls on Monument C—and at the end unites with
a raised band, which continues along the base of the design. On the
296 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULu. 157
upper right-hand side of the stela, in virtual contact with the upper
end of the scrolled band, essentially vertical lines which also seem to
represent water apparently issue from the open jaws of a monster.
Details are not clear, but this downward pointing-head (cf. Dresden
74) may be a multiple head attached to a U-shaped serpentine body.
It appears that on both Stela 5, Izapa, and Monument C, Tres
Zapotes, artistically similar water falls from serpent or monster mouths
upon artistically similar water bands. The scrolled line and accom-
panying horizontal band which appears at the top of surface water
on Laud 1 (fig. 14, a) offer a telling correspondence to both monu-
ments, especially Stela 5.
A series of bands which descend from the upper jaw of an anthro-
pomorphic figure on Stela 11, Izapa (Entry 18), may also represent
water.
A water band, containing fish, occurs on Stela 1, Izapa (Entry 16,
pl. 75, a), and here again water seems to fall upon it from above.
A leaning anthropomorphic figure, described by Thompson (1941, p.
26) as seemingly ‘“‘a Tlaloc, with water bag on his back, lifting a rain
barrel,’”’ stands on the water. The descent of water from a container
apparently occurs twice on the stela, while an object within a falling
stream and, possibly, water from the mouth and eye are also present.
The figure grasps an object with clearly portrayed woven surface,
probably best identified as a basket. On or within it is a conven-
tionalized serpent. Below the basket, apparently falling in a stream
of water, is a grotesque face. It has a vaguely glyphlike quality.
In the probable water beneath the face are sharply curved diagonal
lines and, flanking them, somewhat wider bands that terminate in
upturned scrolls. The scrolls, similar in execution to those at the
ends of the water band, might represent splashing water. As will be
seen, a scroll of this type frequently occurs in the same position in
probable representations of water in Maya sculpture.
Partially surrounded by a bewildering series of scrolls, a container
with constricted neck, flaring rim, and crosshatchings occurs on the
back of the figure on Stela 1. The crosshatchings may indicate
decorations incised on pottery, a carrying net, or a woven basket.
Flanked by straight bands, curving diagonal lines appear a short
distance beneath the container. The diagonal lines correspond to
those beneath the probable basket and somewhat resemble the un-
dulating bands of surface water along the base of the stela. Could
the use of diagonal lines indicate rain driven by the wind? It seems
probable, in any event, that a stream of falling water is once again
depicted. In this stream, perhaps balancing the grotesque head
beneath the basket, a small face is faintly discernible. In profile,
it wears a smug, self-satisfied expression and is placed directly above
Axe, Ar)« WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 297
a horizontal band. Below the band appear two elements which have
a’ generalized resemblance to outward-pointing feet or legs or to a
fish tail.'° Atop the head, a knotted headdress is ropelike or ser-
pentine in appearance.
The scrolls which surround the container separate it from the sup-
posed stream of water. This container, like the one carried in the
figure’s hands, is not inverted. However, the crosshachure, like
the loosely woven design, may indicate that a basket is depicted,
and in such a case a stream of water would naturally flow from it.
On the other hand, the maze of scrollwork surrounding the container
has an appearance not unlike piled up clouds, and it is possible that
the stream indicates rain falling from the clouds rather than directly
from the container. Prominent among the scrolls is a birdlike object,
resting upon the container. Heavy curves may indicate its crest,'®
tail and wing, and a sunken dot its eye. This dot may, however,
be a pitted erosion. Another dot, slightly raised, appears below the
first and is connected with it by two slightly incised, barely perceptible
parallel lines. A tear, or even actual water from the eye, may possibly
be represented.
A remarkable correspondence to Goddess I, as pictured on page
74 of the Dresden Codex, exists on this Izapa stela (cf. pls. 72, 75,
a). The goddess has the hands and feet of a jaguar, while the feet
of the figure on Stela 1 represents the conventionalized heads of
animals, possibly snakes. There is a grotesque, perhaps animal
quality to the face of each figure. Goddess I wears a knotted snake
headdress and, as has been seen, a similar headdress occurs on the small
figure in one of the streams of water on Stela 1. A grotesque head
forms part of a differently knotted headdress worn by the main figure
on Stela 1. A scrolled object descending from the mouth of this head
is quite possibly a tongue, although it could be water and if so would
correspond to the water from the mouth of the knotted snake in God-
dess I’s headdress. A realistic representation of a snake lies across
the upper arms of the figure on Stela 1. Among the most striking
of the correspondences, notwithstanding the positional differences of
feet and arms, is the leaning posture assumed by Goddess I and the
figure on Stela 1. Water, or perhaps a blast of wind, may be indicated
by a raised area in front of the mouth of the principal figure on Stela
1. Water from the figure’s mouth would find no parallel with Goddess
I on Dresden 74 (although cf. Madrid 32b), but it would indicate the
15 Cf. tails of fish in the water band on Stela 1 and hanging from the sky band on Stela 5, Izapa (Stirling,
1943, pl. 52). Cf. the possible fish tail in the headdress of the principal figure on Stela 1. If outward-
pointing feet are portrayed, this is their only known occurrence at Izapa.
16 A crest, somewhat similar in appearance, appears on the bird carved on Altar 3, Izapa (Stirling, 1943,
pl. 59, a).
298 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 157
existence of this association, which is displayed so prominently on
Dresden 74.
Correspondences of uncertain significance also exists between the
figure on Stela 1 and the black god at the bottom of Dresden 74.
A serpent head, perhaps symbolic of rain, occurs at the lower end of
the breechcloth of the figure on Stela 1, while the rear portions of the
breechcloth of the black deity on Dresden 74 is marked with dots on
a bluish-green background—in appearance a perfect counterpart of
water pictured on the same page. The emergence of water from
between the legs may be symbolized in both cases. A possible bird
has been seen to rest on the container at the back of the figure on
Stela 1, and an eagle or vulture (Tozzer and Allen, 1910, p. 335;
Tozzer, 1941, p. 147) perches atop the head of the black god on
Dresden 74.
Monument 2 at Cerro de las Mesas (Entry 15) and Stela C at Tres
Zapotes (Entry 20) show the weeping eye motif, which may portray
or symbolize water from the eye. The conventionalized face on the
Tres Zapotes sculpture is that of the “Olmec”’ jaguar. De Borhegyi’s
cone-shaped effigy prongs from pre-Classic Kaminaljuyi seem to
belong to the same class of portrayals (Entry 23). The effigies are
identified as the Kaminaljuyit rain god, with possible relationships to
the Olmec feline and “baby face” deities (De Borhegyi, 1950 b, pp.
64-65). The Kaminaljuyd figures are described as having “deeply
grooved ‘tear streaks’ ’’ beneath the eyes. It may be worthwhile to
note that in De Borhegyi’s fig. 5, d, the so-called goatee is indicated
by parallel grooves which are virtually identical in execution to the
tears and could indicate water passing beneath the tongue from the
mouth. Here, however, the speculation is very much greater, and
the partially corresponding designs on a number of Tlaloc effigy
vessels seem more probably to arise from elaborate treatments of
beards, tusks, or tongues.” The most which can be reasonably con-
jectured is a convergence wherein these objects took on certain attri-
butes normally accorded water.
MAYA MURALS, SCULPTURES, AND CERAMICS
GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS
The search for water on the Maya monuments meets certain initial
handicaps but is not without its compensatory aspects, as well.
Methodological problems are discussed in Appendix B, but two special
factors merit attention here. (1) Partly because of its blue or green
color, water is easily identified in the Maya codices, but the aid of color
is lacking on sculptures which have long been exposed to the elements.
1 Of. De Borhegyi, 1950 a, fig. 1, a, as just one.of a sizable*number.of,examples.
No48) }” WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 299
The colors blue and green, furthermore, were largely outside the
working tradition of the Maya potters,!® and it seems probable that
representations of water on polychrome ceramics would therefore be
executed in one of the colors prescribed by the craftsman’s art. Blue
and green do occur prominently in mural art. Representations in
these colors which might indicate water are, apparently, unknown.
(2) Although the search for water is systematized along different
lines, an initial idea as to what to look for was provided by the pioneer
work of Spinden. His recognition of four pendant designs at Quirigua,
Palenque, and Yaxchilan as floods of descending water comparable
to that on Dresden 74 was basic (Spinden, 1913, pp. 66-68), and he
has also made important references to ‘flood symbols” at Piedras
Negras (Spinden, 1928 b, pp. 23, 29, 30). Accordingly, credit for the
original identifications belongs to Spinden. However, he did not
develop the case systematically, and it has remained in the realms of
impressionism and intuitive judgment.
Interrelationships of various representations identified as water in
Maya art are given in figure 16. By means of certain conventional-
izations, an attempt is made to visualize the more important artistic
and conceptual relationships. By referring to this chart in connection
with the text, one may more readily grasp the logic behind the identi-
fications. The necessity of keeping the chart reasonably simple and
intelligible imposes practical limitations, preventing the inclusion of a
great deal of supporting evidence. The conventionalizations employed
are explained in Appendix D, “Notes on Figure 16” (pp. 384-386).
Established portrayals of water in Mexico as well as in the Maya
codices are held to provide precedents upon which designs in Maya
art are to be identified as water (fig. 16). It is true that this crossing
of spatial cultural boundaries weakens the argument somewhat.
Nevertheless, the recognition that figures at Teotihuacdén sprinkle
water from the hand establishes the presence of this association on a
comparatively early archeological horizon, and it is increasingly
realized that within Mesoamerica the primary cultural changes took
place along chronological rather than areal lines. The occurrence of
specific assemblages of Teotihuacdn traits at Kaminaljuyt, and of
Teotihuacanoid ceramic features such as cylindrical tripods in the
Peten, should be borne in mind in this connection.
The Mexican portrayals of water which are of particular importance
in establishing precedents are those at Teotihuac4n (the fringing of
water with flowers, water from a bird beak, water from the hand, and—
not explicitly shown in fig. 16—water from a Tlaloc mouth); in Aztec
sculpture (Entry 1) and Laud 1 (water that falls from a container
18 Due in part, perhaps, to the difficulties in finding pigments of these colors which would withstand
firing?
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302 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 157
and divides into semidistinct streams); and on Borgian 27, 28 (again
the fringing of falling water with flowers). Actually, certain of the
identifications receive additional support from comparable although
less frequent portrayals in the Maya codices (water from the ‘‘hand”’
on Madrid 33b and from the beak of a bird on Madrid 18b). Such
occurrences, both in the early Classic at Teotihuacin and the late
Maya codices, indicate that the associations in question had a respect-
able time depth in Mesoamerican religion, and were sufficiently deep-
rooted to survive over the centuries. However, no Mayan or Mexican
codex portrayals are known to show water from Tlaloc’s mouth, and
to this extent the latter association must be deemed a less virile one
in Mesoamerican religion, with correspondingly less likelihood of being
indicated by designs of unknown meaning which are associated with
Tlaloc mouths.
HIGHEST PROBABILITY (A) 19
Although great, the role of Mexican portrayals in providing prec-
edent for the identifications in Maya art should not be overstressed.
The most important single source of support, Mayan or Mexican, is
the scene on page 74 of the Dresden Codex (pl. 72). It is cosmopolitan
in the associations it depicts and, even more important, the portrayal
of the stream from the sky monster’s mouth is highly characteristic in
execution.”” It is of great significance, therefore, when closely com-
parable designs are found elsewhere in Maya art. If only chance
factors were involved, it is impossible to estimate the odds against
the repeated occurrence of this type of design with the mouth, but
they are surely large. However, approximately 60 percent of the
known examples do occur with the mouth,”! and with a single excep-
tion (Entry 36) the other known examples occur with the hand
(directly or in intimate though indirect association). Although the
sample is small, this surely adds up to the conclusions that the design
was not employed randomly and that, accordingly, it had some
connotative value consistent with its usage on Dresden 74 (water)
and also consistent with objects which might be associated with the
hand (among which, on the strength of the Teotihuacén murals, water
19 With one or two exceptions, this section includes discussion of all the representations in Classic Maya
art which seem to have the greatest possibility of depicting falling water. Less likely designs are labeled
‘‘Probability B.”” Ina few instances, plus signs are added to the tabulated entries of the B category. See
Appendix O, ‘‘ Notes on the Tables.”
30 Elsewhere in the Dresden Codex, the same artistic treatment of water occurs only on pages 43b, 67a, 73.
31 The sample is small, lessening the effectiveness of this type of reasoning. The percentage, as given
above, is based on 8 designs, 5 of which emerge from the mouth. This association may or may not hold
true for a ninth example, the resulting range in percentage being from 56 to 67. These 9 examples occur at
five different sites. The wide distribution would seem to increase the validity of the sample, as it tends
somewhat to rule out the possibility that slavish imitation, without regard for basic concepts, had taken
hold of the artists. If the search is sufficiently widened to include the generally similar art forms which,
like the examples just discussed, are columnar in shape (table 4), the sample is increased (22 to 27). Of these
11 to 14, approximately one-half, emerge from the mouth, while with only two exceptions the remainder are
associated with either the hand or head.
Ast, T 4?) WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 303
must be included). This is an incomplete statement of the case,
however, for other lines of evidence offer powerful support.
Not only the water from the monster’s mouth on Dresden 74 but
the monster itself is highly distinctive. It is easy, therefore, to recog-
nize closely corresponding artistic forms and legitimate to identify
them as the same mythological creature (i. e., they embody much the
same set of concepts). It is possible, accordingly, to recognize coun-
terparts of the Dresden 74 monster at Palenque, in House E (Entry
34, fig. 17, a) and at Piedras Negras, on Stelae 6, 11, 14 (Entries 40-42,
fig. 17, b, c, d) and 25.” As on Dresden 74, the body of each monster
is a band of astronomical symbols; the front leg dangles similarly,
and the hoof is cloven. The front head is crocodilian or serpentine in
appearance, and it is downward pointing. Unlike Dresden 74, where
the monster is single headed, each of the Piedras Negras and Palenque
monsters has an inverted head, recalling that of the Long-nosed God,
as a rear head, and a bird may be placed at the center of its body.”*
The rear head is shown with a fleshless, bearded lower jaw, and the
forehead, too, tends to be fleshless. A distinctive triple symbol of
shell, “‘leaflike’’ object, and Saint Andrew’s cross (Spinden, 1913,
p. 53) appears at the skullcap. The rear leg dangles in a way remi-
niscent of the front one.
In view of the other striking correspondences that exist, the presence
of flamboyant, generally columnar designs below the mouths of the
front heads of most of these monsters would seem to be anything but
fortuitous. Such designs occur on Dresden 74, House E in Palenque,
and Stelae 6, 11, and perhaps 14, at Piedras Negras. The precedent
of Dresden 74 indicates that the other designs are also water. They
meet the artistic requirements of the present study with some success.
The impression of a falling liquid is sufficiently conveyed (compare the
32 Generally comparable monsters are of frequent occurrence in Maya art. The Dresden-Palenque-
Piedras Negras monsters do form somewhat of a group, however, as opposed to the manifestations of the
beings usually encountered in Classic art. The immediate significance of this is that it underscores the
specific identity of the monsters under discussion. It is not without additional interest, however, that
monsters from the Usumacinta tend, in various features connected with the body, head and legs, to resemble
those in the Dresden (and also the Paris) codices more closely than they do their counterparts in the Peten
and the Motagua. (See Maler, 1901, pl. 26, No. 2, and Thompson, 1939, fig. 4, d, for additional close cor-
respondences in the treatment of the dragon; also Maler, 1903, pl. 69, at the upper Usumacinta site
of Yaxchilan.)
23 According to Spinden (1917, p. 171), the body of the two-headed monster is vertical on the Piedras
Negras stelae. The body he considers to be formed by astronomical hands which rise on either side of a
seated figure and join above its head. Supporting his view is the presence of a Serpent Bird atop the band
as it passes over the figure’s head (cf. the similar monster in House E, Palenque). This is not borne out by
the appearance of the designs, however. The vertical bands terminate abruptly a sizable distance above the
monster’s heads, while portions of the horizontal body can be seen beneath an overlay of objects which rise
from below. The horizontal band bears astronomical markings. Actually, the question of whether the
bodies are horizontal or vertical is somewhat academic, as the concept of a sky monster is surely present in
both types of bands. Viewed realistically, the representations on the Piedras Negras stelae may represent
throne decorations rather than actual sky monsters. The point being made—important inasmuch as it
emphasizes the resemblances to the sky monsters on Dresden 74 and in House E, Palenque—is that what-
ever else may have been intended or implied, the concept of a horizontal body of sky symbols was also
present in the Piedras Negras type of monster.
304 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 157
Ficure 17.—a, Palenque, House E (Entry 34, front head). a’,same, rear head. 5, Piedras
Negras, Stela 6 (Entry 40, front head). 0b’, same, rear head. c, Piedras Negras, Stela 14,
ree ie front head). d, Piedras Negras, Stela 11 (Entry 41, front head). d’, same,
rear head. ;
Nous) «WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 305
sections, “Artistic Approach to the Identifications” and “Artistic Ty-
pology and Miscellany”). Especially at Piedras Negras, it is true, the
outlines do not closely resemble that of water on Dresden 74. But
Mexican examples showing the descent of water in dividing streams
(pl. 74, 6, fig. 14, a) offer analogies to the shape of the design on Stela
11, Piedras Negras (fig. 17, d).
Artistic connections of an indirect but telling sort nevertheless exist
between the designs emerging from the mouths of the Palenque-
Piedras Negras sky monsters and the water from the mouth of the
monster on Dresden 74. To understand this, it is necessary to look
to the inverted rear head of the dragon. From its skullcap or triple
symbol there descends, in every instance, a design which is virtually
identical to that which issues from the mouth of the front head (fig.
17, a’, b’, d’). The fact that it is so similar suggests that the same
object is intended, viz, a stream of falling water. Nevertheless, a
precedent for such an identification has not been found among the
established representations of Mayan or Mexican water. The problem
of identification is accordingly difficult, and detailed discussion of it
is postponed until the section, ““Balanced Water and Vegetation.”
The artistic identity of the designs from the skullcap of the rear head
and the mouth of the front head must, in any case, be recognized, and
the fact that the two heads occur on the same body constitutes an
important conceptual linkage.
A head identical to that of the rear head of the monster is sometimes
depicted, unattached to a body. The triple symbol is an important
diagnostic. Sometimes the head is inverted, corresponding to the
rear heads of the Palenque and Piedras Negras sky monsters. Some-
times it is upright (cf. Spinden, 1913, figs. 52,83). Within the Temples
of the Cross and the Sun at Palenque, both the inverted and the up-
right detached heads appear, either in different sculptured panels or
in different parts of the same tablet. A manifestation of the dragon
with its front and rear heads is indicated in such examples, the upright
anthropomorphic head balancing the inverted one and thereby substi-
tuting for the usual serpentine front head.
This brings us to one of the most important steps in the development
of the argument for the portrayal of water in Classic Maya art.
Columnar designs fall from the detached, inverted heads, correspond-
ing to generally similar art forms that descend from the sky monster’s
rear head (cf. figs. 17, a’, b’, d’, 18, b). Similar designs fall from
the mouth of the detached upright heads. Thus, Long-nosed-God-
like heads seem to substitute for the serpentine heads in the belching
forth of water (cf. figs. 17, a, b, d; 18, a, c). The conclusion that it
is water which passes from the mouth is strongly reinforced by the
fact that in figure 18, a, c, the columnar designs are strikingly similar
306 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bout 157
to the water which descends from the mouth of the sky monster on
Dresden 74 (cf. pl. 72). An analysis of these correspondences is
made in a subsequent section, ‘‘Artistic Typology and Miscellany.”
It follows from all this that the detached heads derive their associa-
tional precedent for water from Dresden 74, via the complete sky
monsters at Piedras Negras and Palenque. But the latter, in turn,
derive additional support from Dresden 74, via the detached monster
heads at Palenque.
The detached monster heads, from whose skullcaps and mouths
water may be falling, are typically held in the hands of human figures.
In figure 18, a, it will be seen that the hands are in even more intimate
contact with the object from the mouth than with the head itself.
Perhaps they may be thought of as an actual source of the water,
in which case, by the process of duplication, the artist showed dual
sources for the falling stream—hands as well as mouth. This is
speculative, although some support may be derived from partially
comparable representations at Copén (Entry 29, pl. 76, 5, c) and
Livingstone, Guatemala (Entry 61, fig. 18, e). In the Copan speci-
mens, the hand is identically placed in relation to the head and
“water.’”’? Kven making no allowances for portrayal in the round
instead of two dimensionally, the object from the mouth recalls water
from the monster’s jaws on Dresden 74 in a tantalizing yet insistent
fashion. However, the head lacks a triple symbol and the nose
differs from that of the typical rear head of the sky monster. It is
not clear, in the Livingstone representation, if a head and mouth is
portrayed at the upper end of the waterlike design. A human
hand is clearly contacting the “water.” ** Artistically, the design,
again, has close parallels with Dresden 74 and the Temple of the Cross,
Palenque. Because they too hark back to the established portrayal
of water in the Dresden Codex, the objects from Copan and Living-
stone serve to reinforce the association of figure 18, a, b (Palenque)
with the hand. ‘This is to say that because there are several examples
of the combined association of the hand with the “water” as well
as head, the motif must have been an intentional one rather than
resulting fortuitously from carelessness or whim on the part of the
individual artist (cf. footnote 21).
A series of columnar designs in the same general artistic tradition,
which often fail, however, to display specific resemblances to water on
Dresden 74, occur at Yaxchilan (Stelae 1, 3, 4, 6, 7; Entries 50-54;
figs. 18, d, 19, a-c). Closest to the water on Dresden 74 is the design
on Stela 3 (fig. 18, d). The dividing water shown in figures 14, a,
33a “The figure holds something in his hand, which may perhaps represent a face or an open jaw, and from
which a chain of curling, but pointed, designs runs downward like a stream” (Seler in Thompson and
Richardson, 1939, vol. 3, p. 127). Seler also notes the possible association of a Muluc (water) element
with this design.
Axrpnor. PAP. WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 307
d, Yaxchilian, Stela 3 (Entry 51).
a
—T—~- Lr T asa) t
22°28 6e888%aa neoestsagn se = Hr
) (Entry 61).
c, Palenque, Temple of the Sun (Entry 36).
(reported provenience
(Entry 35).
Livingstone
é;
Ficure 18.—a, b, Palenque, Temple of the Cross
308 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 157
“
Ficure 19.—a, Yaxchilan, Stela 4 (Entry 52). 6, Yaxchilan, Stela 7 (Entry 54). c, Yax-
chilan, Stela 6 (Entry 53). d, Ulua Valley (Entry 65). ¢, Palenque, Temple of the
Foliated Cross (Entry 37). f, Yaxchilan, Stela 1 (Entry 50). g, Copan, Stela D,
(Entry 26). h, Tikal, Temple IV. i, Copan, Stela H,(Entry 27).
448). Y))« WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 309
and 17, d, is strongly recalled on Stelae 6 and 7 (figs. 19, 6, c). The
Yaxchilan designs are of importance here because they fall from
human hands held in much the same position as the hands in the
previously discussed representations at Palenque and Copan (figs.
18, a, 6; pl. 76, b,c). No heads appear at the top of these portrayals,
however. Teotihuacién and perhaps Madrid 33b, 93c provide prece-
dent for the associations of the hand per se with water.
Waterlike designs descend from the mouths of additional double-
headed monsters. Examples at Quirigua take the form of Cere-
monial Bars, clearly paraphernalia but apparently treated so as to
emphasize the underlying concept rather than mere ornamentation
(Stelae A, C, H; Entries 43-45; fig. 20, a-c). Front and rear heads
are not differentiated in these portrayals, waterlike designs seeming
to fall from the mouths of each head. Serpent heads appear on
Stelae A and H. Jaguar heads occur on Stela C, according to Mauds-
lay (1889-1902, vol. 2, p. 9), but the absence of spots together with
a vaguely atypical aspect suggest the possibility that some rodent
may, instead, be portrayed. The Long-nosed God, armed with lance
and shield, sits at the top of the “water” on Stela H. He is appar-
ently within the stream, recalling the numerous associations of sym-
bols of war with falling water (Dresden 74, Madrid 32a, Borgian 27).
The design below the god is more strongly reminiscent of water pic-
tured on Dresden 74 than is true of Stelae A and C. Lacking the
specific attributes of the Dresden 74 sky monster, these double-
headed creatures of Quirigua have less claim to the precedent for the
portrayal of water than was found to be true at Palenque and Piedras
Negras. On the other hand, the resemblance of figure 20, c, to the
water from the monster’s mouth on Dresden 74 constitutes a tan-
talizing supporting link.
The emptying of a container is the most frequent of the water
associations in the codices. Goddess I, the water pourer on Dresden
67a, 74, has strong feline features. Hence, it is of great interest, in
polychrome ceramic art from Chama, to find a jaguar pouring liquid
from a jar (Entry 57, fig. 21,c). The huge cat wears the collar of the
death god, perhaps relating the scene to the death and destruction
configuration. The design from the vessel divides into scrolling
branches (cf. known water in pl. 74, b, fig. 14, a).
On Zoomorph P, Quirigua, the same branching treatment charac-
terizes another set of designs that appear to be emptied out of in-
verted containers (Entry 46b-f, figs. 21, a, 6, 22). Rims are clearly
visible except in a single instance, where the container seems to be
depicted with its bottom upturned, as if seen from above (fig. 21, a).
This is the “cartouche” illustrated by Maudslay (1889-1902, vol. 2,
p. 18). The anthropomorphic figures holding the vessels are mostly
2651915481
310
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BuuLu. 157
d, Finca Encanto (Entry 31).
c, Quirigua, Stela H (Entry 45).
66).
Stela C (Entry 44).
é, Yalloch (Entry
b, Quirigua,
Ficure 20.—a, Quirigua, Stela A (Entry 43).
311
WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS
ANTHROP. Pap,
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312 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL, 157
grotesque variants of the Long-nosed God. One of them seems, how-
ever, to be the same rodentlike (or unspotted feline?) animal met
on Stela C, Quirigua, with a probable stream of water descending
from its mouth (cf. figs. 20, 6, 22, 6). The occurrence at the site of
the same animal in different settings, both of which seem, however,
to be aquatic, is of no small interest. It constitutes an independent
evidence that the same concept is involved. Almost all of these
figures on Zoomorph P, animal and grotesque, are hunched over their
containers. The configuration of the bending-over rainmaker is
recalled (Dresden 67a, 74, Laud 1). One of these crouching postures
(fig. 22, b) is particularly close to that of God B in the water-pouring
act on Madrid 13b. The horizontal portion of two of the figures
suggest that they are in the air, looking down at the earth (fig. 22, a, b),
while the legs of one of the otherwise upright beings seem to be floating
behind it rather than standing and supporting its body (fig. 22, ¢).
The mien of celestial beings, pouring down the rainwaters from the sky,
is forcefully captured.
A bending figure shown on Chama pottery appears in connection
with a design believed by Dieseldorff (1926-33, vol. 1, p. 27) to indi-
cate rain (Entry 58, fig. 15, e). A wavy line, which may with con-
fidence be identified as water, is depicted at the top of a curious com-
posite object. Apparently a water container, formed of a mollusk
shell with an artificial extension, is indicated. It seems to be attached
to the back of an aged personage (God N) whose stooped shoulders
support it. Slanting lines, marked with dots, appear beneath the
spire of the shell. This is not the characteristic portrayal of water
as it is recognized on the Maya monuments, but it has close analogies
to the typical representations of rain in the Dresden Codex. Per-
haps rain is depicted, falling from the bottom of the water container
which the figure wears on its back. Compare the possible emergence
of water from the spires of mollusk shells at Teotihuacdin (Entry 2).
Markings akin to those beneath the spire of the mollusk shell
appear between the legs of the figure on the Chama vessel (fig. 15, e).
This presumed existence of a breechcloth with waterlike markings is
reminiscent of the back portion of the black god’s breechcloth on
Dresden 74 (pl. 72). Water may be symbolized or, perhaps, actually
depicted. An elongated design in front of the figure is similar in
appearance. It seems to emerge from a small object which could
indicate a cloud (cf. Dresden 35c and Férstemann, 1906, p. 173). A
cloud, if such it be, may reappear as the source for a stream of water
on a tablet at Finca Encanto, Chiapas (Entry 31, fig. 20, d). This
design is of particular interest because of its close artistic correspond-
ence to probable water from the mouth of the serpent on Stela H,
Quirigua (fig. 20, c).
No4s}.* WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 313
ste
22.—Quirigua, Zoomorph P. a, Entry 46d. b, Entry 46e. c, Entry 46f,
FicurE
314 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 157
Remarkable correspondences to the Mexican portrayal of water
exist on a polychrome plate from Quintana Roo (Entry 62, pl. 76, a).
At widely spaced intervals the essentially columnar design is edged
with fleur-de-lis-like elements, probably to be identified as flowers
although highly conventionalized bones could be intended. This
marking is duplicated on streams of water in the Borgian Codex (pl.
73, 6, center). In conjunction with the faintly scalloped or serrated
edges of the design, it nicely conveys the impression of falling water.
Dots and circles appear frequently within the design (cf. certain por-
trayals of water at Teotihuacdén in this respect, as well as in the
apparent fringing of the design with flowers). Various objects seem
to be falling in the water. The stream itself emerges from the beak
of a bird (cf. Madrid 18b and Entries 8, 11, 13, Teotihuacén). Real-
istically treated, the bird head is clearly the counterpart of the
serpentine or saurian head of the Maya sky monster.* The descent
of water from the mouth of this monster is vividly recalled.
A final trait, shared by a number of the representations that have
been discussed, seems to constitute a ‘clincher’ for the argument
that water is portrayed. The day sign Eb and a shell, the latter
perhaps retaining its value in the codices of zero or completion, appear
in water poured from a jar by Goddess I on Dresden 74. Other
glyphs or symbols also occur in water in the Maya and Mexican
codices and at Teotihuacdn although such associations are very rare.
The apparent sign of completion on Dresden 74 is of particular im-
portance here. For it is one of three glyphs which occur repeatedly
in the waterlike designs in Classic Maya art. The other two, yax
(green) and kan (yellow), sometimes appear side by side or in con-
junction with the completion sign. The day signs Ahau and Akbal
may occur once or twice, although Eb is unknown. The occurrences
of specific glyphs are given in table 5.
Examination of the table shows how the glyphs bind the supposed
portrayals of water into a more closely knit complex, enhancing the
likelihood that a single concept is involved. Completion (zero), yax
and possibly Ahau appear in the waterlike streams associated with
different examples of the double-headed sky monster. Only comple-
tion occurs with the detached heads of the monster. Completion,
then, is the glyph that dominates these important representations at
Palenque and Piedras Negras, so the two probable occurrences of yax
with the sky monster are of considerable importance (Entry 34, fig.
* The bird head is linked with the top of the head of a second, anthropomorphized bird. As is so fre-
quently the case when the sky monster is involved, the head at the observer’s left is the “front” one, treated
virtually without human features, while the rear head, at the observer’s right, is given strongly human
attributes. Another Maya pattern in regard to the double-headed monster is followed inasmuch as the
anthropomorphic rear head is placed at a lower level than the less humanized front one (ef. pl. 75, 6; Maler,
1908, pls. 8, 10, No. 2; Maudslay, 1889-1902, vol. 2, pls. 81, 82).
Nous) F’?) WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 315
17, a).*> In the somewhat comparable design from a serpentine
mouth at Quirigua, the kan sign occurs as well as completion (Entry
45, fig. 20, c). It is kan and yax that appear together repeatedly in
streams falling from the hands at Yaxchilan. Kan and the day sign
Ahau or Akbal appear in the streams poured from containers at
Quirigua. Once again kan is present in the stream that is treated
in the specific artistic tradition of water in the Borgian Codex and
gushes from the mouth of the bird which substitutes for the front
head of the sky monster (Entry 62, pl. 76, a).
All this may be viewed in a slightly different way. Completion
(zero) dominates the portrayals in the west, at Palenque and Piedras
Negras, although at the Usumacinta site of Yaxchilan kan and yax
may occur exclusively. Kan takes over as one moves farther to the
east (Quirigua and, if this is the place of manufacture, the vessel
reported from Quintana Roo). It would be interesting to know if a
larger sample would substantiate this geographic patterning. As will
be seen shortly, there are reasons for believing that at Palenque kan
as well as yax shared the aquatic associations with completion. Yax
may also have an aquatic association at Tikal. The most that seems
to be indicated is a regional favoring of one glyph over another with,
so far as can be determined at present, any one of these three symbols
being a potential substitute for the others.
PROBABILITY B: PARAPHERNALIA AND SECONDARY ASSOCIATIONS
Certain representations that give some evidence of relationship with
the Maya motifs discussed heretofore are, nonetheless, somewhat less
convincing as water. Some of them could symbolize water without
actually portraying it. Others are so highly stylized as to suggest
that their function was almost solely a decorative one. Whatever
conceptual ideas lay behind the latter group seem to have been
largely repressed. True, conventionalization might also have taken
place if the object in question represents some type of ritual para-
phernalia. In many of these highly stylized examples, however, there
is no reason to assume that the object is intended as paraphernalia
laden with symbolic meaning, rather than a decoration which, perhaps
through convergence, reflects only palely artistic and conceptual
attributes of water. This is not to deny that some of the designs
discussed previously may actually depict paraphernalia, too; but if
this is the case, the artists were careful to show the waterlike aspects
35 Maudslay’s restoration of the two diagonal parallel lines, not visible in the photograph of the Palenque
sky monster, is presumably safe (cf. Maudslay, 1889-1902, vol. 4, pls. 42, 43). At least one of the diagonal
lines characteristic of yax appears clearly in the stream from the mouth of a dragon at Piedras Negras (Stela
11, Entry 41); Spinden’s drawing, which is reproduced here without change, treats the glyph as doubtful,
however. (Cf. fig. 17, d, and Maler, 1901, pl. 20, No.1.) Entry 41 is of particular interest because it
indicates a specific association of completion and yax.
316 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 157
of the ceremonial objects, and the aquatic symbolism was conse-
quently more pronounced.
Possible examples of ceremonial or decorative objects which retain
something in the way of aquatic symbolism relate to detached
Long-nosed God or sky-monster heads. Such an object appears on
Stela D, Copan (Entry 26, fig. 19, g). It is by now a familiar one, a
Long-nosed God head without a lower jaw appearing at the top and
the remainder of the object below the god’s mouth, resembling water
from the jaws of the Dresden 74 monster. Held casually in the arm
of a figure of the Long-nosed God, however, it clearly appears to be a
stafflike object. The representation is reminiscent of the Tlalocs on
Borgian 27, 28, and Seldon 9, inasmuch as a deity that is often con-
sidered to be the rain god (Appendix A) holds an effigy head, repre-
senting himself, from which water seems to descend (cf. pl. 73, 6).
Elsewhere at Cop4n (Stela H, Entry 27, fig. 19, 7), the Maize God
is shown holding a stafflike object, at the top of which the head of the
Long-nosed God appears. Some connection with Entry 26 seems
obvious. If the staff symbolizes water, the conventionalized plant
growing from the head of the god could mean that the idea of balanced
water and vegetation is intended. Somewhat similar staffs appear at
Yaxchilan, although the designs from the region of the mouth, here
forming handles, are so rudimentary that it seems hardly conceivable
that they could symbolize water (Maudslay, 1889-1902, vol. 2, pls.
81, 82). The Yaxchilan headdress is distinctive and reappears on
staffs showing a Long-nosed God head at Palenque (Entry 37, fig.
19, e). On each of the Palenque staffs, a short narrow design that is
reminiscent of probable streams of water depicted at the site passes
from the mouth of the Long-nosed God. The head is inverted, and
this suggests a connection with the rear head of the sky monster.
However, it also means that the waterlike designs pass upward from
the mouth in a most unrealistic fashion. This would seem to indicate
that the concept of falling water was not the uppermost factor in-
volved in the artist’s choice of subject matter.
It will be recalled that waterlike designs characteristically descend
from the sky monster’s inverted rear head, as well as falling from the
mouth of its front head (Entries 34, 35, 40, 41, figs. 17, a’, b’, d’, 18, b).
Such designs are virtually identical in appearance and are often
marked with the same glyphs. It is accordingly of special interest
when a single representation shows flamboyant designs falling from
the mouth of the Long-nosed God while corresponding designs rise
from its head. In such cases the attributes of the front and rear heads
seem to have been combined in a composite entity. This is not to
say, however, that the design rising from the head is necessarily water.
Closely corresponding representations of this type occur at Quirigua
(Entry 46g, h, fig. 23, g) and Jonuta (Entry 32). Lightly incised
Ao7is) F“?) WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 317
€
Ficure 23.—a, Palenque, House D. 5, Palenque, Temple of the Sun (Entry 36). ¢,
Nexapa (Entry 63). d, Tikal, Temple IV (Entry 48). ¢, Chama (Entry 59). f,
Quirigua, Zoomorph P (Entry 46a). g, Quirigua, Zoomorph P (Entry 46g).
318 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 157
glyphs are present in the waterlike designs issuing from both the
head and mouth at Jonuta.
A flamboyant treatment of the serpent’s tail is frequent in Maya
art, and perhaps it is the better part of valor to recognize the fact
and let it go at that. But inverted heads of the Long-nosed God
occur rather often at the end of serpent tails, surely as manifestations
of the sky monster’s rear head. In such cases, elaborate scrolls are
often shown passing down from them (Maudslay, 1889-1902, vol. 1,
pl. 23; Spinden, 1913, fig. 81; Maler, 1908, pls. 8, 10, No. 2, 13, No. 1).
The analogy to Entries 34, 40, 41 (figs. 17a’, b’, d’) is clear-cut.
When, therefore, the same scroll appears directly at the end of a
snake’s tail, without the intervening grotesque head, the conceptual
linkage presumably remains close with the classic sky monster as
depicted at Palenque and Piedras Negras. Entry 63 (fig. 23, c), a
ceramic design in Mayoid style from Salvador, displays such a treat-
ment of the serpent’s tail. The lower arm of the scroll attached to
the tail is strikingly similar to the design that tumbles down from the
serpent’s mouth. Elements that correspond in outline to the com-
pletion (zero) glyph occur in both these representations, at tail and
mouth, connecting them with one another and, perhaps, to the more
surely identified streams of water in which the completion sign so fre-
quently appears.
Waterlike designs appear beneath the upper jaws of two serpent
heads painted on a vessel from Yalloch (Entry 66, fig. 20, e). Pseudo-
glyphs may occur in the designs. The representations would seem,
however, to depict some form of pendant object rather than actual
streams of water, for the objects are clearly fastened to the jaws of
the serpents and feathers to the base of the objects.
Narrow designs, differing widely from the appearance of falling
water, pass from the hands of human figures on Mayoid vessels from
Salvador (Entry 56) and the Ulua Valley (Entry 65, fig. 19, d). The
Ulua design assumes the form of a highly conventionalized serpent
head. <A pseudoglyph is attached to it. Both designs are of con-
siderable interest because, like a number of probable streams of water
at Teotihuacdn, they branch outward from the hand, a scroll rising
into the air while a vertical stream descends to the earth (cf. fig.
14,6). A further comparison with Teotihuacén, and with such Mexican
codex portrayals as that on Borgian 72, is presented in Entry 65 by the
occurrence of an eye in the supposed stream of falling water. (Cf. Von
Winning, 1947 a, p. 334, and footnote 14, above.) Positionally, the
hand in Entry 65 compares rather closely with hands elsewhere in
Maya art from which better identified streams of water descend (pl. 76,
b, c; fig. 18, a, b; cf. additional hands in fig. 19).
Several representations which fail to show anything that could be
Nous)’ WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 319
interpreted as streams of water have glyphs attached to the mouth
or directly beneath it. This association could be significant in view
of the frequent emergence from the mouth of waterlike designs in
which glyphs appear. This is particularly true in those instances
where other portions of the representation have features that are
commonly found with water. A design from Pier c of House D in the
Palace, Palenque, is suggestive in this respect (fig. 23, a). Taking the
form of a highly conventionalized serpent head, what must be vegeta-
tion of some sort grows from the detached rear head of the sky
monster (cf. Entry 55, pl. 75, 6). Placed against the serpent’s
upper jaw are the signs for kan and completion (zero). They may
be shown as emerging from the serpent’s mouth and therefore be
comparable to the yax and completion signs that descend in different
streams of water gushing from the front head of the sky monster
(Entries 34, 41, fig. 17, a, d). The further interchangeability of
completion, kan, and yax may be indicated by the fact that the
representation shown in figure 23, a, is enclosed by a border of com-
pletion symbols, while a border of yax signs on the adjacent Pier d
and kan symbols on Pier e take the place of the zeros (Appendix A;
Thompson, 1950, pp. 276-277). Elsewhere, pseudoglyps appear in
connection with the upper jaw of a modified serpent head (Spinden,
1913, fig. 34, d). On Lintel 3 of Temple IV, Tikal—the source of
Entry 49 and therefore possibly depicting water from the mouth of a
Long-nosed God—an owl appears above the body of a double-headed
serpentine monster (Maudslay, 1889-1902, vol. 3, pl. 78). The
“moan” or “serpent” bird occurs frequently in this position, so its
association with the double-headed monster is known to be an inti-
mate one. A yax sign appears at the beak of the bird, suggesting
as in figure 23, a, that water is symbolized as emerging from the mouth.
The occurrence at Teotihuacin (Entry 2) of probable water symbols
at the mouths of mythical beings seems to indicate a comparable form
of symbolism.
Other symbolism, wherein water is not actually depicted but one
of its associations is implied, may take place on the elaborate loin-
cloth aprons shown so frequently in Classic Maya sculpture. Serpent
heads are shown in profile, their noses turning outward as frets (Pro-
skouriakoff, 1950, p. 70, figs. 24-26). It will be recalled that a serpent
head is depicted at the bottom of the breechcloth on Stela 1, Izapa
(Entry 16, pl. 75, a) and that its presence was tentatively suggested
to symbolize the descent of water between the legs. It should be
unnecessary to caution against drawing definite conclusions oa such
shaky data; obviously, one cannot assume aquatic symbolism every
time a snake is encountered in Mesoamerican art. On the other hand,
the treatment of the back of the black god’s breechcloth as a stream
320 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 157
of falling water on Dresden 74 (pl. 72) should not be dismissed too
lightly. The apron of the figure on Stela 6, Copéin (Entry 28) is of
particular interest for its possible aquatic symbolism. A design
somewhat resembling Von Winning’s treble scroll motif at Teotihuacin
occurs toward the top of the apron, while another design, generally
similar to the Teotihuacdn trilobal drop element, hangs pendent from
its base. It will be recalled that simple drops are frequently attached
to the treble scroll at Teotihuacan, offering a close analogy to the
placement of the trilobal element at Copén (Neys and Von Winning,
1946, fig. 1; Von Winning, 1947 a, fig. 3). However, the trilobal
element also has analogies to Proskouriakoff’s “leaf-and-frmge”’ motif
(Proskouriakoff, 1950, fig. 13, a-s). Tending to support the identi-
fications of water symbols on Stela 6 is a horizontal row of hooklike
elements, closer to the lower end of the apron. It may not be too
far-fetched to see a reflection of the descent of water upon surface
water. The supposed symbolism is strikingly Mexican in the use of
its motifs. This may not be too surprising inasmuch as Stela 6 is
dominated by Tlaloc heads, replete with the trapezoidal year symbol.
Motifs similar to both the trilobal element and treble scroll of Teo-
tihuacén decorate still other loincloth aprons on Classic Maya stelae,
at Piedras Negras, Cancuen, and Naranjo (Proskouriakoff, 1950,
figs. 13, p, g, 8, 26, 7, k, m). Particularly in the trilobal design at
Piedras Negras, resemblances occur with a probable water symbol
on Monument 9, San Lorenzo (Stirling, 1954, pl. 18) as well as at
Teotihuacin. In addition to the three main “drops” at Piedras
Negras, two vestigial droplets may be shown about to descend (cf.
the five drops, two short, at San Lorenzo, and the treatment of one
of the projections assumed by the stream in figure 20, c, Quirigua).
Inasmuch as the motifs depart somewhat from the Mexican examples,
particularly in the leaflike treatment of the trilobal element, they may
not warrant this extended discussion. If their identity were estab-
lished, however, they would constitute a connection of considerable
historical significance,” let alone the support that they would give to
the supposed symbolism of the descent of water between the legs.
PROBABILITY B: FANG, TONGUE, OR WATER (?)
A more stereotyped motif, with correspondences both to the sup-
posed portrayals of water and to Maya conventionalizations of fangs
or serpent teeth, is shown from time to time descending from the
upper jaw of various grotesque heads. The argument as to its closest
artistic affiliations need not be pursued at the moment, two observa-
%a The distribution of the trilobal drop element in Mesoamerica need not concern us here, although its
presence on Teotihuacanoid pottery at Kaminaljuyi does bring the indisputable portrayal of the motif
close to the Maya area (Kidder, Jennings, and Shook, 1946, fig. 205, e, p. 221).
No 48] «WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 32]
tions being sufficient. Teeth, fangs, and tongue have an even more
apparent association with the mouth than have streams of falling
water. The design in question does not occur in known portrayals
of water.
However, the beings with which the design sometimes appears are
known to produce water from their mouths. On Madrid 30b water
is shown falling from the mouth of an animal identified as a jaguar
by Tozzer and Allen (1910, p. 356). In Entry 48 (fig. 23, d), from a
Tikal lintel, an unmistakable jaguar head, lacking the lower jaw, is
shown with the design in question descending from its mouth. Entry
64, from Uaxactun, compares closely. Elsewhere heads, which may
possibly be those of jaguars but are lacking spots, decorate feather
capes, while designs of allied type pass downward from their mouths
(Entries 38, 39, 47).
Gaiters and corresponding ornaments on the forearms are worn by
the probable water pourers at Yaxchilan (Entries 50-54, fig. 19, f).
The ornaments consist of two serpent heads, often in conjunction with
Proskouriakoff’s leaf-and-fringe motif. The snake heads are united
by her twisted band or mat motif, the upper one being inverted
(Proskouriakoff, 1950, p. 97). Linked in this way, the heads are
analogous to the double-headed monster, although it must be admitted
that, inasmuch as the motif is comprised of separate, widely dis-
tributed elements, the correspondence may be accidental. The
flamboyant motif which may represent teeth, tongue, or water rises
from the jaw of the upper, inverted serpent head. The comparison
is close with Entry 37 (fig. 19, e), which on other lines of evidence has
itself been associated with the double-headed monster. Via figure
19, e, then, the Yaxchilan ornaments and the distinctive motif from
their mouths may be connected with better authenticated water
representations such as figure 18, a, 6. But, as ever, the ascent of
water hits a discordant note.
Water has been identified as falling from the mouths of Tlalocs at
Teotihuacan (Entries 4, 12, and perhaps 7). The fang-tongue-water
(?) motif appears at the jaw of several probable Tlaloc heads in
Maya art. A possible variant of the motif in front view occurs with
the mouth of a Tlaloc head in a sculpture from the Hieroglyphic
Stairway, Copaén (Entry 30). Stela 6 at Copén is especially rich in
the portrayal of Tlaloc heads, typical profile examples of the motif
occurring with two of them (Entry 28). These Tlalocs appear in the
jaws of serpent heads at the ends of a Ceremonial Bar, so, indirectly,
water may be intended to be shown emerging from the mouths of the
double-headed monster. The same set of concepts seems to be
expressed on Lintel 25, Yaxchilan (Entry 55, pl. 75, 6). In this case,
the upper Tlaloc head serves as a mask, appearing before the face of
Bd BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
an anthropomorphic figure, holding spear and shield, who emerges
from the jaws of a double-headed serpent. The armed figure, in
possible connection with water, recalls the Long-nosed God on Stela
H, Quirigua (fig. 20, c). Another Tlaloc head, with a similar design
emerging from its mouth, occurs in the jaws of the smaller rear head.
The imbricated or trapezoidal year symbol, so commonly associated
with Tlalocs in Mexico, appears to reinforce their conceptual as well
as their artistic identity with the Mexican rain god.”
Designs which differ from the fang-tongue-water (?) motif never-
theless fit into the same complex. In Entries 49, 24, from Tikal and
Bonampak, respectively, a Long-nosed God and figures with jaguar
paws emerge from the serpentine mouths of the double-headed
monster, while designs somewhat reminiscent of the motif in ques-
tion descend from the gods’ upper jaws (cf. Entries 28, 55). In
Temple 26, Cop4n, hunched-over figures have Tlaloc attributes but
the ‘‘water’’ from their mouths is very different artistically (Entry
30, pl. 76, d,e). Itis featured, in plate 76, d, by a divided stream and
a detached drop, the latter surely indicative that some sort of liquid
is portrayed.** There is some suggestion that these seated figures are
wearing masks. A detached and fleshless upper jaw, with goggle
eye and prominent teeth, is larger but otherwise identical to a cor-
responding jaw at the neck of the figure (pl. 76, e). It is on end,
apparently set aside. Perhaps, as on Lintel 25 at Yaxchilan (pl.
75, 6), the water is to be thought of as emerging from the mouth of
the Tlaloc mask rather than from that of the being wearing it. More
peripheral to the complex surrounding the fang-tongue-water (?)
motif, but connected with it through the emergence of a possible
stream of water from the mouth of a jaguar, are the ceramic designs
in Entry 60 (fig. 15, a-c). The branching of the designs into semi-
distinct elements presents analogies to motifs which, with varying
degrees of certainty, have been identified as water (pl. 74, 5, figs. 14, a;
17, d; 19, b-d; 21; 22; 23, c, g).
ARTISTIC TYPOLOGY AND MISCELLANY
The case for the identification of water in Classic Maya art has by
now been largely presented. The detailed associations which have
been traced through a series of interlocking complexes constitute some
% Garcfa Payoén, 1939, pp. 242-244, figs. 1, 2, and Thompson, 1950, p. 145. The year symbol is shown
emerging from the mouth of a Tlaloc at Uxmal (Spinden, 1924, fig. 321—an association reminiscent of yax,
kan, and completion signs with the upper jaw in Classic Mays art.)
2a Toward the base the drop is marked with a wavy horizontal line. In this respect, as in shape, it bears
considerable resemblance to examples of the “dripping water’? symbol at Teotihuacin (Von Winning
1947 a, fig.1, e,g, 4, m). Such factors, plus the large size accorded the representations, make the case for
an identification of water very attractive for these Cop4n sculptures. It is, nevertheless, only fair to note
that in size and appearance other sculptures at the site are transitional to water and to normal tongues,
speechscrolls, or the fang-tongue-water (?) motif (photographic files, Department of Archaeology, Carnegie
Institution of Washington, Nos. 37-13-144, 37-13-217, 37-13-221, 37-13C-3, 39-13B-338, 39-13B-346).
Me FAP) WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 323
of the most telling evidence. Certain artistic data—the resemblance
of individual designs to known portrayals of water—have been
examined. It remains only to systematize matters of typology,
evaluate the extent to which the designs give the appearance of falling
water, and seek distributional trends.
Three primary artistic types have already been given tacit recog-
nition. The categories are based primarily on the over-all shape of
the motif, rather than on such elements as interior markings or styl-
istically governed treatments of the outline. It sometimes is possible
to find important correlations with these other features, however.
Several representations defy a simple classification but need be of no
concern in the present discussion of general tendencies. The types
are characterized, respectively, by a modified columnar shape, by
division into semi-independent branches, and by a scroll (perhaps
indicating a pair of scrolls if seen in front view) flanking the upper
portion of a rather narrow element. The third type, referred to
previously as the fang-tongue-water (?) motif, tends to be the smallest
in size and of most highly standardized appearance. The first and
second forms will be known hereafter as the columnar stream and the
divided stream, respectively. Important relationships on an artistic
level occur among the types.
Prominent features of the columnar stream are unusual length as
compared to width and a slightly undulating outline that does not,
however, depart markedly from the vertical axis. Apart from a
general fluidity of line—a stylistic characteristic of Classic Maya art,
especially in certain periods (Proskouriskoff, 1950)—the undulation is
obtained primarily by the use of projections and scrolls. Slight
changes in the width of the stream also contribute to this effect
(fig. 20, a, c, d). The projection typically passes downward and the
scroll upward, although the generalization as to the former meets
numerous exceptions (cf. figs. 18, 20, c-e). The projections, which
may appear along one or both sides of a stream, require somewhat less
space than the scrolls and tend to be repeated more often. Some
tendency exists for a scroil to be placed very close to the top of the
stream, although quite frequently it occupies a medial or basal position
(figs. 18, a, 20, a-c). Projections tend to be of standardized size and
shape and scrolls to be tightly coiled, but again exceptions are to be
found (figs. 18, 20). Considerable variation in detail is present, then,
within the columnar stream.
An ideal form of the columnar stream, to which water from the
mouth of the sky monster on Dresden 74 would nicely conform except
for the absence of scrolls (pl. 72), may be abstracted. Perhaps figure
18, a, from the Temple of the Cross at Palenque, can be thought of
as most closely corresponding to this central tendency. It is ap-
324 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn 157
proached in a fair number of examples (see fig. 16, where, however, the
emphasis is on resemblance to Dresden 74 rather than to an idealized
type). The main body of the stream passes downward, but a short
distance below its source—too far down to be a curling fang from the
mouth—a tightly rolled scroll swirls up. The vertical descent resumes
but again is modified, this time by the occurrence of projections. At
least one projection is present in a medial position, while a balanced
pair appear at the base. The projections are especially characteristic.
They jut outward and downward, the lower edge of each dipping
upward slightly to form a spatulate depression. The latter feature is
a stylistic trait that appears in nonwater designs, as well (cf. Pros-
kouriakoff, 1950, pp. 34-35, fig. 12, 2). Here, however, it is not
merely combined with a distinctively shaped protuberance but has a
functional relationship to interior markings. Essentially vertical lines
or bands which start out at the interior of the design pass outward
and downward, at approximately 45-degree angle, bisecting the edge
of the stream at the under side of a projection. A truly distinctive
configuration results from this combination of elements: the vertical
column; modification of its exterior by projections of standardized
shape and, relative to the width of the column, size; its interior modi-
fication by lines that pass outward to become a part of the projections.
(Compare pl. 72; fig. 18, a-d. Compare further pl. 76, b—carved in
the round, shorter, but still remarkably similar—and fig. 14, c, the
latter from Mexico.)
Another feature of the ideal columnar stream is the presence of
numerous interior markings, viz, marginal circles, interior dots, mar-
ginal circles in connection with bonelike or shell-like elements, and
interior vertical lines (pl. 72; figs. 18, d, 20, c, 18, e, respectively).
As all are elements of design with a wide distribution, in other streams
as well as nonwater representations, they are not diagnostic of the
type. Itis of some interest that an additional widely occurring element
of abstract design, double outlines at the margin of the representation,
is virtually absent. In this a comparison exists with the fang-tongue-
water (?) motif but a sharp contrast with the divided stream.
The divided stream conveys an impression of vertical descent
primarily through suggestion, for the modification of a columnar out-
line is very great. The stream may divide into semidistinct entities
shortly after it has left its source (fig. 21, c) or even before it emerges
into view (fig. 22). A tendency is marked for one or two of the
branches, that flank a central one, to twist upward in a large pro-
tuberance or scroll (figs. 17, d, 22, a, b, 21, c). The scrolls are
loosely rolled, contrasting with those on the columnar streams in this
respect. They break down to the extent of merging into the hook-
shaped protuberances. This treatment also occurs on the less typical
Rods). «WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 325
of the columnar streams (cf. fig. 20, 6, c). Other protuberances are
reduced and fringelike (figs. 21, a, b, 22, a, 6), differing again from
those that characterize the columnar streams. Especially at Quirigua,
the divided stream, like its columnar relative, shows a tendency to
branch at the base; the resemblance, while geaeralized, is specific
enough to be of interest (cf. figs. 20, c, and 22, b; 18, a, b and 22, a).
Various types of interior marking are repeated, the double outline
being much more frequent than on columnar streams (figs. 17, d,
21, c, 22, c) but vertical interior lines less common. Altogether the
divided streams display the greater flamboyancy of design run riot.
At the same time, in a highly impressionistic yet forceful manner,
they suggest the splashing of a liquid on the ground.
The third type, the so-called ‘fang-tongue-water (?)’’ motif, re-
veals suggestive resemblances to the various objects embodied in its
name. Viewed in profile it shows a scroll combined with a longish
element, and inasmuch as the motif occurs exclusively at the upper
jaw of some being, the possibility exists that a curling fang from the
corner of the mouth may be shown in connection with a tongue. The
sculpture from the stairway proper in Entry 30 shows a seeming vari-
ant of the motif in front view. As befits fangs at the corners of the
mouth, a scroll flanks the exceptionally elongate vertical element on
either side. Resemblances to figure 23, d, are especially apparent
and lend added weight to this interpretation. On the other hand,
series of transitional forms are not known which would connect the
vertical element with the typical serpent tongue in Maya art (see
Spinden, 19138, fig. 30). Thus, even if the scroll could be shown to
depict a fang it is possible that the semidistinct vertical element in-
dicates water. The incisor teeth of the serpent perhaps show the
greatest correspondence of any identifiable art form to the motif
(fig. 19, h). The incisors are usually treated in flamboyant style, a
curling element flanking a more vertical one. It is rare for the latter
to pass much lower than the scroll, although this occasionally occurs
(Maudslay, 1889-1902, vol. 2, pl. 69). Comparative evidence would
perhaps more strongly favor the portrayal of a great tooth than of a
combined fang and tongue, although the degree of elaboration would
have to be much greater. Moreover, the motif characteristically
emerges from behind a row of teeth, eliminating this as a possibility
unless duplication has occurred.
Resemblances also exist to the more likely portrayals of water,
particularly to the columnar stream. It will be recalled that many
columnar streams are also featured by much the same combination
of a vertical element and flanking scroll near its top (pl. 76, 5, ¢, e;
figs. 18, a, c, 20, b, c). In such cases, however, the scroll is usually
2651915432
326 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 157
fuller, just as the vertical element is thicker and longer.”” Elements
of interior marking, projections, and a dividing base are also charac-
teristics which are generally lacking on the fang-tongue-water (?)
motif. All in all, the case for an identification as water is not impres-
sive if it is based solely on the appearance of the motif. Moreover—
and here the evidence of color may finally be brought to bear—a
variant of the motif at Bonampak (Entry 24) is reddish brown, cer-
tainly more indicative of the tongue, or perhaps of blood, than of
water. It may be significant that the color green, characteristic of
rain in the codices, occurs prominently elsewhere in the murals al-
though not in this potential portrayal of water.
The waterlike appearance of the columnar and divided streams is
much greater.
(1) A splashing quality is indicated by somewhat varying tech-
niques. The forms achieving this impression are basal projections
(on both columnar and divided streams) ; a basal scroll in connection
with a branching horizontal band (figs. 20, c, 22, b); and, in the case
of the divided stream, the upward turn of its many branches.
(2) Occasionally, instead of turning back upon itself or “splashing,”
the falling stream will change its course to a horizontal one; very
shortly thereafter the stream resumes its descent (figs. 18, d, 23, c).
It is as if the stream fell upon an object, which is in fact clearly illus-
strated in figure 18, d, and then spilled off of it.
(3) The quality of undulation provided by nonbasal scrolls, pro-
jections, and changes in widths have already been commented upon
in the case of the columnar stream. Differences in specific form
characterize these elements as they appear on the columnar and
divided streams, but in general they may be said to have a slight
occurrence on the latter and hence contribute to their waterlike
appearance.”8
(4) Small, detached elements suggest the occurrence of individual
droplets. They are very infrequent (pl. 74, b; fig. 18, e) but signifi-
cant as evidence that some type of liquid is portrayed. Plate 76, d,
is especially convincing. The drop is tearshaped and portions of the
stream directly above it pass downward as though they, too, are
about to detach themselves. A similar appearance is conveyed in
figure 20, c, where lengthening drops could be indicated as about to
detach themselves from the base of the uppermost projection.
(5) Elements of interior marking suggest the multipartite nature
37 These comparisons are based upon the size of the motif relative to the head of the creature from which
it emerges, not just on the absolute area which is occupied.
38 Tt should be pointed out that ‘‘changes in width” refers to a specific contraction or expansion of the
stream by direct means (figs. 20, a, c, d, 22, a), rather than by the use of scrolls, projections, and spatulate
depressions. Scrolls and projections are discussed separately; the depression is a stylistic trait of wide oc-
currence in late Classic art. Nevertheless it, too, contributes to the appearance of an undulating stream
(see fig. 21, c, for a good example of it, not in connection with the projection).
Aa7i8] «6 WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 327
of astream of water. As has been granted, the elements are common
ones in Maya design and would seem to lack specific connotations of
water in most of their occurrences. It is possible that some of these
elements originated in portrayals of water and spread to other repre-
sentations; convergence of a reverse order may have been the case;
again, their origin might have been a purely artistic one, without
reference to conceptual matters. The point made here is simply that,
whatever their origin, they suggest the existence of small particles
and of motion within the outline, thereby making a contribution to
the waterlike aspects of the design (see “Artistic Approach to the
Identifications,’”’ p. 292).
Representations of rain and other falling streams in the Dresden
Codex prove that certain of the Maya regarded many of the design
elements in question as fitting accompaniments to water. These
elements are not employed to show rain in the other Maya codices,
and as a consequence the Dresden manuscript stands apart from
them, insofar as water is concerned, having its stylistic affiliations
rather with the Classic art of the monuments.
The Dresden Codex shares the following elements of marking with
a body of supposed portrayals of water on the monuments:
(1) Marginal circles—An essentially vertical row of closely grouped circles or
dots appears along the margins of the design (pl. 72; figs. 15, b, 17, c, d, 18, d, 19,
a—c, 21, c, 23, d, e).
(2) Interior dots.—Essentially vertical rows of dots, often smaller than those
of No. 1, appear within the design (pl. 72; figs. 15, a, e, 18, a, c, 19, a, c; also 18, b,
22, a, c, 23, e).
(3) Interior lines.—Essentially vertical lines or bands appear within the design
(pls. 72, 76, b—-e, f; figs. 15, c, 18, b, e, 19, f, 22, b).
(4) Interior lines—projections.—These lines and their functional relationships
with the projection have already been discussed (pl. 72; figs. 17, a, 18, a-c, e;
ef. pl. 76, 6).
(5) Double outlines or marginal bands.—Heavy dark green bands occasionally
occur at the margins in the Dresden Codex (pl. 72, streams from the sun and
moon). Double outlines are reminiscent in certain representations from the
monuments (figs. 15, a, b, e, 17, 20, c, e, 21, 22, c, 23, c, d, g).
Certain additional elements of marking occur in a body of supposed
portrayals of water on the monuments but not in any of the codices
including the Dresden:
(6) Marginal circles-bone.—Marginal circles, usually two in number, appear
above a bonelike (Spinden, 1913, fig. 115) or shell-like (pl. 75, b, headdress)
element (pl. 76, b; figs. 17, b, d, 18, a-d, 20, ce, 21, c).
(7) Interior dots—projections.—Number 4, above, is duplicated, except that a
row of small circles passes outward to form the lower part of the projection
(fig. 18, d; cf. fig. 19, a, c).
(8) Interior line-scroll.—Similarly, an interior line passes outward and down-
ward to form the lower part of the scroll (fig. 18, a, e; ef. figs. 18, b, c, 20, a, 23, e).
328 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
Inner lines of a somewhat different sort suggest the sweep of the scroll in most
cases where that element occurs.
(9) Crescentoids.—Crescent-shaped elements, possibly originating in shells
(Kidder, Jennings, and Shook, 1946, p. 223), appear within the design (pl. 76, b;
figs. 17, a, c, 20, a, b; cf. fig. 20, e).
Still another element of marking is of more restricted occurrence,
appearing in the Dresden Codex and elsewhere:
(10) Horizontal band or line.—A horizontal band or line cuts across the falling
water, in the upper part of the stream (pls. 72 (in the stream poured by Goddess I),
76, b, d; figs. 15, e, 20, e). The element is much more characteristic of por-
trayals of surface water.
The Dresden Codex also shares certain elements of specific form,
which have been discussed previously, with many supposed portrayals
of water on the monuments. The elements in question are projections
(used in connection with interior lines), basal projections, and the
spatulate depression. A fourth characteristic feature of ‘water’ on
the monuments but lacking in the Dresden is the scroll or its loose,
hooklike counterpart. Add to these the generally similar elongate
columnar shape as well as specific markings of interior design, and it
will be seen that, upon analysis as well as impressionistic observation,
the stream from the jaws of the sky monster on Dresden 74 has close
and insistent correspondences with many of the proposed portrayals
of water (fig. 16). Certain resemblances to the more usual portrayal
of rain in the Maya codices also exist. Again they are with the
Dresden Codex in figures 15, e, 23, e, both incised on pottery from
Chama. In the painted ceramic design in plate 76, a, from Quintana
Roo, the resemblances are somewhat more generalized in nature.
Outside the Maya area, too, known or well-established portrayals
of water have important correspondences with motifs in Classic
Maya art. Most have been cited in support of the identification of
water given specific Maya designs, but they merit summary. The
Aztec sculpture in plate 74, b, and Laud 1 (fig. 14, a) resemble the
Mayan divided stream, while Laud 1 also displays a double outline.
Certain Teotihuacin designs, which branch into sharply rising and
falling elements, resemble figs. 15, b, 19, d, from the Maya area. Teo-
tihuacin water, with its occasional floral fringes, shares with the
Borgian Codex (pl. 73, 6) a highly specific resemblance to the stream
in plate 76, a (Entry 62). Nuttall 19 (fig. 14, c) has projections of
a characteristically Mayan form; the stream is also segmented in a
way reminiscent of figure 20, e, although this treatment is highly
atypical in both areas. Turning to some of the less positively identified
designs in Mexican art, possible streams of water at Tres Zapotes
suggest the marginal circle (pl. 74, c) while the marginal band, or
double outline, and basal scrolls on probable water at Izapa (pl. 75, a)
indicate the possibility of close Maya affiliations.
ANTE PAP. WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 329
Within the streams shown in Classic Maya art, the major artistic
divisions exist along typological lines. The classification accorded
individual streams is indicated in table 4. Palenque, Yaxchilan,
Copan and Quirigua are the centers where the columnar streams occur
prominently. It is of no little interest that these almost fully comprise
the sites where Classic sculpture attained its greatest developments.
One can only speculate if the correlation is an accidental one. The
divided stream also appears at Quirigua, where it dominates Zoomorph
P, while at Copan the fang-tongue-water (?) motif appears frequently
with Tlalocs. At Yaxchilan the same motif occurs often but in a
minor position, as an ornamental object of attire, and the divided
stream is also present. Palenque is the only major site where the
columnar stream exists in monumental art without strong com-
petition from one or more of the other types. Of these four sites,
Quirigua seems to display the least similarity to streams of water on
Dresden 74 and Palenque or Yaxchilan, perhaps, the most. Stated
on a regional basis the comparison is more clear-cut; the Usumacinta
sites show greater similarities to Dresden 74 than do those in the Mota-
gua basin, while comparable material is unknown from the Peten.
Several representations showing similarity to rain in the Dresden
Codex appear on pottery from Chama. Both divided streams and
the fang-tongue-water (?) motif occur at Piedras Negras, while
Tikal, Uaxactun and Bonampak show the fang-tongue-water (?)
motif or variants of it.
Uncertainties of dating at Palenque and to a lesser degree Yaxchilan
obscure the chronological picture, for these two sites yield a number
of important representations. Moreover, the possible portrayals of
water in Classic Maya art are so limited in number as to provide no
firm basis for statistical treatment.” If the extant codices give any
clue to the earlier situation, it appears that representations of water
were largely confined to perishable materials during Classic times.
When in addition to all this it is remembered that the number of
stelae from the early Classic period is small (Proskouriakoff, 1950,
fig. 3, a), little in the way of chronological developments can be
even postulated.
The one striking fact that would seem to emerge from the tabulated
data is the great priority of the fang-tongue-water (?) motif.
Occurring in only slightly variant form in 9.2.0.0.0 (Entry 47, Stela
9, Tikal), it comes in perhaps as much as ten or more katuns before
the possibly simultaneous appearance of the divided and columnar
streams. This generalization is based on a single occurrence and so
29 Tt is possible that a number of additional representations having as good a chance of being water as those
of probability B can be isolated. No claim can be made to anything approaching completeness when the
factors are so complex and difficult to evaluate. But unless standards are considerably relaxed, it is safe
to predict that the sample will remain meager and unsatisfactory for statistical purposes.
330 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
may mean little. However, the presence of the motif at Cop4n and
Piedras Negras in katuns 12 to 14, when the number of monuments
and hence of sculptured motifs was beginning to proliferate, gives the
impression that the motif was already well established. This would
not appear to be true of the columnar stream, unless its occurrences
at Palenque are comparable in age. Moreover, if the latter motif was
limited at that time to Palenque, as the extant data would suggest,
the restricted distribution of the type could indicate a recent origin
for it. The few stray occurrences of the divided stream in comparable
times seem to center at Piedras Negras and Yaxchilan, with a slightly
later shift to the southeast and a subsequent popularity on Zoomorph
P, at Quirigua. Comparable designs on polychrome ceramics in
Mayoid style are likewise from the southeast—the Ulua Valley and
Salvador. One hesitates to make reconstructions from such limited
data, however.
WATER AND THE WATER LILY
Properly speaking, water is surely to be paired with varied types of
vegetation in Mesoamerican art, not just with the water lily. This is
recognized in the name given one of the configurations, ‘Balanced
water and vegetation.”” Past research on the water lily in Maya art
by the writer (Rands, 1953) has somewhat limited and directed the
nature of the following observations, however. As was noted above
(p. 272), an evaluation of the theory that the water-lily motif is of
trans-Pacific origin must take into consideration the associations held
by water, because the objects with which the water lily is depicted
are virtually the same. The anatomical associations recognized for
the water lily in Maya art are mouth, nose, eyes, neck, head or fore-
head, and hands. These are duplicated by well-established streams
of water in the case of the mouth, eyes, and hands, while waterlike
designs descend from the head. It seems that certain additional
anatomical associations may also be held in common, while some of
the supernatural beings that serve as the source of the plant or water
are the same. Death symbols occur both with water and the water
lily.
Designs falling from the inverted rear head of the sky monster, as
well as from its detached rear head, are sometimes quite waterlike in
appearance (figs. 17, a’, b’, d’, 18, b). This is particularly true of
figure 18, 6, from the Temple of the Cross at Palenque, which is
nicely balanced with a detached but upright ‘front’? head of the
monster, from the mouth of which water is apparently depicted as
falling (fig. 18, a). The same balancing of “front” and “‘rear’’ heads
of the monster occurs in the Temple of the Sun, Palenque (Entry 36;
figs. 18, c, 23, b). Yet the difference is notable. In the sculptures
ANTHppP. PAP. WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 331
from the Sun, ‘‘water” from the mouth of the front head is shown in
the tradition of Dresden 74, while the designs passing down from the
two inverted rear heads are only vaguely comparable. Instead, the
latter designs are treated so as to suggest vegetation; pods of seeds, or
maize ears, seem surely to be shown. As one turns to still other
sculptures at the site, the rear head of the monster is found in upright
position and the plantlike designs—the celebrated ‘‘crosses’’ or ‘‘trees”’
of Palenque—grow upward from the head (Maudslay, 1889-1902, vol.
4, pls. 76, 81). The plants are highly conventionalized, especially in
the Temple of the Cross, but their vegetal nature is clear enough to
constitute a telling precedent for the growth of plant life from the rear
head of the monster. Together with the evidence from the Temple of
the Sun, this suggests that the pendent designs below all the inverted
rear heads of the monster should be vegetation rather than water.
Working from the known or readily identifiable to the unknown,
then, it has been possible to build up two cases, each of which is
logically self-consistent but in opposition to the other. In a situation
of this sort it seems fruitless to speculate about which explanation is
“right” and which ‘‘wrong,’’ although there do appear to be good
reasons for believing that the growth of vegetation was the more
widespread and hence presumedly older and more fundamental of
the associations. Perhaps it was especially at Palenque and Piedras
Negras, or in this general area,* that the priest-artists played with the
motif of vegetation from the rear head so as eventually to transform
it, by a sort of convergence, into an artistic and perhaps conceptual
counterpart of the water emerging from the jaws of the sky monster’s
front head. In figure 18, b, there seems every bit as much reason to
regard the design as water as to designate it vegetation, and vice
versa. The case for either identification is a strong one. Under
these circumstances it seems better to recognize the situation for what
it is, and see powerful forces of convergence at work, than to shut
one’s eyes, throw up one’s hands, and say that because of the con-
tradictions it is impossible to tell and that the design therefore prob-
ably lacks conceptual connotations of any sort.
Additional data tend to associate the rear head of the sky monster
still more closely with vegetation. Representations of the maize
30 Cf. the waterlike treatment accorded another design that descends from a head (fig. 23, e, Chama). It
does not actually contact the head but passes from an object attached to it (cf. the composite headdress, with
water included in it, on Fejervary-Mayer 33). Compare Entries 32, 46g, h (fig. 23, g), from Jonuta and
Quirigua, which show “‘water”’ emerging from the mouth of the Long-nosed God and a similar design passing
from its head.
Untabulated, other designs occur which show partial similarities to the above-mentioned representations
from Jonuta and Quirigua. The balancing of water and vegetation is not clear on Stela A, Quirigua (Maud-
slay, 1889-1902, vol. 2, pls. 4, 8). Butin Toltec period art at Chichén Itz4 a similar scrolled, “‘waterlike”
element passes beneath the mouth or neck of a long-nosed head, while the balancing element, rising from
the head, clearly incorporates vegetation (Maudslay, 1889-1902, vol. 3, pl. 46, A-7). It is, presumably, the
water-lily flower and rhizome (Rands, 1953, pp. 107-108).
332 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuy, 157
plant are commonly depicted as growing from the head of the Maize
God, while with equal certainty water lilies emerge from the heads of
other beings. Some of the latter creatures are, in fact, closely con-
nected with the rear head of the sky monster (Rands, 1953, p. 104).
Moreover, Proskouriakoff’s “leaf-and-fringe’”’ motif, regarded by the
present writer as one of the less surely identified forms of the water
lily, is known to occur in the headdress of the monster’s rear head and
with possible variants of this head (figs. 17, a’, 19, f; Proskouriakoff,
1950, p. 97, figs. 13, a—-o, 35, b’-d’; Rands, 1953, p. 110).
It is conceivable that the Chama vessels show special kinds of
balanced water and vegetation. Just possibly, the streams in Entry
59 issue from flowers whose stems are tied to the heads of the snail-
shell deity, N (fig. 23, e; lines suggesting petals appear somewhat
more convincingly in the corresponding design (Dieseldorff, 1926-33,
vol. 1, fig. 71)). If so, the subject matter of the ubiquitous Teoti-
huacin motif of water dripping from flowers is duplicated. The
snail-shell deity recurs in Entry 58, his shell apparently being worked
into a water container (fig. 15, ¢). The mollusk shell worn by a
closely corresponding figure (Dieseldorff, 1926-33, vol. 1, fig. 239)
holds no water. Significantly, however, the shell serves as a probable
water-lily rhizome, being attached to a flower (the Over-all water-
lily type Ile of Rands (1953); see footnote 30 for additional examples
of the way in which this form of the water-lily motif has close associa-
tions with falling water).
One of the more prominent associations accorded the water lily
is with the head of a jaguar (more specifically, perhaps, at the back
part of the head, or even around the ears or neck). This is shown in
figure 23, d (Entry 48); a similar flower grows above the head of a
second jaguar carved on the same lintel. The fang-tongue-water (?)
motif appears below the upper jaw of the first jaguar. If water is
shown, it is nicely balanced by the floral vegetation. The combined
portrayal—flower growing at the head and the fang-tongue-water
(?) motif or a variant of it at the mouth—occurs elsewhere with jag-
uars or with rodentlike animals (Entries 38, 44, 47, 64).
Not only is water known to emerge from the mouths of various
creatures but so is the water lily. In Maya art the water-lily stem
typically surges outward from the corners of the mouth. The scrolls
at the sides of the fang-tongue-water (?) motif have a similar treat-
ment, and if they actually form part of a stream of water it follows
that they share with the water lily this precise portion of the mouth
as the place from which they emerge. This is also true, of course, of
the common curled fang in Maya art. Convergence may again be
involved. Water seems to emerge from the mouths of Tlalocs in
the murals of Tepantitla at Teotihuacén (Entry 4). In repeated de-
No 48). Y) «WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 333
signs in the same murals, a leaf-and-bud motif, which may well
represent a water lily, emerges from the mouths of other Tlaloc heads.
Stela 6, Copén, suggests a striking correspondence (Entry 28). The
fang-tongue-water (?) motif appears at the mouth of two Tlaloc
heads, while designs which apparently represent leaf or floral forms
occur beneath the upper jaw of three additional Tlalocs.
The hand is shown as a source, or temporary source, of the water.
In the case of the water lily, the hand is more apt to be shown holding
on to the plant. The correspondence, then, is not a complete one,
but it is close enough to warrant attention. Figure 23, f, shows the
passage of the water lily stem through the hands in characteristic
fashion. An object which may well be water tumbles down upon the
stem from the mouth of the figure who is holding the plant, and if
water is actually shown, its association with the water lily is here
made very explicit.
While occasionally portrayed as probable symbols of rainfall in
Mesoamerica, tears have not been recognized in Maya sculpture.
Infrequently but with considerable elaboration, water-lity stalks are
shown passing from the eye in Maya art.
Perhaps a definite association of the water lily with the region be-
tween the legs cannot be maintained, but certain data point in that
direction. A fairly realistic flower and stalk serve as the lower por-
tion of a breechclout on a vessel from Yalloch. Paraphernalia sym-
bolizing the descent of water from serpent mouths seem to be shown
on the same vessel (Entry 66, fig. 20, e). If this association were an
isolated case for water-lily-like flowers it could easily be passed off,
but a common motif in Classic Maya sculpture provides a comparison
of possible significance. It is the leaf-and-fringe motif in its occur-
rences at the base of the loincloth apron (Proskouriakoff, 1950, p. 70,
figs. 24, 2, qg, r, t, w, 25, a, f, g, 26, 0). The criticisms to be leveled
against this argument are clearly on the order of those which have
been indicated in connection with the suggestion that the serpent-
frets on the aprons of the Classic Maya indicate aquatic symbolism.
Possibly the “‘trilobal drop” element decorating the aprons on cer-
tain Classic Maya stelae, with its resemblances both to the symbol
which Von Winning has given that name at Teotihuacdn and to the
Maya leaf-and-fringe motif, is another example of convergence which
has taken place in the treatment of water and the water lily.
CONCLUSIONS
Working where possible from the known to the unknown, the writer
has traced a series of interlocking complexes that relates to falling
water in the religious art of Mesoamerica. The specific arguments
334 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 157
that water is actually portrayed need not be repeated here. They
have been developed throughout the major part of the paper and are
summarized, from the standpoint of methodology, in Appendix B.
For many of the identifications, the evidence can perhaps be best
appreciated by supplementing reading in the text with the visual
presentation in figure 16. In this chart, an attempt is made to show
some of the more important interrelationships of an artistic and con-
ceptual sort, which link motifs that are known to be water with those
of unknown significance and bind the latter into cohesive, closely
knit yet interlocking groups.
It is possible to observe such a phenomenon, apparently, because
the aboriginal Mesoamericans held more or less in common a series
of concepts relating to the production of rain. The specific delineation
of these concepts varied somewhat in time and space. Moreover, it
would often seem that within a single cultural setting alternative ways
of expressing any one of these concepts was not only possible but even
encouraged. As a result of these factors—divergence through time
and space, and divergence because of conscious artistic manipulation—
a number of modal forms of representation came into existence which
may be regarded as virtual synonyms. It is these different manifesta-
tions of basic underlying patterns that, because of their high incidence
and their synonymous usage, are so frequently found to interconnect.
Imitative magic, or at least the type of analogies on which it is
based, seems to have played an important role in Mesoamerican
beliefs regarding the production of rain. The pouring and sprinkling
of water are shown by documentary and ethnological sources to have
this connotation, and this is reflected in the codices as well as in the
earlier, less securely identified art forms. As a result, special signifi-
cance would seem to have accrued to the hand and to water containers.
This can certainly be asserted from the standpoint of the present inves-
tigation, and it probably also holds true for the way in which these
objects were regarded in Mesoamerican thought. Weeping is known
through documentary evidence to have been accorded coercive aspects,
causing the deities to send rain, presumably in the form of tears
(Appendix A). It is not known if urination, spitting or vomiting, or
other liquid-excreting activities were held to have coercive magical
powers, but it is clear that the rain deities were thought to produce
rain in the same or analogous ways. As a result, great significance
seems to have been given urination and perhaps other liquid-producing
functions. For these and undoubtedly additional reasons, the region
between the legs, and the mouth, also received special emphasis.
The evidence of art and ethnological data, as developed in the main
body of the paper and Appendix A, suggests certain broad chronolog-
fo48]) «6 WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 335
ical changes in the popularity of these associations.*! In all cases,
however, the paucity of the data severely limits the reliability of any
conclusions that may be drawn. The highly tentative nature of the
following reconstructions must be borne in mind.
Tears are emphasized on an early horizon, pre-Classic in some in-
stances (Entries 20 (?), 23), and their association with rainfall lasts
until the present day. Nevertheless, the few scraps of data could
suggest that tears as an art motif declined in popularity during the
late Classic and post-Classic periods.
The hand is strongly associated with water in early Classic times,
at Teotihuacén, and appears on the late Classic Maya stelae with
considerable vigor. It is largely absent as a source of water in both
the Maya and Mexican codices, however. Ethnological data reveal
some importance for this association, but tend rather to emphasize
an object held in the hand as a means of sprinkling. There is a
temptation to postulate a rather late substitution of an aspergillum-
like object for the hand proper, with a consequent lessening of the
importance of the latter. Could Entries 35 to 37 and 26 27, 29,
from Palenque and Copdn (e. g. figs. 18, a, 6; pl. 76, 6, c) reflect the
beginnings of such a development, the water being shown both as
emerging from the hand and from an object, a god’s head, above the
hand? Unfortunately for this hypothesis, the god’s head does not
resemble the ‘‘aspergillum” or “hyssop’’ referred to by the Spanish
sources, although compare Borgian 27, 28, and Selden 9.
The mouth forms another important association of water in Classic
times, particularly if the fang-tongue-water(?) motif of the Maya
actually depicts water. If so, streams from the mouth would occur
in the early Classic both in the Maya area (Tikal) and at Teotihuacan.
The real elaboration of the motif appears, however, to have taken
place in the late Classic, among the Maya. Water is also depicted
gushing from the mouth with some frequency in the codices, particu-
larly those from the Maya area, and this would seem to indicate the
association was a vigorous one shortly before the Conquest. Then
comes an abrupt absence of additional data, hardly more than the
suggestion that water might be connected with the mouth. The
contrast is sharp and puzzling.
The pouring of water from a pottery vessel or similar container is
known from the late Classic but seems to gain in popularity as one
moves into protohistoric and post-Conquest times. Today, on an
ethnological level, it is by all odds the most virile of the water associ-
31 See table 6 for recorded presences or absences of a trait in the Maya and Mexican codices and documen-
tary sources, at Teotihuac&n, and on the Maya and non-Maya monuments and ceramics. These data have
summary value along both distributional and chronological lines, although they do not reflect the intens-
ity of a trait’s occurrence.
336 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULE. 157
ations in Mesoamerica. It stood in the same rank, but perhaps not
as pronouncedly so, during the period from which the codices date.
Although strong in Mexico, the main locus of the concept seems to
have been in the Maya area. This may be reflected by modern folk-
lore, which among the Maya is consistent in connecting water per se
with the container, while the Zapotec and other Mexicans see clouds,
hail, or wind as emerging from the vessels, which also serve as the
storage place for various types of vegetation. (Perhaps this difference
may also relate to the greater Mexican tendency to depict foreign
objects falling in streams of water, which are often poured from
containers.)
The descent of water from between the legs may not appear until
the period of the codices. It is more common in the Maya than the
Mexican codices. The bul-eb bug and other data connect urination
with rainfall or mist among the late Yucatecan Mayas. It is possible,
however, that the association is also present in Classic Maya times,
although if this is the case it appeared only in symbolic form, almost
prudishly, at least on the stelae.
Representations of the other physiological associations, water from
the breast and the body, are known only in comparatively late times.
Really concrete evidence of them in the post-Conquest period appears
to be lacking, notwithstanding certain suggestive data.
An association of a different sort derives from the occurrence of
glyphs in falling streams of water. The appearance of symbols with
supposedly aquatic value in streams at Teotihuacan is analogous and
constitutes the earliest record of the trait. It comes in strongly
during the late Classic, among the Maya. Their art repeatedly shows
the signs for yax (green) kan (yellow), and zero or completion placed
in the falling streams. These signs also occur as affixes in connection
with waterlike designs in certain glyphs. Completion may also be
present in water in the Maya codices. The existence of the day sign
Eb in a stream is unquestioned (Dresden 74), where it constitutes
a highly suggestive linkage with the bul-eb bug, urination, mist, and
perhaps the pouring of water from a jug. During late times in
Mexico, the appearance of a rubber-ball sign in falling water and
references to green and yellow water provide interesting comparisons
with the Maya developments. (See Appendix A.)
It may be permissible to regard the objects sometimes shown falling
in streams of water as a variation on the glyph in water. The ap-
pearance of various objects such as shells and flowers in water at
Teotihuacdin establishes the occurrence of this trait in the early
Classic period. Late Classic representations from the Maya area
occasionally show a god, armed with spear and shield, in the water
or closely associated with it. This seems a far cry from the Teo-
ANTHROP. Par. WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 337
tihuacén examples, but in Mexico during the protohistoric period it
is a commonplace to find weapons of war associated with water,
either as the aiél-tlachinolli symbol, which sometimes passes, speech-
scroll-like, from the mouth, or in the more realistic portrayals of falling
streams. A connection may, therefore, exist. In the Maya codices,
too, objects suggesting death and warfare occur either in falling
water or with this intimate association.
Here we have been dealing with the configuration of death, destruc-
tion, and misfortune, which seems to have a close relationship with
warfare. Other aspects of misfortune also enter the picture, to judge
from the data of Appendix A. The failure of the crops, due to malevo-
lent types of precipitation, would appear to be high on the list.
The artistic data give little evidence along such lines, however.
Some of the configurations show a tendency toward spatial localiza-
tion. The descent of water upon surface water is marked in Mexico,
rather similar representations occurring from Teotihuacin to Izapa,
on the borders of the Maya area. It may be unknown among the
Maya proper, however. The descent of water on a human figure is
likewise limited to Mexico, if scenes such as baptism and sprinkling are
not considered relevant (Madrid 93c, fig. 19, b(?)). On the other hand,
the double-headed serpentine-saurian sky monster is a specifically
Mayan creation, and in pure form its association with water is ob-
viously enough restricted to the Maya area. Nevertheless, snakes
with water or water symbols emerging from their jaws do occur as
far away as Teotihuacén. The widespread and frequent appearance
of the bending-over rainmaker offers a notable contrast to the traits
which have just been discussed.
A final trait whose distribution is of considerable interest is the
association of Tlaloc with falling water. At Teotihuacan the deity
would seem to have dispersed rain from his hands and mouth; at the
time of the codices and Spanish contact Tlaloc sprinkled rain from
objects held in the hand and, in apparently more characteristic fashion,
poured it from vessels. In the Classic Maya period, particularly at
the site of Copan, a goggle-eyed Tlaloc head is sometimes depicted.
The fang-tongue-water(?) motif occurs frequently at its jaw, suggest-
ing either the emergence of water from the mouth, as had presumably
occurred at Teotihuacan, or the elaboration of the tusks so charac-
teristic of the later Tlaloc figures. Whichever answer may come
closer to reality, it is of considerable interest that goggle-eyed masks
seem to be depicted at Copain with water gushing down from their
jaws (pl. 76, d, e).
The artistic treatments accorded falling water seem to reveal
greater regional specialization than is true of the conceptual associa-
tions, at least so far as ‘‘Mexican”’ versus ‘‘Mayan” spheres are con-
338 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 157
cerned. The Aztec atl portrayal was widespread in the Mexican
codices on a late horizon and is especially distinctive and standardized.
A handful of pictures in the Mexican codices do, nevertheless, show
rather close correspondences with Maya delineations of water. Pro-
jections on water as it occurs in a single scene in the Nuttall Codex
(fig. 14, c) recall those on the Classic Maya columnar stream; a
portrayal in the Laud Codex (fig. 14, a) is strongly reminiscent of the
Maya divided stream; streams in the Borgian Codex are edged with
presumedly floral elements of the sort that crop up once in a Maya
representation (pls. 73, 6, 76, a). Perhaps of any of the codices, the
Borgian displays closest resemblances to falling water at Teotihuacan.
Certain water symbols characteristic of Teotihuacin may be encoun-
tered at Monte Albén and, in somewhat variant forms, as widely as
San Lorenzo in the ‘‘Olmec’”’ region and possibly even Copdén (Von
Winning’s treble scroll and trilobal drop element). The exceptional
nature of these occurrences is to be stressed, however.
Falling water as depicted within the Maya area is subject to great
variation. Even in the three extant codices the differences are marked.
This is particularly seen in the Dresden, where certain streams more
closely resemble representations on the Classic monuments than they
do rain as shown in the other codices or, indeed, in other parts of the
Dresden itself (cf. pls. 72, 73, a; figs. 18, 20). This may have implica-
tions as to the date of the codex, or its place of origin or copying. If
so, however, they lie beyond the scope of the present study. More
pertinent is the realization that, if known portrayals of falling water
in the Maya codices can differ so greatly, it may not be surprising to
find a substantial range of variation in the modes of representing the
same subject in the Classic sculptures. The simultaneous existence
of columnar and divided streams does not appear so strange when
viewed in this perspective. There would appear even to be room for
the fang-tongue-water(?) motif, if it could qualify as water on its
own merits.
Insofar as a central tendency or common denominator exists to
connect the three Maya artistic types, it is present in the form of the
columnar stream. Like the fang-tongue-water(?) motif it often dis-
plays a scroll toward the top, flanking a longer, vertical element. It
compares with the divided stream in its elements of marking. Never-
theless, the few chronological data suggest a much earlier date for
the fang-tongue-water(?) portrayal. In the same way, it may be
possible to speak of a central tendency around which the various
columnar streams seem to cluster, without necessarily implying the
priority of this form. Such an ideal type is best recognized at Pa-
lenque. ‘There has been occasion to note that, of the four major sites
Ae as, SY) WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 339
in which the columnar stream occurs, it is only at Palenque that it
exists without strong competition from one or both of the other
types. A somewhat comparable situation exists in regard to the por-
trayal of the water-lily leaf at Palenque (Rands, 1953). Repeatedly,
as one traces particular motifs in Classic Maya art, Palenque stands
out as the site where the motif occurs in “purest”? form. Does this
imply that the art form originated in Palenque and spread from there
into areas where alternative forms were already in use? Or does it
mean that the priest-artists of Palenque somehow had the ability to
abstract the essential characteristics of forms that had a wider dis-
tribution and then utilized their creation intensively? The problem
has ramified implications, in terms not only of chronology and diffu-
sion but of the sociocultural matrix in which artistic activities were
based. Complicating factors are provided by the peripheral geo-
graphic position of Palenque and the highly individualistic nature of
its stylistic school (Proskouriakoff, 1950, pp. 136-137). Unfortu-
nately, the dating of the site is most uncertain (Proskouriakoff, 1950,
pp. 120-121, 149).
The wealth of water associations displayed on Dresden 74 makes it
a likely subject of comparison with many other representations.
Parallels are numerous on Stela 1, Izapa, a non-Maya monument
(pls. 72, 75, a). The fact apparently signifies nothing more than
that great emphasis was given the treatment of water in the two
scenes, the artists dipping independently into the vast storehouse of
ideas relating to the production of rain that were widespread through-
out Mesoamerica. On the other hand, the resemblances between
the water-belching sky monsters of Palenque-Piedras Negras and
the Dresden Codex are specific enough to suggest that something else
may be involved (pl. 72; fig. 17). Such speculation is reinforced by
the close artistic similarities of the falling streams in the Dresden
Codex and at Palenque (pl. 72; fig. 18, a, 6). Again, however, one
would wish for a better knowledge of sky monsters and falling water
as depicted on perishable remains, such as codices, before emphasizing
areal relationships.
If the present study were primarily intended to determine time-
space relationships, it would be imperative to differentiate the various
factors which are responsible for the specific artistic correspondences.
Surely, some of these resemblances are due to diffusion on a single
time level, others to derivation from earlier culture patterns. Cross-
cutting this complex situation is the further probability that in some
cases merely the religious concept was taken over, while in other
instances the concept was accompanied by a specific art form. Seen
in this perspective, historically oriented studies become highly elusive
340 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn 157
affairs. The archeologist, accustomed to work in a context of style, is
at somewhat of a loss when confronted with stylistically dissimilar yet
unquestionably related motifs.3!*
A concrete example may have illustrative value. <A great variety of
postures are assumed by the bending-over rainmakers in Meso-
america. In folklore or religious speculation, it is highly improbable
that the precise posture would be carefully delineated; generalized
references would be sufficient.” In religious art, however, it be-
comes necessary to sharpen the focus, endowing these leaning super-
naturals with a specific set of postural attributes.
Working from artistically distinct backgrounds, the sculptors of,
say, Zoomorph P at Quirigua and Stela 1, Izapa, portrayed the
bending-over water pourers with quite different postures (figs. 21, a, 6,
22; pl. 75, a). The stylistic relationship is, for practical purposes,
nonexistent. But the priest-artist who depicted God B in the water-
pouring act on Madrid 13b closely duplicated the posture of certain
water pourers on Zoomorph P. This is to say that the fashion or
style of portrayal is virtually identical, insofar as bodily position is
concerned. Directly or indirectly, diffusion must have been involved
in both the Quirigua-Izapa and Quirigua-Madrid cases. But the type
of diffusion differed fundamentally. Such distinctions need to be
made in time-space studies of art forms—water or otherwise—that are
direct expressions of underlying concepts. Unfortunately, however,
the precise techniques for accomplishing this are largely unexplored.
Streams of water and plants, the latter often to be identified as
water lilies, display a remarkable tendency to occur in analogous
situations. Associations with various parts of the body—mouth, eye,
hand, and possibly the top of the head and the region between the
legs—are strong in both cases. Many representations of both
flowers and streams are in contact with these anatomical parts. In
addition, a number of specific representations appear to emphasize
this reciprocal relationship of water and vegetation. Striking ex-
amples of this seem to occur in the Teotihuacén murals (especially
at Tepantitla in connection with Tlaloc mouths); again in connection
with Tlaloc mouths on Stela 6, Copan (although this identification is
made somewhat suspect by the presence of the fang-tongue-water(?)
motif and the fact that the floral forms could be more realistically
shown); and on the Piedras Negras-Palenque sky monsters and
affiliated forms (where, whether “water” or “vegetation” is primarily
sia Tt is true that archeologists are not prone to deal with the esthetic factors and artistic mannerisms that
lie at the heart of an art style (cf. Proskouriakoff, 1950, p.183). But it is equally apparent that most arche-
ologists have shied away from a consideration of motifs removed from their stylistic context.
31b True, the precise postures taken by god impersonators in rainmaking ceremonies may have influenced
beliefs regarding the postures of the supernatural beings themselves,
M48] {*)«WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 341
intended in connection with the rear head, an ingredient of both must
have intentionally entered into the portrayals).
The occurrences of vegetation, especially flowers, with these water-
like associations has a bearing on the theory of the Asiatic derivation
of the Maya water-lily motif. This has been explicitly recognized
in previous sections (“‘Introduction”’ and “‘Water and the Water Lily’’).
Perhaps the associations held in common by water and flowers grew
up simultaneously, or perhaps they passed, through substitution and
convergence, from one motif to the other. Nonartistic data should
be utilized in an extended examination of the problem. Thus,
Thompson (1950, p. 73), pointing out that the Maya term for the
water lily, naab, also means the palm of the hand, has suggested that
the flower’s name was derived from the resemblance of a lily pad to
the palm of the hand. However this may be, the name probably has
some connection, directly or indirectly, with the frequent artistic
motifs that show the water lily associated with the hand. Linguistic
data should provide additional clues of value in making a detailed
investigation of the associations held in common by water and the
water lily. Especially in a culture such as the Maya, where double
meanings were exploited, the devious route taken by converging art
forms should thereby be better understood.
For present purposes, however, the data do not permit speculation
as to whether the associations grew up around water, the water lily,
or both simultaneously. Accordingly, no denial can be made to a
theoretical position which would hold that the water-lily motif was of
trans-Pacific derivation and, when transplanted to Mesoamerican
soil, influenced the associations accorded falling water. It is of
interest, however, that the early Classic murals of Teotihuacén appear
to show both floral forms and water emerging from Tlaloc mouths.
Whatever the ultimate origins may have been, the water and water-
lily complexes were surely exerting profound influences on one another,
shaping the many elaborations which took place, during much of the
Classic period.
Comparisons with data outside Mesoamerica have still another
significance. A glance at the index of Frazer’s monumental ‘“‘Golden
Bough” will show that many of the water associations, as recognized
herein, reappear in other parts of the world (Frazer, 1935, vol. 12,
pp. 427-428, 518). The precise significance of this to the present
study is uncertain, and it is unnecessary here to speculate at any
length about the relative importance of diffusion, parallelism, or con-
vergence in the historical development of these ideas. The imitative
aspects of the various types of rainmaking are pronounced, however;
and one could actually regard the world-wide occurrence of com-
parable beliefs as an indication of the ‘‘naturalness”’ of the association
265191—54—33
342 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 157
of containers, hands, and the other objects with water in Mesoamerica.
To this extent, it may be legitimate to regard Frazer’s material as a
corroboration of the identifications made in the present study; at the
least, they give it a broader perspective that is of value.
The exact significance of much of the data which have been pre-
sented remains unclear; many of the proposed identifications of falling
water occupy, at best, a doubtful status. One broad fact seems to
have been established, however. Closely connected concepts regard-
ing the production of rain were widely shared in Mesoamerica. The
specific forms frequently varied, and they would sometimes combine
into highly elaborated complexes that would set off from one another
neighboring areas or even sites within the same culture. But the
underlying, ever-recurring patterns were remarkably consistent.
APPENDIX A
NONARTISTIC DATA AND CURRENT RECONSTRUCTIONS
DIRECT WATER ASSOCIATIONS: PHYSIOLOGICAL DATA
A case can be made for the reality of a number of the water associa-
tions, on the basis of ethnological, documentary, or epigraphic data.
It is true that the arguments vary considerably in strength. None-
theless, as a result, additional support is given to the identifications
of streams of falling water, which have been made on artistic grounds.
A passage from Thompson, in regard to the nature of the Maya
sky god Itzamna, may, perhaps, be related to several of the direct
water associations (Thompson, 1939, pp. 152-154). Following
Lizana, Thompson quotes the remark attributed to Itzamat Ul
(Kab Ul, Kat Ul): “I am the itz (dew or substance) of heaven, I am
the itz of the clouds.” Several alternative or reconstructed forms
appearing in Itzamna’s names (iéz, t’ul, kab) refer, according to Thomp-
son, to ‘liquids that exude drop by drop.” Definitions in the Pio
Pérez and Moran dictionaries are cited. Jtz signifies ‘‘milk, tear, sweat,
semen, resin, or gum for coagulating from trees, bushes, and some
grasses.’ Kab, as well as meaning “hand,”’ signifies “froth, gravy,
soup, liquid of anything, milk, juice,” and, in compounds, “resin of
trees, honey, tears, scorpion’s poison, drool from the mouth, and
rust.” T’ul is defined as “‘water to pour off the garment of a person
that has had a wetting,” hence, according to Thompson, dripping
water.
Thompson further points out that Itzamna, as well as the Chaacs
or rain gods, was invoked in a rainmaking ceremony, described by
Landa in connection with the mouth Mac (Thompson, 1939, p. 152;
Aas). Y’ WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 343
Landa in Tozzer, 1941, pp. 162-164). In this ceremony fires were
extinguished with pitchers of water. ‘“They did this,” according to
Landa, ‘‘so as by means of it to obtain a good year of rains for their
grains.’”’ Thompson goes on to suggest an identification of Itzamna
with the sky monster and a connection with water symbols in Maya
art. This suggested linkage, while of great importance, need not
concern us at the moment. The significant conclusion for the present
discussion is that Itzamna was intimately connected with rainfall.
According to Thompson, Itzamna’s rain was of the scanty, dripping
variety which is to be associated with drought and disaster, rather
than being a heavy fall’of water.
Another hypothesis should be mentioned as a possible alternative
to this last interpretation by Thompson, although the two are in no
necessary conflict. Could not the dripping or exuding liquids refer
directly to the physiological secretions upon which Maya ideas of the
production of rain were based, rather than to the character of the
rainwater itself? As has been indicated in a preceding section, many
of the direct water associations seem to derive, by analogy or sympa-
thetic magic, from fluids actually secreted by living beings. If this
argument is followed, the itz or kab of Itzamna could refer to the drool
from his mouth, tears from his eye, milk from her *” breast, semen
from between his legs, or sweat from his body. Itzamna’s statement,
“T am the itz of the clouds,” is in keeping with such an interpretation.
Elsewhere, Thompson (1950, p. 282) discusses additional data
with possible bearings upon the direct water associations and balanced
water and vegetation. The root ak, Thompson points out, refers in
Yucatec Maya to vegetation turning green and to the idea of humidity.
Among the many constructions into which the word enters, akci (to
pour water), akzah (to urinate), and akyaabil (the rainy season), as
well as possibly the meaning ‘‘tongue” for ak, may have significance
for the present problem. ‘The associations of rainwater with vessels,
the region between the legs, and possibly the mouth are suggested.
The exact bearing of these terms on the water associations, if any,
cannot be determined. Nevertheless, the tendency toward punning
and rebus writing that pervades the oral literature and hieroglyphs
of the Maya offers support to the belief that some connection may be
involved (cf. Roys, 1933; Thompson, 1950, pp. 46-48). The ak
words may have served as a stimulus to the creation of concepts that
would link containers, the region of the genitals, and the mouth with
82 Duality of aspect, including the changing of sex, is one of the outstanding characteristics of the Maya
deities (Thompson, 1950, p. 13).
344 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bux. 157
rainfall. Conversely, the Maya may have taken recognition of pre-
existing religious concepts by increasing or giving new meanings to the
ak words.*”*
WATER FROM CONTAINER
Only a few of the direct water associations can properly be said to
receive unequivocal support from documentary and ethnological
sources. In many cases, a certain amount of reconstruction and inter-
pretation is required by the investigator to connect the data with the
association in question. But the existence of a Mesoamerican belief
that rain is poured from a container is clear and unmistakable. Thus,
of the Aztec rain god, Tlaloc, the Historia de los Mexicanos por sus
Pinturas states:
Of this god of water it was said that he had his dwelling of four apartments, in
the middle of which was a large courtyard, where stood four large earthern pans
full of water. In one of these pans the water was excellent, and from it the rain
fell which nourished all manner of corn and seeds and grain, and which ripened
things in good season; from the second rained bad water from which fell cobwebs
on the crops, and blight and mildew ensued; from another fell ice and sleet;
when from the fourth rain fell nothing matured or dried. This god of rain water
created many servants, small of body, who were in the rooms of the aforesaid
house, and they held money boxes,?? in which they caught the water from the
great earthern pans, and various rods in the other hand; and when the god of
water sent them to irrigate any especial places, they started off with their boxes
and sticks, and let fall the water where they were directed, and when it thunders
the noise is caused by their striking the boxes with their rods, and when it light-
nings it comes from within these boxes. [Phillips, 1884, p. 618.]
The manuscript adds:
Being questioned as to the matter of thunder and lightning, they said that
the Water-god had many subjects made by him, who carried each one an earthern
money-jug and a rod, and that from these earthern vessels they cast down the
rain, and that the thunder was when they struck the vessels with their rods,
and that the lightning flashed from these vessels. [Phillips, 1884, p. 638.]
The modern Tlaxcalans of Mt. Malintzi share somewhat similar
beliefs, holding the concept of a female mountain spirit, Malintzi, who
lives in a cave consisting of vast galleries.
32a That the Maya would not be alone in basing double meanings on the water associations is indicated
by the rebus approach to certain Mexican place names. From the tribute lists of the Mendoza Codex we
find the following place names displaying associations pertinent to the present study (plate references are
to Pefiafiel, 1885): Acolman, water at wrist (pl. 2); Achiotlan, water from mouth, death (pl. 2); Alahuiztlan,
water from hand, object in water (pl. 3); Amazac, water between legs (pl. 3); Aélicholoayan, water from
(animal) hand (pl. 4); Chictlan, water from hand, object in water (?) (pl. 12); Teocuwitlatlan, water from
object in hand, glyph in water (i.e., as source of stream) (pl. 26); Tlaahuwililpan, water from container (pl. 29).
Rather than being random, it would appear, the precise way of combining rebus elements in the place
names was patterned by religious concepts. Seemingly the water associations were formalized constructs
in Mexican thinking and were quick to be utilized in situations having no connection with basic beliefs
regarding rainfall. However it is recognized that the ideas combined in place names may occasionally
have become a spur to further religious speculation.
33 “* Alcancia, literally, a money-jug of earthernware’’ (Phillips, 1884, p. 645, No. 12). Pottery vessels,
in other words, are held by these dwarfish servants, the tlaloque.
ANTE PAP. WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 345
Here are arranged in lines hundreds of ollas, or water jars, in which she brews
her hails and rains and where she stores fruits and grains and seeds. There are,
it seems, many different kinds of hail, each consuming its special kind of plant
product. The hailstones are animated and hungry; when they are sent forth
by Malintzi they devour, each its own seed or fruit or grain, and carry back to
the cavern and store in the great ollas. [Starr, 1901, p. 117.]
The keeping of rain and hail in jars and the presence of highly spe-
cialized types of precipitation correspond rather closely to ancient
Aztec beliefs. The animated hailstones, sent forth by the mountain
spirit, are reminiscent of the Aztec tlaloque. The pouring of rain
from containers is not recorded, however. A somewhat comparable
cave-dwelling goddess is closely associated with water jars, water
snakes, springs, thunder and lightning, and fierce rainstorms in
Huichol belief (Zingg, 1937, p. 340).
In the cave or mountain home of Lightning, according to beliefs
of the present-day Zapotec of Mitla, jars contain clouds, or clouds
and hail and wind, or clouds and hail and tempest (Parsons, 1936,
pp. 212, 213, 330, 331, 332, 538).
Lightning . . . got out afew clouds. He kept them in two large jars. . . . The
clouds mounted to the sky. . . . He mounted into the sky and gave a cry, and
the clouds understood and it began to rain. . . . The next day when they woke
up Lightning told the little boy to take out a few clouds. ‘I am going,” said
Lightning, and with the clouds he went up to the sky. He told the little boy to
keep the jars closed, but the little boy left them open. Lightning saw that the
clouds were coming up and up into the sky. ‘‘What is he doing?” said Lightning
and he returned on a run and stoppered the jars which were only half full. He
said to the boy, ‘‘All these clouds have made a lake. Now there will be a very
heavy downpour and hail.” And he got out a little wind cloud, and a whirlwind
came out, astrong wind. Lightning began to cry out for the rain to pass over.
It rained for about four hours, then Lightning prevailed and the heavy rain
ceased; but the storm had washed the pueblo into the river. [Parsons, 1936, pp.
330-331.]
Lightning, according to another Mitla tale,
had three jars . . . . in which he kept the clouds, hail, and the wind, well covered
up. . . . He said to the little boy, ‘‘Go to Chipaltsingo where it is dry and open
this jar, and they will have rain.’”’ And the little Lightning went, and the clouds
came out, and the fields were refreshed. When enough rain fell, Lightning c.lled
out, and the clouds came back into the jar. Another time the big Lightning
sent the little one to another pueblo, where by mistake he opened the jar of hail
and it destroyed their milpas. [Parsons, 1936, p. 332.]
In one version the jars remain at the home of Lightning, whereas in
the second, one of the jars is brought to the desired place where it is
opened. The boys who work for Lightning, especially the ‘‘ittle
Lightning” of the second version, correspond to the minor Aztec
tlaloque. The pouring of water is, again, not recorded, although the
issuance of clouds from the jars seems to be a related idea.
A vivid picture of the work of the rain god Chac is given in a folk
346 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
tale of the Mayas of San Antonio, British Honduras. Chac has a
human servant, who corresponds to the little orphan boys working
for Lightning in Mitla folklore.
The man thought that he would like to play at being Chac, so he watched how
Chac dressed himself when he went out to do his work. One night when Chac
was asleep, he took his clothes, his windbag and water-calabash .. ., his axe
and his drum. Then he went out and let loose the winds. The winds went
screeching off, and the man, who had not the strength of Chac, could not shut
them up again. A terrific storm rushed down upon the world. Then he took
the calabash to make rain. Now, by pouring out four fingers of water, Chac
used to cause a heavy rain. The man upset the whole calabash, and torrents of
rain poured down on the earth. He began to beat on the drum, which causes the
thunder, but when he tried to stop it, he couldn’t. In his effort to stop the
thunder the rain and the winds, the man fell into the sea. When Chac woke
up, there were no signs of his clothes and his instruments, and the man had dis-
appeared too. He went to one of the other Chacs, for they are very numerous,
and borrowed his clothes and his windbag and went out to stop the rain, and put
the winds back in their bag and stop the beating of the drum. [Thompson, 1930,
p. 149.]
Functions of Chac’s paraphernalia are for the most part clearly ex-
plained by this tale, and his ax is the lightning (Thompson, 1930, pp.
60, 61). Rain is poured from a calabash container.
The present-day Mayas of the subtribe of X-Cacal, east-central
Quintana Roo, have a complex body of beliefs pertaining to rainfall.
The chaacs, also called ah-hoyas (the sprinklers) . . . control the clouds and
bring the rain . . . They ride across the sky on very thin horses, carrying the
rain water in a special calabash called zayab-chu (fountain calabash). Not more
than a part of the contents of the calabash is ever used up, and it is said that if
all the water in the calabash should ever be poured out, a universal deluge would
occur and the world would be completely inundated. [Villa, 1945, p. 102.]
The chaacs are numerous and form a hierarchy. First come the four nucuch-
chaacs (great chaacs), who stand in the sky at the four cardinal points. [Villa,
1945, p. 102.]
Besides these cardinal chaacs are an indefinite number of others. Each one
has the duty of producing some of the various kinds of rain or some of the many
meteorological phenomena that accompany it. Ah-thoxon-caan-chaac (distrib-
utor-sky-chaac) produces fine persistent rain; Bulen-caan-chaac (flooding-sky-
chaac) brings heavy downpours; Hohop-caan-chaac (lightning-sky-chaac) causes
the lightning; Mizen-caan-chaac (sweeper-sky-chaac) goes about cleaning the sky
after the rainfall. [Villa, 1945, p. 102.]
The east has greater importance than any of the other cardinal points. It is
there that the rain gods assemble to make their decisions before going out to
water the earth, and it is from that direction that the first thunders sound to
announce the coming of the rains. [Villa, 1945, p. 155.]
The pouring of water from a container and the existence of specialized
types of rainfall are, again, to be noted. Highland Guatemalan
folklore offers comparable features. At San Antonio Palopé, the red
rain god is believed to pour heavy rain from his large gourd, whereas
No 48] «WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 347
the white rain god ‘sprinkles drizzling rain from his small gourd
(Redfield, 1946, p. 134).
By the modern Mayas of Chan Kom, Yucatan, the chacs are com-
monly called ‘‘the sprinklers” (Ah-hoyaob). One of the chacs, x-thup-
chaac (least of the chaacs) makes rain fall in torrents when he passes
over the milpas.
He carries a small calabash known as zaayam-chu (‘‘inexhaustible water-carrier’’).
This calabash is mysteriously connected with the cenotes. As the x-thup-chaac
rides over each cenote, with a roar the water from the cenote passes up into the
air to fill his calabash again. [Redfield and Villa, 1934, p. 115.]
The chaacs are visualized as old men who ride on horses which are seen as
clouds, Each rider holds a gourd vessel containing the waters of the rain, and
brandishes a machete-like object known as lelem, which produces the lightning.
[Redfield and Villa, 1934, p. 116.]
In the cha-chaac rainmaking ceremony, the impersonator of the chac
carries a small calabash (Redfield and Villa, 1934, pp. 115, 142).
Ceremonies to the chacs and Itzamna, and to the lightning (Macon),
performed at the time of the Conquest by Yucatecan Mayas (Tozzer,
1941, pp. 162-163) and Chol-speaking Lacandones (Tozzer, 1913, p.
504), probably symbolize the pouring of rain from containers. In
these ceremonies fires were quenched with water poured from jars by
men who, among the Lacandones at least, personified the deity. It
is stated that the purpose of the Yucatecan ceremony was to obtain
plentiful rain. Water is emptied from containers in rain-bringing
ritual among the present-day Zapotec (Fuente, 1947, pp. 482-483).
From the preceding passages, it is possible to abstract certain
Mesoamerican beliefs more or less directly connected with the asso-
ciation of rainwater and a container. (1) Water is frequently poured
directly from the container. (2) Different vessels contain different
types of precipitation; beneficial rain, harmful rain, and hail, among
others. Clouds and wind may also be stored in containers. (3) An
indirect association sometimes exists between a vessel and the rain.
Thus, clouds issue from the container, and the rain, in turn, is pro-
duced by the clouds. Or rain, along with other types of precipitation,
is brewed within one set of vessels but transferred to a second set,
from which the water is actually poured. (4) Other objects—rods,
axes, and drums—are sometimes used to produce thunder and light-
ning. (5) The rainmaker who holds the container is commonly con-
ceived of in anthropomorphic form. (6) A rainmaker is frequently
assisted by helpers, who may, through inexperience or specialization
of function, cause destructive floods.
The third of these beliefs—the emergence of clouds from a con-
tainer and the descent of rain from the clouds—might conceivably be
applicable to the design on Stela 1, Izapa (pl. 75, a). In discussing
348 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Buby. 157
the elaborate scrollwork surrounding the container on the back of
the figure, it was suggested that clouds may be shown as the im-
mediate source of the falling water (p. 297).
WATER FROM MOUTH
Surprisingly enough, in view of the impressive artistic data, the
writer has been able to find but little ethnologic evidence which would
indicate the mouth to be directly associated with rainwater. Modern
Zapotec rain-bringing ceremonies form an important exception, how-
ever. Beverages are sprayed from the mouth, the supplicant then
asking for the type of water which is desired. Liquids are again
sprinkled from the mouth later in the ceremony, for the specifically
stated purpose of causing the saint to send the rain (Fuente, 1947,
pp. 482-483).
Certain hieroglyphs or examples of picture writing show water
issuing from the mouth, although rainfall may not be intended.
Thus it may be of little immediate significance that a Nahuatl place
name, Atlhuelic, depicts water emerging from a human mouth (Pefia-
fiel, 1885, p. 61). Seler has written at length about the atl-tlachinolla
symbol—a design, usually composed of a fire strip intertwined with a
stream of water, which frequently leads from the mouth. The symbol
is considered to signify war (Seler, 1902-23, vol. 3, pp. 221-304).** A
connection with the theme of death and destruction seems probable.
Seler also speaks of those “great reservoirs of water,” the mountains,
whose ‘jaws . . . must spit water’? (Seler, 1902-23, vol. 3, p. 527;
Thompson and Richardson, 1939, vol. 3, pp. 221-304). In the
Mexican codices, mountains are sometimes shown with streams of
water issuing from the conventionalized mouths at their bases. The
birth of rivers in the uplands may be recalled in this connection, as
well as the intimate association of the rain-bringing Tlalocs with moun-
tains (Sahagun, 1932, pp. 45, 64, 72-73, 133-135). In Maya sculpture,
Thompson notes an occurrence of one of his glyphic water symbols—
three circles in a triangular arrangement—below the mouth of the
moan bird (Thompson, 1950, p. 277, fig. 20, No. 17). Comparison
should be made to the placing of a yax sign below the mouth of the
same bird (associated with Entry 49) and to figure 23, a.
WATER FROM EYE
The case is convincing for the association of water and the eye.
Some years ago, in an essay on the weeping god, Joyce brought to-
gether artistic and ethnological data which indicate the belief in a
sympathetic bond between tears and rainfall. The concept was traced
%$ Thompson and Richardson, 1939, vol. 3, pt. 2, pp. 1-48. Designs illustrated by Seler showing the
association of this symbol with mouths are his figures 8, 67, 71; many others exist.
No48] «WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 349
from Mexico and the West Indies to Chile and northwestern Argentina
(Joyce, 1913). Among the ancient Aztec, child sacrifice took place
during the ceremony in the month of Atlcoualco (want of water). Ac-
cording to Sahagun, the presiding deities were Tlaloc, the rain god;
Chalchihuitlicue, the goddess of water; and/or Quetzalcoatl, the wind
god. Sahagun states that the children were born in litters, and
wherever they passed the people were weeping. . . . If the children cried very
much when they took them to the place of sacrifice, those who were with them
were glad, because they considered it as a sign that there would be abundant rain.
[Sahagun, 1932, p. 73.]
And elsewhere:
If the children who were to be killed cried a great deal and shed many tears they
were glad of it, for they took it as a prognostication of a great deal of rain for
that year. [Sahagun, 1932, p. 51.]
The more extended version of Sahagun reads:
And if the children went crying, their tears coursing down and bathing their
faces, it was said and understood that indeed it would rain. [For] their tears
signified rain. Therefore [men] were joyful; thus were their hearts at rest.
Hence they said: ‘‘Verily, soon rain will set in; yea, now soon we shall have rain.”
[Anderson and Dibble, 1950-52, bk. 2, p. 44.]
A passage from Sahagun directly associates tears with a different
form of precipitation. In the legend telling of the departure of
Quetzalcoatl from Tula, it is stated:
Thereupon he [Quetzalcoatl] looked toward Tula, and then wept; as one sobbing
he wept. Now he shed two hailstones as tears over his face. . . . [Anderson
and Dibble, 1950-52, bk. 3, p. 32.]
Among the present-day Maya of Chan Kon, the tortoise is particu-
larly associated with the chaacs or rain gods, as it inhabits their
homes in the cenotes. Redfield and Villa state:
The tortoise is bound to man by a curious sympathy. When the woods are wet
and the earth is moist, then the tortoise is not seen. But when drought has dried
the water-holes and the land is thirsty and the maize may fail, then the tortoise
walks abroad. He takes the paths that men take, and the villager meets him on
his road to the milpa. All have thus encountered him, pausing in the burning
sun, his shell dry and hot, but his eyes filled with tears. The tortoise weeps for
men and it is said that his tears draw the rain. [Redfield and Villa, 1934, p. 207.]
These data strongly suggest that the widespread principle of sym-
pathetic or imitative magic is operative. Nevertheless, the human
emotions of sorrow and pity may enter into these beliefs. Perhaps the
tears of the children and the tortoises evoke mercy in the supernaturals,
thereby causing them voluntarily to send rain. Clearly, there need
be no necessary conflict in these explanations, as magical and religious
practices may be blended. In any case, an association is indicated
between tears and rainfall.
350 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxn. 157
A more direct connection may also exist between the eye and water.
Joyce believes the Maya day sign Ik to “‘suggest an eyelid with one
or more tears falling from it’’ (Joyce, 1913, p. 371, fig. 9, b-e).25 As
Thompson also points out, this T-shaped element recurs in the name
glyph of God B, who presumably is the anthropomorphic rain deity,
Chac; additional evidence indicates that the symbol has aquatic con-
notations (Thompson, 1950, pp. 73, 133, 277). All this suggests that
in the Maya hieroglyphs rain may actually be shown descending from
the eye of the god.
Additional glyphic symbols which Thompson believes to have
pluvial associations occur in the eye of several supernatural beings
of the Maya. One of these elements, a spiral, is frequently placed in
the eyes of the moan bird, God B, and the Long-nosed God (Thompson
1950, pp. 114, 277-278, fig. 20). It will be seen to occur in the eyes
of many of the water producers illustrated herein. Another water
symbol recognized by Thompson, three circles in a triangular ar-
rangement, occurs in the eyes of the moan bird (tun glyph) and
Goddess I (Thompson, 1950, p. 277). If the identification of these
elements as water symbols is correct, additional weight is given to the
association of rainfall with the eye and tears.
WATER FROM BREAST
With the exception of what Thompson so aptly refers to as Itzamna’s
“cryptic remark,’”’ suggesting a possible association of milk (itz, kab)
and the clouds, the writer knows of no ethnological or documentary
data which would connect the female breast with rainwater.
WATER FROM BETWEEN LEGS
In addition to the complex of ideas connected with itz (semen) and
akzah (urine), another chain of associations in Maya language and
religion indicates a relationship to rainfall. As the data, concerning
the bul-eb bug, also seem to relate to the presence of the day sign Eb
in water on Dresden 74, they are taken up in that connection (see
“Glyph in Water,” below).
WATER FROM BODY (PORES?)
Little if any truly convincing evidence exists for a linkage, in
Mesoamerican beliefs, between sweat and rainfall. One of the mean-
ings of itz may constitute an exception. Then too, the concept
35 Joyce (1913, fig. 8, 10-13) identifies several representations from Mexico and Central America as showing
the weeping eye. These have not been tabulated, partly because doubt may sometimes exist if tears, or,
e. g., plucked out eyes are shown.
Ae a8} «WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 351
that water falls from the body does occur. Villa, writing of the
present day Maya of X-Cacal, Quintana Roo, states:
Sometimes the chaacs [who pour rain water from calabashes] are accompanied
by the Virgin Mary (Cichpan Colel), who rides on a fat black horse. She carries
no calabash, but water falls in torrents from the body of her horse. There is
no danger of floods from this water, however, for it collects in subterranean chan-
nels leading to two cenotes, unknown to men, that can never be filled. [Villa, 1945,
p. 102.]
As related above, the chaacs are believed by the X-Cacal Maya to
ride across the sky on thin horses, while at Chan Kom the chaacs
‘vide on horses which are seen as clouds” (Redfield and Villa, 1934
p. 116). Tozzer (1907, p. 157) records that among the Yucatecan
Maya the lightning is the whip with which the rain gods lash their
horses. One is forcibly reminded of Tzimin Chac, the “Thunder
Horse” which Cortez had left with the Itza at Lake Peten on his
march to Honduras and which in later times was worshiped in the
form of an idol (Morley, 1937-38, vol. 1, pp. 29-30, 33). More to
the point of the present discussion, it is possible that the emergence
of water from the body of the Virgin’s horse finds a prototype in the
secretion of sweat. This is speculative but, if correct, could suggest
that the exuding drops referable to Itzamna’s names relate to physio-
logical functions rather than to the quantity or character of the rain-
water. For the rain is described as falling in torrents from the body
of the Virgin’s cloud-horse, not oozing from it.*®
It has been assumed up to this point, on the basis of the apparent
Maya tendency to generalize in terms of the various liquid-secreting
functions of the body, that when rain falls from the body, sweat serves
as its prototype. This view may be erroneous. A present-day Chorti
belief suggests a different explanation for the phenomena of rain falling
from, or close to, the body. The Chicchans are mythical serpents,
often associated with the sky. Wisdom (1940, p. 394) notes: ‘“‘Cloud-
bursts and violent rainstorms are caused by the swift passage of a
female Chicchan across the sky, the impact of her body against the
clouds causing the water to fall.’””’ Such a concept could perhaps be
36 The danger of regarding post-Spanish beliefs as corresponding in detail to aboriginal concepts is rec-
ognized. The transferrence of rainmaking qualities to the horse, may however, find a ready explanation.
New, powerful, and centaurlike with its rider, the horse might easily be regarded with supernatural awe.
Arquebuses fired from the back of the horse during the Conquest perhaps suggested thunder and lightning
(Morley, 1937-38, p. 29). Could the thundering hoofs of galloping horses have contributed to this association ?
Landa’s description of the tapir may also prove enlightening. ‘They call it tzimin,” he states, ‘‘and from
these they have given their name to horses.” Again, ‘It [the tapir] is an animal very fond of water...
and has. . . asmall proboscis on its snout in which it holds water” (Landa in Tozzer, 1941, p. 203). Possibly
the tapir’s truck served as a prototype for the long proboscis of the Long-nosed God (but cf. Tozzer and Allen,
1910, pp. 353-354); if so, the aquatic associations of this animal would presumably be increased. In any event,
some tendency to connect the tapir with water is evidenced by Landa’s informants. Possibly these ideas,
along with the tapir’s name, became transferred to the horse in post-Spanish times. Clearly, all this is
speculation; and it does not bear crucially on the direct water associations, with which the paper is primarily
concerned. While on the subject, however, one further quality of the horse should perhaps be noted—its
tendency to sweat freely, its coat thereby becoming covered with a heavy lather.
352 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn. 157
manifested in designs on the order of Entry 25, Tulum, or in the mod-
ern X-Cacal belief in torrents of rain which fall from the body of the
Virgin’s horse.*”
WATER FROM HAND
Nonartistic data of uncertain significance may indicate an associa-
tion between water and the hand. It has been noted that Maya kab
relates to exuding or dripping liquids, as well as meaning “hand.”
Following Lizana (1893, p. 5), Thompson notes that a representation
of Itzamna’s (Kab Ul’s) hand was kept in a temple at Izamal and
that the name Kab Ul signifies the “working hand,” “the hand that
works;” Ah Kabul would be “‘he who works with his hands” (Thomp-
son, 1939, pp. 50, 153; 1950, p. 266). According to Thompson (1939,
p. 153), ‘‘the association with the hand might well have been second-
ary, arising from the double meaning of the word.” A slightly dif-
ferent hypothesis, which relates Thompson’s data to the direct water
associations, is offered. In his manifestation as Kab UI, Itzamna was
believed to sprinkle water from his hand. Both meanings of the
word kab would thus be reflected in his activities.
Among the modern Maya of both Chan Kom and X-Cacal, the
chaacs are known collectively as Ah-hoyaob, ‘‘the sprinklers’ (Redfield
and Villa, 1934, p. 115; Villa, 1945, p. 102). The name suggests the
possibility that water is sprinkled by hand from the calabashes which
they carry as they pass through the sky, although no definite
statement to this effect is given. In the cha-chaac (“bring-rain’’)
ceremony observed at Chan Kom, an altar was sprinkled with balche
from the hand while a frog impersonator imitated the sound of
thunder with his voice and the flash of lightning with his wooden ma-
chete (Redfield and Villa, 1934, p. 142, pl. 13,6). Redfield and Villa
remark, ‘This sprinkling of balche, so much used in all these agri-
cultural ceremonies, is the devise whereby things and persons are
safely conveyed from the world of the secular to that of the sacred,
and back again.” In this case, however, the sprinkling of balche is
coincident with other actions which patently imitate thunderstorms.
There seems every reason to believe, therefore, that the sprinkling
of balche is a form of sympathetic magic, and that, whatever else its
function, it may duplicate a specific action of the rain gods. This is
particularly true inasmuch as in the cha-chaac ceremony at the nearby
village of Piste, balche spilled from a swinging gourd is regarded as a
symbol of rainfall (Redfield and Villa, 1934, p. 143).
In Quetzaltepeque, Guatemala, modern Chorti Maya believe that
37 It may merely be coincidence that heavy downpours are associated with female Maya deities in the
cases of the Chicchan, the Virgin, and Goddess I. ‘Torrents which fall from the Virgin’s horse are not harm-
ful, although this could reflect a post-Conquest rationalization which put the female rainmaker’s water
in accordance with the Virgin’s attributes of mercy.
Meas) FY) WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 353
the activities of an official known as the capitan and his wife have a
connection with the fall of rain. Of the wife Wisdom states:
One of her chief duties is to sprinkle the floors of her houses with water every
day during the year, and especially when rain is desired, as this is believed to
bring on the rain and to keep it coming. [Wisdom, 1940, p. 376.]
Among the Cora, the Morning Star is believed to throw blessed
water upon the earth. He may do this from the hands, although in
the corresponding ceremony water is sprinkled from an orchid (Lum-
holtz, 1902, vol. 1, p. 525).
Data supplied by Sahagun about ancient Aztec beliefs and ritual
practices serve to link the Tlalocs with precipitation which may be
scattered from the hand:
To him [Tlaloc] was attributed the rain; for he made it, he caused it to come down,
he scattered the rain like seed, and also the hail. [Anderson and Dibble, 1950-
Se; DK: 1, Dp. 2.]
Of O pochtli, one of the Tlalocs:
And when his feast was celebrated . . . they strewed toasted [pop-] corn grains
like hailstones, or like scattered dice. [Anderson and Dibble, 1950-52, bk. 1.]
The passages suggest that the scattering of popcorn and, perhaps
seeds was associated symbolically with the fall of precipitation.®
Even more significant, however, is the fact that it is clearly stated
that Tlaloc scattered the rain, although whether from his hand or
from some other object is not made clear.
Thompson has isolated a number of Maya hieroglyphs which bear
upon the problem of the association of water with the hand:
(1) A glyph, probably indicating completion, shows circles falling
from a hand with fingers held down. Thompson believes the circles
to indicate drops of water, scattered from the hand. In this case,
however, his interpretation cannot properly be regarded as evidence
independently supporting the association, advanced in this paper, of
water and the hand. For, as Thompson points out, he originally had
regarded the glyph as showing scattered grains of maize but changed
his opinion on the basis of artistic representations, gathered by the
writer, which form an important part of the present study (Thompson,
1950, pp. 193-194, fig. 33, Nos. 4-8).
(2) Independently of the present writer, Thompson has isolated
the spiral as a water symbol in the Maya hieroglyphs. It is held in
the hands of God B in the Dresden Codex and appears in the hand
in sculptured glyphs of unknown meaning (Thompson 1950, pp. 114,
277-278, fig. 20, Nos. 21, 22, 25, 26). In the latter, circles appear in
connection with the spirals, suggesting drops of water and forming
38 Compare objects, identified by Caso (1942, p. 134) as seeds, falling from the hands at Tepantitla
(Entry 4). Compare further the configuration of balanced water and vegetation.
354 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn. 157
a possible link with the completion (?) sign referred to above. The
effect of water rolling out from the hand is well achieved in Thomp-
son’s figure 20, No. 25, where falling seeds could scarcely be indicated
by the spirals.
(3) In the Dresden Codex, a glyph showing an inverted hand with
‘peculiar’ infix occurs exclusively in almanacs relating to rain.
Beings with which it is associated are God B, Goddess I, and a prob-
able king vulture. The glyph in question occurs in the seven al-
manacs on Dresden 29c—41c, 41b-43b, 65b-69b, 42a—44a. Thompson
concludes:
Although this glyph does not appear in every almanac pertaining to rain, its
close association with God B and his colleagues in divination for rain, and its
absence from almanacs which deal with both rain and lightning storms suggest
that when used with the given affixes, it conveys the idea of giving rain to man-
kind. The reversed position of the hand suggests the act of donation. [Thompson,
1950, p. 267.]
Again, it would be premature to suggest a Maya equivalent for the glyph at
this time, although the possibilities of tz’a, ‘“‘to give,’’ and matan, ‘‘a gift’ or
“‘orace or mercy received” are worth bearing in mind. [Thompson, 1950, p. 267.]
The presence in two of the almanacs of Goddess I, universally de-
scribed as a deity of floods and destruction, conveys the suggestion
that more than gifts and mercy were involved. Rather, the present
writer would offer the hypothesis that the down-turned hand had an
immediate association with rain, i. e., water was believed to be poured
or sprinkled from it. In Thompson’s figure 42, Nos. 65 and 66, cer-
tain affixes could be intended to show an object spilling out from the
hand. It is clear, in summary, that an association of some sort be-
tween the glyph and rainfall is indicated, although the precise role
in this of the hand per se remains a matter of speculation.
WATER FROM OTHER OBJECT HELD IN HAND
The documentary sources make it clear that among the Maya the
sprinkling of water was sometimes accomplished through the use of
an object held in the hand. Landa refers to this object as an asper-
gillum, Cogolludo as a hyssop, Lopez Medel as “‘a kind of sprinkler,”
and the Relacién of Valladolid as ‘‘a hyssop with many tails of vipers
and poisonous snakes tied to it” (in Tozzer, 1941, pp. 105, 224, 148).
Landa’s account indicates that a bone was wet in water and used for
purposes of anointing; Herrera refers to ‘water which they kept in a
bone” (in Tozzer, 1941, pp. 105, 102). The descriptions by Landa,
Cogolludo, and Herrera refer to baptismal ceremonies. A fire-walking
rite, in which wine was sprinkled on the coals, is the subject of the
quotation from the Relacién of Valladolid. The latter source seems,
moreover, to suggest that sprinkling from the hyssop was a common
ritual practice (Relacién of Valladolid, in Tozzer, 1941, p. 105).
AO 4s] |) «WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 3055
Tozzer holds that the aspergillum is depicted on pages 100d, 111b of
the Codex Madrid; “‘the triple representation of the rattles...
shows the movement when shaken.” He also suggests that the
handles of aspergilla may be known in actual specimens—carved
wooden scepters with hollow tops—from the Sacrificial Cenote at
Chichén Itzéi (Tozzer, 1941, p. 105).
Simpler objects also served as media for sprinkling water. Sahagun
describes an Aztec ceremony to one of the Tlalocs, Napa tecutli:
And when it was his feast day, they spoke thus: ‘““He washeth and batheth
men; he shaketh and sprinkleth rain upon them.” [For] greatly they importuned
[rain] of him.
And also each year they slew a man who represented him, a slave.
They arrayed him [like the god], and he carried in his hand a green gourd
vessel, in which was water. With a branch he sprinkled people. [Anderson
and Dibble, 1950-52, bk. 1, pp. 20-21, fig. 31.]
The impersonator of the god, who is said to have borne a shield orna-
mented with water-lily flowers and leaves—
went sprinkling the people with water, since they had prayed that they might be
benefited. [Anderson and Dibble, 1950-52, bk. 1, p. 21.]
In another ceremony having no apparent reference to rainfall, corpses
were sprinkled ‘‘with corn leaves dipped in clear water’? (Sahagun,
1932, p. 126). A partial correspondence is provided by a ritual act
among the modern Lacandones, in which balche or posol from the end
of a roll of leaves or spoon is spattered into the air (Tozzer, 1907,
pp. 122, 129). In one of the accompanying chants, the substitution
of ha (water) for the balche which is actually sprinkled may help to
establish a conceptual association with water (Tozzer, 1907, pp.
129-130, 181).
WATERLIKE DESIGN FROM HEAD
The writer is not aware of any nonartistic data from Mesoamerica
which would indicate that water emerges from the head, although
such an association seems to be documented, on an ethnologic level,
for vegetation (Foster, 1945, pp. 191, 195).
GLYPH IN WATER
In addition to the symbols which display the direct water associa-
tions, three or four Maya hieroglyphs have immediate significance to
the present study. They derive their importance from the fact that
with one exception they occur repeatedly attached to designs which
are to be identified, on other lines of evidence, as water. These
glyphs are the kan cross, the yax sign, the completion or zero symbol,
and the day sign, Eb. The latter is known to occur in only a single
representation of falling water but has a prominent position in this
one instance.
356 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 157
The occurrence of Eb and a possible zero sign in water on page 74
of the Dresden Codex have long been recognized (Férstemann, 1906,
p- 266). In 1913, Spinden (p. 67) identified several designs in Maya
art as water and noted the occurrence of glyphs within them. Fol-
lowing Spinden’s lead, the writer, in an earlier version of the present
paper (1946), brought together a number of comparable designs in
which the same glyphs occurred. The signs were at that time identified
as yax, kan, and completion by Thompson, who shortly thereafter
(1950, 1951) made a detailed analysis of their role as water symbols.
Thompson’s arguments are too ramified to be followed at length in
this space. Certain important factors merit brief attention, however.
(1) The great interchangeability of these glyphs as affixes, especially
of yax and kan, with one another and with other aquatic symbols
recognized by Thompson. (2) The relationship of yax (green) with
the day Chicchan (snake) and the serpent god of number nine; hence
its extended association with the Chicchan sky serpents who bring
rain in modern Chorti belief. (3) The suggested equation in concept
of kan (yellow?) with identical cross-in-circle forms in Mesoamerica
and closely linked ideas; turquoise (rain, water, the abode of the
Tlalocs); jade (rain, water, Chalchihuitlicue as “she of the jade
skirt’); the year and its symbols (the meanings of tun and haab in
Yucatec as jade and rain, the moan bird, the trapezoidal element
often worn by the Tlalocs). (3a) The appearance of the kan cross in
the headdresses of Tlaloc and Cocijo, the rain gods of Teotihuacén
and Monte Alban. (4) The interchangeability—as decorative motifs
which presumably have symbolic value—of zero, yax, kan, and other
water symbols on the piers of House D of the Palace, Palenque
(Thompson, 1950, pp. 276-277). (5) It will be noted that of the above
evidences, none has an immediate connection with the thesis pre-
sented in the present paper. In addition, however, Thompson
stresses the occurrence of kan, yax, and completion (zero) in designs
that probably depict streams of water.
This applies not only to art motifs but, according to Thompson,
to certain glyphs which have an affix comprised of yax, kan, or com-
pletion set within water. In many cases, his water as an affix is the
same as his “ring of circlets’” symbol (Thompson, 1950, p. 277). In
other examples, however, it is more linear and corresponds rather
closely to the designs in Maya art which are identified in the present
paper as streams of falling water. In the glyphs illustrated by
Thompson (1950), one or two examples of completion (zero) occur in
such a connection (Thompson’s figs. 43, No. 1, and perhaps 36, No.
3 (glyph X of the lunar series)). Here the glyphic element and
supposed water give the effect of emergence, together with the head
of God C, from the mouth of a “celestial monster” (cf. Entries 24,
ANTHROP. Pap, 7 vou
No. 48] WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 357
28,49, 55). Yax also appears in conjunction with a design somewhat
resembling water as identified in the present study (Thompson’s fig.
43, No. 19 (‘Ben Ich” rainy sky?)) Kan occurs quite frequently in
this waterlike setting (Thompson’s fig. 34, Nos. 4, 6 (glyph G1 of the
lunar series) ; fig. 43, Nos. 3, 9, 10, 17, 18 (‘Ben Ich” bat, ‘“Ben Ich”
rainy sky?)). The shell and bone—other aquatic symbols of Thomp-
son’s—also appear in conjunction with the waterlike design as affixes
(Thompson’s fig. 43, Nos. 8, 15, 16, 22). <A final point deserves atten-
tion before drawing this discussion of the yax-kan-zero glyphs to a
close. In glyph G1 of the lunar series, a hand is held in a position
identical to that in which it appears when the spiral, another of Thomp-
son’s water symbols, seems to roll from it (Thompson’s fig. 20, Nos.
25, 26; fig. 34, Nos. 1, 3-7). Inasmuch as God C, held in the palm
of the hand, is elsewhere regarded by Thompson as having aquatic
value, this correspondence in position may serve as epigraphic evidence
strengthening the direct association of water and the hand.
Of the associations of the three glyphs with falling streams, that
of yax is perhaps the most readily explained. Water is commonly
shown in the codices as green, and the yax sign is apparently connected
with the rain-bringing Chicchan celestial snakes (see under ‘‘Serpent,”’
below). The significance of the aquatic association of kan—sup-
posedly meaning yellow—is more elusive, and Thompson has, in fact,
suggested that the meaning of the kan cross might have been blue or
blue-green, the symbol for yellow being unidentified (Thompson, 1950,
p. 252). However this may be, a passage from Sahagun is of con-
siderable interest in associating the colors green and yellow with
water and with the hand—a complex of ideas that strongly recalls
Entries 50-54 at Yaxchilan (figs. 18, d, 19, a—-c). Speaking of the
Aztec goddess of vice, Tlagolteutl, Sahagun states:
Evil and perverseness, debauched living—these Tlacolteutl offered, inflamed,
inspired. And likewise she forgave. At her whim, she removed the corruption;
she cleansed, she washed. In her hand lay the [cleansing] green and yellow
waters. [Anderson and Dibble, 1950-52, bk. 1, p. 8.]
A comparable passage appears in Seler:
Thus speaks the midwife when four days after its birth she subjects the child to
a ceremonious washing: ‘‘My son, come to thy mother, thy father, the Lady
Chalchiuhtlicue, the Lord Chalchiuhtlatonac ... enter the water, the blue
(Natlalac) the yellow (Tozpalac), may it wash thee, may it cleanse thee perfectly,
‘may it take from thee the evil which thou hast from the beginning of the
world ...’’ ([Seler, 1901, p. 57; quoted in Anderson and Dibble, 1950-52, bk. 1,
p. 8.]
Described as ‘‘very precious,’ the Yellow Waters (Toxpalatl) serve
as an Aztec place name (Anderson and Dibble, 1950-52, bk. 2, p.
178).
265191—54 34
358 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 157
Although highly suggestive data exist, the significance of the day
sign Eb in the stream poured by Goddess I on Dresden 74 is a matter
of some speculation (pl. 72). Thompson (1950, p. 81) has associated
the name Eb with yeeb (mist, dew) and by extension mildew, smut,
and the destruction of the crops. The hieroglyph Eb is shown with
combined symbols of rain (cauac elements) and death (a prominent
jawbone). Therefore, as Thompson remarks, the presence of Eb is
appropriate in one of the streams of water on Dresden 74, a scene
(presumedly) showing the destruction of the world by a deluge.
Roys has recently brought together data concerning Eb which relate
more immediately to the direct water associations. Pointing out the
usual meaning of Eb as “‘stairs”’ and of yeeb or yeb as ‘‘dew,” he adds
(personal communication) :
I have run into an insect named bul-eb, which is defined as ‘“‘insecto meador.’’
lt lives on the Bacalché tree, and when it swarms, its urine is falling like a drizzle.
Sometimes this happens even in the suburbs of Mérida (Pacheco Cruz, 1939,
pp. 22-23).
Bul can mean “submerged in a liquid.”” So I feel now that “‘eb’’ means “‘dew”’ as
much as ‘‘yeeb’”’ does. Pio Pérez, however, also defines ‘‘bul-eb”’ as “‘jarro para
sacar agua.’”’ [Pio Pérez, 1866-77, p. 33.]
Roys’ data are of particular interest because, inferentially, they con-
nect the day sign Eb with the fall of water between the legs and from
a jar, as shown on Dresden 74. Again, as in the case of itz, kab, and
ak compounds, a conceptual association seems to have taken place,
which by the use of double meanings serves to unite somewhat dis-
creet ideas into a closely knit complex.
Some years ago (1933, p. 117) Roys translated a passage from the
Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel, referring to the creation of the
uinal, as follows:
On 2 Eb he made the first stairway. It descended from the midst of the
heavens, in the midst of the water, when there were neither earth, rocks, nor
trees.
The translation calls to mind the occurrences, especially frequent in
Mexican art, of various objects in falling streams of water. Roys
writes, however (personal communication) :
If I were doing the Chumayel over again, I think my preferred translation
would be “first dew” or ‘‘green dew”’ instead of “‘first stairway,’’ although the
words can also mean the latter. By the way, rain is green in the Dresden Codex.
Roys’ alternative translation of ‘green dew”’ for the Eb passage *
offers a suggestive parallel to the repeated occurrence of the yax
(green) sign in probable streams of water in Classic Maya sculpture.
4% ‘*Ca Eb u mentci yax eb’’ (Roys, 1933, p. 39).
Roti, FA?) WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 359
OBJECT IN WATER
Weapons of war often appear in the atl-tlachinolli symbol, men-
tioned above in connection with water from the mouth.
TLALOC
The aquatic associations of Tlaloc are so well established as to
require no additional comment. In Mexico there is no difficulty in
recognizing this deity whenever it appears, either in the codices or
well into the archeological past. Much the same treatment is given
a figure which occasionally is shown in Maya art. It has been
traditional to refer to this being as Tlaloc, and it seems reasonable to
assume that, although far removed from its probable homeland in
central Mexico, the figure has retained its associations with rain and
water.
ANTHROPOMORPHIC LONG-NOSED GOD
Data of an artistic nature are abundant which relate the Mayan
Long-nosed God (or gods) to water. Spinden’s discussion of 40 years
ago (1913, pp. 61-69) is still highly valuable in this connection, and
it is unnecessary to document the case that at least God B, in the
codices, has definite associations with rain. Especially in fairly recent
years, God B has usually been identified as Chac, known to be a deity
of the rains. Thompson (1939, p. 160) has suggested that a related
deity, K, is the anthropomorphic aspect of the sky monster Itzamna.
(Cf. Tozzer, 1941, for a summary of various identifications that have
been given these long-nosed deities.) In the tables, only full-figure
beings are tabulated as the anthropomorphic Long-nosed God, and
considerable latitude is allowed the exact shape of the proboscis. It
is recognized that isolated heads, classified under different categories,
may have important connections with the Long-nosed Gods.
FEMALE WATER DEITY
Like her brother or consort Tlaloc, the Mexican goddess Chal-
chihuitlicue is known to be intimately associated with water, and
her portrayals are readily identifiable. More specifically, she rules
over the surface water. The case is quite different for the female
water deity of the Maya, Schellhas’ Goddess I. Her name has not
been established, although a concensus of opinion would perhaps
have her a variant of Ixchel, the moon goddess (Tozzer, 1941, p. 10).
The moon is strongly connected with water in Mexican belief, although
this has not been satisfactorily demonstrated for the Maya (Thompson,
1939, pp. 143-144, 163). A connection with Goddess I has been seen
in a legend of the modern Maya wherein an old woman with a water
jar, Xkitza, sharpens her fingernails and mutters, ‘“Make my nails
360 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 157
and the bones of my fingers grow” (Thompson, 1930, pp. 122, 136).
On the basis of codex portrayals, in any event, Schellhas (1904, p.
31) characterizes Goddess I as ‘‘a personification of water in its quality
of destroyer, a goddess of floods and cloud-bursts.”” This opinion
has gone unchallenged. In Teotihuacéin sculpture, the so-called
“Goddess of Waters” (Entry 6) may actually represent a female
water deity. Note the occurrence of wavy lines or comparable sym-
bols for water on the skirt of all three beings, Chalchihuitlicue (pl.
74, a), Goddess I (pls. 72, 73, a), and the female of Teotihuacan.
BLACK GOD (M, B)
Several black gods are present in the Maya codices, the most
prominent of which is Schellhas’ M. A wide variety of attributes
have been assigned this deity. Traditionally, he has been identified
as Ek Chuah, the god of traveling merchants and cacao * (Tozzer,
1941, p. 107), with warlike characteristics sometimes being empha-
sized (Schellhas, 1904, p. 36). Tzultacca, a Kekchi god of the forest,
animals, and water, is said to be especially venerated by travelers
(Sapper, 1897, pp. 271-272); this vaguely suggests a connection of
God M with water. Especially in the Madrid codex, moreover,
God M seems frequently to merge in many features with God B.
Here a deity with characteristics traditionally ascribable to God B
has the drooping lip of M and an eye that duplicates God M’s name
glyph (Thompson, 1950, p. 76, fig. 13, Nos. 20-23). Schellhas (1904,
p. 37) early noted the possibility that a black variant of God B was
a deity of the storm.*! The nature of the one or more black gods
which appear in the tables is anything but clear-cut, yet some funda-
mental connection with water may be indicated.
MISCELLANEOUS ANTHROPOMORPHIC FIGURES
Various deities or human figures which are not generally regarded
to have strong affiliations with water do, nevertheless, occur in con-
nection with the water associations. Examples are the Mexican
Xochipilli (Borgian 57, perhaps Fejervary-Mayer 37) and God N
of the Maya (Entry 58).
FROG
Frogs and toads are generally thought to have a “natural” connec-
tion with rainfall. The frogs’ role as the musicians of Chac in the
lowland Maya area and its connection with Tlaloc in Mexico are
discussed by Thompson (1930, pp. 62, 148-149, 150); attention has
40 Thompson (1950, p. 76) disagrees with the identification of God M as Ek Chuah, holding instead that
M is primarily a deity of hunting.
¢1In modern Maya folklore, Chac ‘‘dressed himself in his black clothes’? when about to go to work
(Thompson, 1930, p. 128). Mexican Tlalocs are often shown as black (Sahagun, 1932, pp. 40, 45).
Aas] SY) WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 361
already been called to the croaking frog impersonators in the Maya
chac-chaac rainmaking ceremony. Frogs and snakes were kept in
a pool at the feet of an image of Tlaloc and during a dance in the
god’s honor were caught in the mouth and swallowed (Sahagun, 1932,
p. 147). On page 12b of the Madrid Codex, God B is pictured with
the legs of a frog. A ring of circlets—another of Thompson’s water
symbols—appears on the forehead of the uinal glyph, which is clearly
derived from a frog prototype (Thompson, 1950, pp. 144, 277).
SERPENT
The snake, too, is generally believed to have an obvious association
with water. It is a commonplace to regard the sinuous motion of the
snake’s body as symbolic of waves. More to the point, a sizable
number of Mesoamerican beliefs have been recorded which directly
connect the serpent with surface water, rain, and lightning. The
subject is much too involved for adequate discussion here, but a few
stray facts regarding the relationship of snakes to the anthropomorphic
rain deities of the Maya and Mexicans may be noted. In the Maya
codices, the serpent, God B, and water are frequently shown together
(Tozzer and Allen, 1910, p. 314). As giant celestial snakes or as
partly anthropomorphized serpents, the Chicchans are rain and
thunder deities of the present-day Chorti (Wisdom, 1940, pp. 392 ff.).
It is interesting in this connection that evidence linking the Maya
day sign Chicchan (snake) with water symbols has been presented by
Thompson (1950, pp. 45, 75, 135, 276, 278, 290). In modern Zoque
belief, snakes serve as the whips of the thunderbolts (Cordry and
Cordry, 1941, p. 62). In a well-known portrayal of Tlaloc, the goggle
eye and mouth are comprised of snakes (Seler, 1902-23, vol. 4, p. 259).
JAGUAR (OCELOT)
A growing body of evidence and interpretations indicates that the
jaguar was closely associated with the rain gods of various Mexican
cultures, especially on comparatively early archeological horizons
(Covarrubias, 1942; 1946, pp. 165-170; 1947, pp. 83-85, 125, 130,
182-183; Armillas, 1947, p. 168). Jaguar features in “‘Olmec”’ art
have been considered the prototype of Monte Alb4n’s Cocijo and the
Teotihuacdén-Aztec Tlaloc figures. It is suggested that in later times
42 From this, Joyce (1913, p. 372) seems to infer that the symbolism of the weeping eye is maintained in
connection with Tlaloc. If this is correct, one might go on to say that, by the same line of reasoning, water
is also indicated emerging from Tlaloc’s mouth. This sort of speculation is indulged in above, in provi-
sionally connecting water from between the legs with serpent heads which decorate loincloth aprons at
Izapa (Entry 16) and throughout Classic Maya sculpture. The warning that was given merits repetition,
however: the fact that the snake does possess strong aquatic associations makes it justified to speculate in
terms of such symbolism but not to base conclusions on these unsupported speculations. Clearly, one
cannot legitimately infer water every time a serpent motif appears in Mesoamerican art.
362 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn 157
there was an increasing association of the Mexican rain gods with the
serpent, at the expense of their jaguar connections.
Whatever the historical realities in regard to the origin and diffu-
sion of the jaguar, a strong ingredient of this animal is apparent in
the later Mexican rain gods. This is testified by one of Tlaloc’s
titles, Ocelocoatl (Serpent-Jaguar). Tlaloc’s jaguar features seem to
be most readily observable in southern Mexico, where, for example,
he is sometimes pictured in the codices wearing a jaguar headdress.
Jaguar ears occasionally occur in Tlaloc’s headdress as well as in that
of Chalchihuitlicue (cf. certain earlier representations of Cocijo).
Tlaloc’s down-turned mouth does not duplicate that of the ““Olmec’’
jaguar but certainly suggests it.
Traditional thinking about the role of the jaguar in Maya religion
has been quite different. According to Spinden:
It seems that the drama of nature was partly explained by the confiict between a
Jaguar God of the clear sky, the sun, the moon, the stars and the dry season, and
a Serpent God of the clouded sky, the storm, the lightning, the rain and the
wet season of the year. The planet Venus and, perhaps other planets as well,
helped the Serpent God and was inimical to the Jaguar God. [Spinden, 1940 a,
pp. 162-163; cf. Spinden, 1940 b, pp. 465—-466.]
The front of Altar O, Copan, according to Stromsvik, is
carved to represent a grotesque double-headed animal, half serpent and half
jaguar, with a toad curving over the end, and the rain symbol carved on the
stomach of the beast. This mythological creature is believed to represent the
heavenly forces, the jaguar standing for the dry, the serpent for the rainy, season.
These two are always engaged in battle. Rain being the most necessary, the rain
god is the more important; but at times of destructive floods he becomes too
violent and the dry weather jaguar god must be invoked. [Stromsvik, 1947, pp.
46-47.]
Recently, however, Thompson has included the jaguar as an aquatic
symbol common to the Maya and other Mesoamerican centers during
the Classic period (Thompson, 1951, p. 36). The Maya god of num-
ber nine, associated with the day Chicchan (snake) and rain, is said te
have jaguar markings which consist of a paw on the temple and,
perhaps, jaguar spots on the chin (Thompson, 1950, p. 135). Refer-
ences to balam hail (jaguar rain or water) in post-Conquest Maya
writings are also noted by Thompson, who suggests a comparison
with Yaxchilan texts that show jaguar glyphs in apparent association
with the supposed glyph for rainy sky (Thompson, 1950, p. 298).
Spinden (1913, pp. 77, 135), Thompson (1950, pp. 72, 74, 279),
and Rands (1953) have noted the connection of the jaguar and the
water lily, a point of possible significance for the animal’s aquatic
associations. The presence of the water lily reflects the fact that the
jaguar is a deity of the underworld, comparable to the Mexican
ANT’; WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 363
Tepeyollotl (Heart of the Mountains), according to Thompson. In
a different connection, Cordy notes:
A god mentioned in Maya mythology is one known as Ah Buluc Balam. In Maya
art, the jaguar, balam, is sometimes represented with a water lily, i. e., the jaguar
is in the water. Buluc means “eleven,’’ but it also means “‘submerged in water.”
[Cordy, 1946, p. 110.]
BIRD
When dealing with Mesoamerican religious concepts, it is dangerous
to lump the many species of birds inhabiting the area into a single
category. Vastly different attributes may, for example, have been
given birds of prey as opposed to other types, let alone the possible
variations from one species to another. To establish an aquatic
association for one bird may mean little in terms of Aves as a whole.
Nevertheless, difficulties in identifying birds in Mesoamerican art
according to species, as well as the practical problems involved in
tabulating many entries, make a general treatment necessary.
The owl, in particular, may be closely associated with rainfall.
Contrary to the opinion which has long prevailed among Maya
students, Thompson connects the moan bird or screech owl with
water symbols rather than with death (Thompson, 1950, pp. 49,
114-115, 275, 277). He notes that in addition to ‘‘screech owl,”
“moan” has the meaning in Yucatec of “cloudy” and ‘drizzle.’
Moreover, a linguistic and conceptual connection is seen between the
moan bird and the mythical Tamoanchan of the Mexicans. The
descriptive statement, ‘“‘From the land of the rain and the mist, from
Tamoanchan I, Xochiquetzal, came,’ is felt by Thompson to corres-
pond well with the moan bird’s cloud-filled home in the sky. It is
of considerable interest, therefore, to note, with Armillas (1945,
pp. 10-12), that the owl is closely associated with Tlaloc figures at
Teotihuacin; and Thompson (1951) considers the owl to be one of
several aquatic symbols widely spread on the Classic horizon in
Mesoamerica. **
MISCELLANEOUS ANIMAL
A few other animals occur as water producers. The peccary and
perhaps the scorpion have these associations in the Maya codices
(Tozzer and Allen, 1910, p. 291).
43 But contrast Tozzer and Allen: ‘‘In connection with the [Maya] screech owl referring to death, it is
interesting to note that among the Nahuas the owl is considered of unlucky augury and is usually found
in the ‘House of Death’ and of ‘Drought,’ as contrasted with the turkey, considered as a bird of good fortune,
and found in the ‘House of Rain’.”” (Tozzer and Allen, 1910, pp. 339-340. Cf. these authors, p. 328, for
associations of the turkey with rain and with Tlaloc; pp. 291, 330 for connections of the king vulture with
rain in the Maya codices.)
364 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 157
SERPENTINE-SAURIAN MONSTER
Perhaps the associations of water which characterize the serpent
may hold true for this mythical dragon, as well. Combining features
of the snake and of an aquatic animal such as the crocodile, the com-
posite monster seems truly to manifest a connection with water on
both sides of its ancestry. Nevertheless, Spinden’s warning that the
serpent serves primarily artistic rather than religious functions may
be useful to remember (Spinden, 1913, pp. 33, 237). The tendency
he sees for the Mesoamericans to inject something of the snake into
myriad art forms may lessen the value of the serpent-derived motifs
as evidence that the concept of water is involved.
Various workers in the Maya field have, however, associated the
composite monsters which so frequently occur in the sculptures with
water. Thompson, again, has the most definitive statements (Thomp-
son, 1939, pp. 152-160; 1950, pp. 11, 110-111, 274-275). His de-
tailed arguments need not be repeated, but certain conclusions which
are important to the present study merit reemphasis. (1) The
so-called sky monster or celestial dragon is probably to be identified
with Itzamna. (2) Streams of water are sometimes pictured in
connection with this monster. (3) Planetary sky bands in the
codices, from which rain is commonly shown as falling, are conven-
tionalized segments of the monster’s body. (4) The cauac “bunch
of grapes’ motif, central element in the glyph for the day
Cauac (‘‘storm,’”’ “thunder,” ‘‘rain’’) and one of the most securely
identified water symbols, appears frequently on the body of the
monster. (5) The moan bird, another water symbol, is frequently
depicted immediately above the monster. (6) The fish and water-
lily motif, ‘‘an undoubtedly aquatic symbolism,” is often associated
with the monster.
DETACHED REAR HEAD OF MONSTER
The double-headed Maya sky monster has been described in a
previous section. The occurrence of elements suggesting death is
marked on its rear head, and according to Thompson the head may
represent a manifestation of the sun at the moment of its rising from
the underworld (Thompson, 1950, p. 173). The concepts associated
with the head may in large part be retained when the head appears
independently of the monster’s body. Given a human body and
shed of the triple symbol, many of these heads would qualify well as
the anthropomorphic Long-nosed God (cf. Spinden, 1913, pp. 66-68).
44 For general treatments of the ‘‘Two-headed Dragon”’ or ‘‘Double-headed Monster,”’ cf. Maudslay,
1889-1902, vol. 1, pp. 51-52, vol. 4, p. 37, pls. 92, 93; Spinden, 1913, pp. 53-56.
Noas) PaP. WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 365
OTHER GROTESQUE HEAD, FACE
A few other heads or mask panels, some of which may also represent
composite supernatural beings, are apparently connected with the
direct water associations.
DEATH, MISFORTUNE, DESTRUCTION
Certain data already presented in different connections bear on this
configuration. The Mexican atl-tlachinolli symbol has a direct rela-
tionship to warfare and hence to death and destruction. The fre-
quently warlike guise of the black god in the Maya codices is a point
of comparison. The destructive aspects of Goddess I are pronounced
but are apparently due to too much water, or perhaps the wrong kind
of water, rather than to warfare. The Maya day sign Eb is usually
described as an unfortunate one, and it would seem that this is due to
the harmful, crop-destroying mildew and smut with which it is
associated. Comparisons exist in the several types of harmful precipi-
tation stored in Tlaloc’s jars and in the tendency of the rain gods’
helpers to cause damaging floods. Finally, the occurrence of death
symbols at the rear head of the Maya sky monster may denote a
connection with the underworld and thus have reference to more
purely cosmological matters than to the complex of ideas specifically
associated with misfortune and destruction.
Additional data from Mesoamerican religious concepts may also be
applicable. The belief in one or more previous destructions of the
world by water was widely held (Seler, 1902-23, vol. 4, pp. 38-64;
Tozzer, 1941, p. 136). In Yucatan, the sickness-bringing winds blow
from some form of water such as the sea, cenotes, or the rain (Redfield
and Villa, 1934, pp. 164-165, 372). Whether the concept of aires is
basically Indian or Spanish in origin, and opinion seems to lean
toward the former explanation, one is reminded of ancient Aztec
beliefs in regard to the Tlalocs (Sahagun, 1932, pp. 45, 47; cf. Parsons,
1936, pp. 214-215, 494; Thompson, 1930, p. 62). Parsons (1936, pp.
213, 542), and after her Beals (1945, p. 98), tentatively suggest some
connection between rain-bringing spirits and the ancestral dead, on
the order of the Pueblo kachinas. _
WATER DESCENDING ON SURFACE WATER
The descent of rain upon a representation of surface water suggests
either that the land is being inundated, i. e., a universal deluge, or
that the rain is falling over some body of water. As of uncertain
significance in the latter connection, note the affinity of rain or the
rainmakers in Maya belief to cenotes and, possibly, the sea (Redfield
and Villa, 1934, pp. 115, 207; Villa, 1945, p. 102; Thompson, 1930,
366 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn, 157
pp. 128, 149). Tlaloc is described as he who “sent hail and lightning
and storms on the water and all dangers of rivers and the sea’”’ (Saha-
gua, 1932, p. 26).
WATER DESCENDING ON FIGURE
It has been suggested, in the discussion of portrayals in the Maya
and Mexican codices, that the sprinkling or pouring of water upon
human figures does not fit closely into the rainmaking complex with
which the study is primarily concerned. Nevertheless, the Mexican
rain god Tlaloc was seen to occur in this activity (Nuttall 5). Data
presented elsewhere in the present section are of no little interest in
this connection. One of the Tlalocs, Napa tecutli, was said by the
Aztecs to wash, bathe, and sprinkle rain on men, while the god’s
impersonator actually sprinkled the people with a branch (Anderson
and Dibble, 1950-52, bk. 1, pp. 20-21). Bathing and sprinkling also
took place in Mesoamerican baptismal ceremonies (Anderson and
Dibble, 1950-52, bk. 1, p. 8; Tozzer, 1941, p. 105),“* and the Mexican
references to green (blue) and yellow water, cited above in connection
with the Maya glyphs yax and kan, occur in contexts denoting ritual
purification rather than rainmaking. In one of the examples of yax
and kan signs in a stream descending from the hands, the stream gives
somewhat the appearance of splashing upon a kneeling human figure
(Entry 54).
Additional references abound to the pouring or sprinkling of water
on sacrificial victims, corpses, and supernatural beings or imperson-
ators. (See Anderson and Dibble, 1950-52, bk. 2, pp. 130-131, bk. 3,
pp. 7, 14, 40, 42, pls. 4, 10.) Compare the configuration of death and
destruction in connection with some of these practices.
THE BENDING-OVER RAINMAKER
Several factors might contribute to a bending or leaning posture:
advanced age; bodily deformity; or the activity performed by the
individual, such as leaning or crouching over the vessel from which
water is being spilled. It is therefore difficult to know what char-
acteristics to seek in the nonartistic data.
THE SKY MONSTER AND ITS AFFILIATES
See under ‘‘Serpentine-saurian Monster,’’ ‘“‘Detached Rear Head of
Monster,” and “Serpent,” above, although it must be remembered
that all snakes are not sky snakes. (See Thompson, 1939, pp.
156-160.)
44a Cf. Lumholtz, 1902, vol. 2, pp. 57, 177 for the Huichol.
Maths, FA?) WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 367
BALANCED WATER AND VEGETATION
The association of rain and vegetation in Mesoamerican thought is
too well known to require documentation here. For some of the
specific manifestations that it apparently takes in Mesoamerican art,
see ‘‘Water and the Water Lily,” above. For data of the sort discussed
elsewhere in the appendix, note the double meanings of the ak words
in Yucatecan, relating to the turning green of maize (e. g. ak, ak ixim,
ak nal) and a set of ideas concerning soaking, urination, pouring water,
and the rainy season (dkzah, akzah, akci, akyaabil, etc.). (Motul Dic-
tionary, 1929, pp. 115-116; Pio Pérez, 1866-77, pp. 1, 2, 8, 9; Thomp-
son, 1950, p. 282.)
SUMMARY
It is clear from the foregoing discussion that imposing quantities
of established factual data or current opinion can be brought to bear
on almost all of the water associations. The material from Meso-
america could, in several instances, be multiplied. Here, however,
it seems of greater significance to evaluate the findings than to pile
minutiae on minutiae.
To begin with, it must be recognized that certain of the currently
accepted beliefs which relate specific beings to water are based pri-
marily upon artistic evidence. Thus, God B would not be so unani-
mously accepted as one of the Maya rain gods if he were not so
frequently pictured in the codices pouring water out of ajar. Accord-
ingly, no new evidence is being presented when this deity is recorded
three or four times in the water-pouring act in the codices (table 1).
God B, himself, is no more securely associated with rain than he was
prior to the present study. More significantly, the same criticism
would apply in part to a claim that several of Thompson’s conclusions
represent independent evidence supporting the identifications made
in this paper. (Note the importance of artistic data in Thompson’s
conclusions regarding several water symbols (Thompson, 1950, pp.
275-276, figs. 44, 45; p. 193).) However, much of the data are entirely
independent of artistic considerations. A second warning merits re-
emphasis. Even though the various associations have been proved
to exist with water, they may well occur with additional objects that
are lacking aquatic associations.
For the most part, the nonartistic data are numerous and their
importance great as evidence supporting the identifications. Of the
direct water associations, those with containers and perhaps the hands
receive the strongest support. The sprinkling of water from an
aspergillum or comparable object is well documented, but from the
descriptions one would assume these objects to differ considerably
from the heads of Tlaloc or the Long-nosed sky monster which, as
368 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
has been suggested, may be portrayed as objects for sprinkling. As
a consequence, the evidence in this case is not too convincing. Double
meanings accorded a number of words in Yucatecan are highly sug-
gestive as evidence that varied physiological functions, whereby liquids
are excreted, are to be associated with rainfall. Except in the case
of tears, however, there is virtually nothing else which has been found
in the way of support from the historical or ethnological sources.
So far as the occurrence of glyphs is concerned, Eb, through its appar-
ent relationship to the bul-eb bug, is more securely associated with
nonartistic data than is true of yax, kan, and completion (zero),
although the Aztec pairing of green and yellow water offers a suggestive
correspondence to yax and kan in Maya representations.
The review of the water producers has yielded nothing new in the
way of evidence which would suggest their aquatic functions, but the
marshaling of old data is in itself impressive. Tlaloc and Chalchi-
huitlicue are known to be water deities, and although there may be
some doubt as to the specific identity of the Maya deities we know
as Goddess I and the Long-nosed God, their intimate association with
water is unquestioned. The association of the frog and snake with
water is also a matter of record. Thompson (1939) has already
argued convincingly for the aquatic nature of the sky monster. To
consider the jaguar and the black god or gods of the Maya as closely
connected with water is less in keeping with traditional opinion, yet
a number of the data lean in that direction.
The nonartistic data have not been particularly rewarding in the
case of the configurations. This may arise in part from the complex
nature of the configurations. The themes are abstracted from re-
current situations appearing in the art; as a result, they are in a sense
less tangible and more implicit. Even if reference is made to them
in folklore or in general statements about religious beliefs, they are
more difficult to identify. There is always the possibility that, after
all, reference is actually being made to something else. Neverthe-
less, a number of the data relating to death and destruction and to
the descent of water on a human figure may be applicable.
Finally, reviewing past work by Thompson (1950), a number of
Maya glyphs have been discussed whose elements apparently relate
to or symbolize one or another of the direct water associations. For
the most part, the glyphs seem to depict or symbolize water either
in connection with the hand or with yax, kan, or completion affixes.
Aas) S’) WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 369
APPENDIX B
IDENTIFICATIONS OF SUBJECT MATTER IN MESOAMERICAN ART
It would be premature to set forth a detailed statement of principles
about the methodology involved in making identifications of subject
matter in Mesoamerican art. Clearly, the procedures have to vary
according to the special requirements imposed by the specific problem.
The following observations apply particularly to identifications in
Maya art, but to varying degrees they are applicable to the art of
other cultures. The subject matter involved in the present study,
falling streams of water, has considerable illustrative value.
If principles cannot be formally enunciated, at least a number of
methodological constructs may be listed and given cursory discussion.
These are: (1) Working from the known to the unknown (projecting
backward through time); (2) seeking to discover convergence (a
result of historical developments that operate upward through time) ;
(3) utilization of traits based on motifs which are subject to ready
and meaningful artistic comparison; (4) coupled with this, a willing-
ness to see the artistic creations as a functional whole; (5) differentiat-
ing rigorously between the various levels of probability; (6) while
making this distinction, a willingness to use data of limited proba-
bility as supporting evidence; (7) recognition of complexes, wherein
motifs showing important differences nevertheless reveal a common
pattern or set of recurrent patterns; (8) maintaining an awareness of
alternative explanations and, if possible, subjecting the various pos-
sibilities to comparative statistical analysis; (9) a willingness to use
clues as to patterns of thinking provided by nonartistic data from the
culture in question. Basic to the use of all these constructs is the
principle common to all scientific investigation: the simplest explana-
tion is the most probable one. It is apparent, moreover, that the
identifications are not subject to absolute proof; it is a matter of
relative probabilities, ideally expressed so as to compare one hypothesis
with another.
At the core of the present investigation are the first and seventh
constructs—working from the known to the unknown and working
with highly patterned complexes. A differentiation has been made
between the more ‘‘purely artistic’? and the ‘‘nonartistic”’ data, but
this is in a sense arbitrary, for conceptual factors are embodied in the
art forms. It may be more useful to equate the artistic factors with
the appearance of the streams of water themselves and the conceptual
factors with the associations which the streams have. In the case of
both artistic and conceptual factors it has been possible to find con-
370 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buy 157
vincing counterparts of known representations of water in the art of
earlier periods or different cultures. The requirements of the first
construct have, then, been successfully met. So far as the seventh
construct is concerned, the complex of representations may be de-
scribed as a tightly knit nucleus, wherein the representations are
closely allied with one another and with known portrayals of water in
the codices, surrounded by a fringe of art forms which are related in
varying degrees to the nucleus but which, by and large, lack very
close artistic and conceptual correspondences with the known por-
trayals. Figure 16 is an attempt to show some of the specific connec-
tions within the nucleus and to suggest the existence of the fringe part
of the complex. The fact that figure 16 can be drawn is in itself a
verification of the existence of a well-knit complex, and it must be
remembered that many of the data have been omitted from the chart,
owing to the requirements of space and effective presentation.
What exactly is the theoretical significance of such a complex? It
will help to bring the problem into sharper focus if we restrict discus-
sion for the moment to the nuclear part of the complex. A fairly wide
range is displayed, conceptually and artistically. Conceivably, this
might be the result of random factors—changes in art style, diffusion
of ideas from new sources or the elimination of old contacts, individual
whim on the part of the artist—factors known to be of great impor-
tance in culture history but which are fortuitous from the standpoint
of the present conceptually oriented investigation. If these factors
were operative exclusively, one would expect the divergence to be of a
random sort. There would be no network of common conceptual
threads which would consistently weave the divergent designs into a
whole. A concrete illustration may be helpful. As a result of purely
stylistic factors—elements of design in the artist’s repertoire, need
for a balanced composition, aad so on—a given motif might resemble
water shown gushing from the mouth of the sky monster on Dresden
74. But if sheer artistic factors were at play, would the design likewise
be associated with a portion of the sky monster? Rarely, perhaps;
coincidences are to be expected in the outer ranges of a normal distri-
bution curve. But would this same motif, associated with the sky
monster both in its appearance and in its associations, tie in closely
with a series of designs having certain artistic resemblances with the
water on Dresden 74 but associational resemblances with water at
Teotihuacén? The odds against this happening by chance rise
rapidly. The examples cited are Entries 35 at Palenque and 50 to
54 at Yaxchilan. One could go on to cite additional representations
linked to them, deriving support from them, and at the same time
ANTHROP. PAP. WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 371
reinforcing them because of their own particular resemblances to the
same or to some other known portrayal of water.
The complex is not nearly so closely knit if it is viewed as a whole,
no distinction being made between the nucleus and the outer fringe.
The fringe motifs have their importance, however, for there are a
number of interconnecting links with the nucleus. Here we might
pause to examine more closely the relationship of fringe and nucleus.
What is the validity of setting them apart, even provisionally, as
was done in the last paragraph? If the fang-tongue-water (?) motif
is disregarded for the moment, it will be seen that the fringe associa-
tions are largely the same as for the nucleus, but fewer tend to occur
in a given representation. There is a qualitative difference too,
however; for by and large the fringe motifs lack artistic connections
with known portrayals of water, thereby sharply contrasting with the
nucleus. All this seems to suggest the portrayal of religious para-
phernalia, which with some attenuation retains the associations given
the water itself but which is usually so highly conventionalized as to
suppress artistic resemblances to water. In the case of the fang-
tongue-water (?) motif, the associations tend to form more of a self-
contained subcomplex, although once again there are a number of
outside ties. In all of this, the fifth and sixth constructs should be
borne in mind, a rigorous differentiation between different levels of
probability (‘‘A”’ and “‘B’’), coupled with the use of motifs of “‘B”’
category for what they may be worth as evidence to support repre-
sentations of higher probability (e. g., the evidence of fig. 23, a, in
knitting even more closely the complex of yax, kan, and completion
glyphs). In this it should be remembered that analogy cannot
properly be made to a chain, which is only as strong as its weakest
link, but rather to a rope, where each strand plays a reinforcing role.
The complexes to which reference is made are, of course, subject to
change through time and space. It is the underlying patterns which
tend to remain relatively constant but to take on particular manifesta-
tions. Special historical developments may, however, basically alter
a particular representation so that it no longer faithfully reflects
the underlying pattern. This is to say that convergence may take
place. If this has occurred, it should be possible to fit the representa-
tion in question into two complexes which, for the most part, are
sharply differentiated. This has been examined in some detail in the
case of waterlike designs, from the sky monster’s rear head, that have
the associations normally given vegetation (pp. 330-331). If possible,
of course, the historical sequences of the diverging art forms should
372 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 157
be known, but it seems possible to make reasonable inferences even
in their absence.
Little need be said about the third construct, the need for utilizing
traits which adapt themselves readily to meaningful artistic com-
parisons. One should be careful, for example, to distinguish between
stylistic factors and the elements that go to make up the particular
motif. Typologies here, as elsewhere, may be too general or too
elaborated to have much comparative value. The isolation of work-
able traits should not be to the exclusion of attempts to see them in
their functional whole, however. To illustrate the value of the less
restricted approach, a short interpretative description will be given
of the way in which the waterlike elements combine on Zoomorph P,
Quirigua (table 3).
Zoomorph P is a carved boulder representing the double-headed
monster. The monster is not a close counterpart of the one shown
on Dresden 74; the body is not composed of a band of planetary sym-
bols; hence a creature of the sky may not necessarily be shown.
The precedent of Dresden 74 is, then, not brought powerfully to bear
for the existence of aquatic associations. The sculpture has, how-
ever, been traditionally held to be rich in water symbolism (Spinden,
1913, p. 42, fig. 32, b, c). The frequent portrayal of cauac elements
would in itself establish strong aquatic connotations, unless past re-
search is badly awry (cf. Thompson, 1950, pp. 87, 110-111, 112).
The water-pouring figures on the north face of the monument (En-
tries 45b, 46c, fig. 21, a, 6) do not occur as isolated entities. As
Maudslay’s schematic drawing clearly shows, the cartouches in
which they appear surge outward from the corners of the mouth of
the monster’s front head (Maudslay, 1889-1902, vol. 2, pl. 58, c).
This is the typical treatment accorded fangs in Maya art (as well as
sometimes the water lily), and probably fangs were the basic concept
involved. It probably is not a coincidence, however, that streams of
water are shown overlying the fangs which lead from the mouth.
One may suppose that the priest-artists recognized the potential
double meaning inherent in the design and played upon it, just as ia
the hieroglyphs and post-Conquest writings, punning of a rebus sort
was constantly being employed (see Appendix A and Thompson,
1950, pp. 46-48). If this lesson is taken to heart, it is possible that
the anomalies in the portrayals of possible water and vegetation or
in the fang-tongue-water (?) motif will be resolved. Convergence
may have taken place through purposeful substitution, without losing
sight of the concepts involved. Other water pourers occur immedi-
ately above the eyes on the sides of the monster (Entries 46d-f, fig.
Nis) | WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 373
22, a-c). It is possible that these locations, too, are not accidental,
as the presence near the eyes could denote weeping and rainfall. The
case is not as convincing as with the water pourers that overlie the
fangs, however. As has been noted, water and the water lily are
balanced effectively on the monument (Entry 46a, fig. 23, f; perhaps
also Entry 46g, h, fig. 23, g). To these specific representations there
should be added the appearance of the monster’s front head as a
functioning, dynamic unit. It has just been suggested that the
monster’s fangs carry the connotations of water. At the top of the
boulder, as the creature’s headdress or growing from its head, are
sculptured leaves of the water-lily plant (Rands, 1953, p. 106). The
motif encountered elsewhere (e. g., fig. 23, d, Tikal), of a water lily
growing from the head while water emerges from the mouth, is very
likely expressed symbolically.
The ninth construct, the use of patterns of thinking inferred from
nonartistic data, was employed in the analysis of Zoomorph P. It
would appear that for the Maya, at least, the principles behind rebus
writing can to some extent be used in studying the artistic creations.
They would appear nicely to complement Spinden’s more purely
artistic approach to the same general phenomena, subsumed under
the terms simplification, elaboration, elimination, and especially sub-
stitution (Spinden, 1913, pp. 38-46; cf. Rands, 1953, p. 122).
Of the various constructs the eighth, the consideration of alternative
explanations, is perhaps most weakly developed in the present study.
True, some attention has been given fang, tongue, teeth, and vegeta-
tion, but it was of a rather cursory nature. So far as liquids are con-
cerned, it is well to recall the assumption, expressed in an earlier sec-
tion, that if the complex as a whole is rooted in aquatic symbolism,
it would not be of crucial importance if a few of the representations
should actually prove to depict blood or some beverage. For eth-
nologic data reveal many instances in which such a substitution took
place in rainmaking rites and magic. If this is true in too many
instances, of course, the case breaks down. A careful documentation
of the relative strengths and weaknesses of the many other possi-
bilities which might come to mind is lengthy, involved, and cannot
be made here. One suspects that it would not be worth while, at
least for some of the more remote possibilities. Until a case com-
parable in detail to the present one is made, however, it is impossible
to say much along these lines other than that it is the writer’s con-
sidered belief that the associational and artistic ties are much stronger
with water than with any other object of which he knows. Perhaps
an even stronger conclusion is that some definite concept, water or
2651915435
374 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 157
otherwise, is expressed by a majority of the representations. Al-
though convergence did take place and differences in meaning must
have become blurred on occasion, it seems impossible to explain the
existence of the nuclear complex without granting the existence and
importance of conceptual factors.
APPENDIX C
NOTES ON THE TABLES
Symbols used in tables 1, 2, 3, and 6 are: “X’’, to indicate the
presence of a trait, ‘?”’ or more rarely ‘‘??”, to express possible
occurrences, ‘‘0’’, to signify that the trait in question, or something
approximating it, occurs importantly in the same representation but
not in immediate association with water, and ‘‘________ ”, denoting
absence of the trait. Arbitrary decisions have sometimes been nec-
essary to decide whether the indirect ‘0”’ associations are of sufficient
significance to be included.
The portrayals of water are too infrequent to make numerical
totals of much significance. Thus in the summary table, 6, presences
and possible presences are indicated without regard to the frequency
of the trait. In table 5, numerical totals refer to the number of
times a specific glyph occurs in the supposed stream or streams of
water.
Asterisks serve a dual function. In table 3 they indicate the possible
presence of a trait on Zoomorph P, Quirigua, as inferred from the
relationships of the motifs to the sculpture as a whole (Appendix B).
In table 5, again, asterisks suggest that the trait may be expressed
symbolically, although glyphs are not actually in contact with water.
In table 4 the asterisks signify that the dating is based on intensive
stylistic analyses made by Proskouriakoff (1950). The dates, given
only for the Maya monuments, indicate baktun, katun, and tun.
Letters also serve a dual function. In tables 2 and 3 they indicate
probabilities, ‘‘A”’ being relatively high and “‘B”’ relatively low. The
B category is in some cases subdivided by the use of plus signs. In
most, although not all, cases the representations of A probability con-
stitute the nuclear complex and B the fringe (fig. 16, Appendix A).
Some merging of the high and low categories tends to occur, but it
is not marked.
In table 4, letters are used arbitrarily to refer to the artistic typology
set up for waterlike designs in Classic Maya art. ‘‘A’’ indicates the
Nous, 4" WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 375
columnar stream, ‘‘B’”’ the divided stream, and ‘‘C”’ the fang-tongue-
water (?) motif. Variant representations are indicated by interro-
gation points. Artistic types are given only for Maya sculptures,
murals, and ceramics.
In “Number of representations” (tables 2, 3) the total refers to
the number of beings associated with waterlike designs. Thus, if
waterlike motifs occur with both front and rear heads of a single
monster, a single representation is recorded. If, however, the heads
are detached although presumedly relating to a single being, the
number of isolated heads with which the pertinent designs occur is
given.
If two or more representations of differing probabilities appear on
a single monument, only the highest probability is recorded. In such
a case, however, the occurrence of traits for the less certain repre-
sentation may be marked by interrogation points. On the other
hand, if the highest or only probability given for a monument is B,
traits are accorded a positive (X) occurrence. This differential treat-
ment would decrease the reliability of any totals which might be
gotten but gives insight into the particular situation on a given
monument.
The titles of the tables are self-explanatory. For additional data
on the reading and significance of the tables, see pages 291, 302, 329,
335, and 350.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
376
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MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS
IN
WATER MOTIF
ANTHROP, PAP,
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
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Ais) |) WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 381
TasBLE 4.—The occurrences of water: Dates, artistic types, and previous illustrations
Entry
No Site and monument Date Type! Illustration 2
lp |e Tenochtitlan (?)ro.2-45--84es---5--202)|6. 2. 2 aeee Seler, 1902-23, vol. 4, pl. 7, a, b.
Di eheotinuascan) Atetelco®]22-2--2-2-—~=-|'s- 52. 2853.22.22 - Villagra Caleti, 1951, fig. 12.
a) pe Leotinwacsn: -heopancakcOs ses ss sasna sinh. 22 |2 2 te Pefnafiel, 1900, pls. 81-83, 85-87.
aye ieotinnacan, Mepantinae===sessaan=nn|eeeee |b oeecnnee Caso, 1942.
Subeowhuacan, «letitlass=--.22-=--eo25—o) 2 eee 8 Loe 5 Armillas, 1950, pl. 14; Villagra Ca-
leti, 1951, fig. 13; Marquina, 1951,
fots. 32 bis, 33; Anonymous, 1947,
fig. 124. "
6 | Teotihuacan, ‘‘Goddess of Water” ----|__...__.__|---------- Anonymous, 1946, fig. 18.
7 meotinuacan’.«(ialoc’s;emblent se-s2-|en. = es |-=--s5---— Anonymous, 1946, fig. 14.
Sl heotihuseine- =e ce ee Anonymous, 1946, fig. 27.
9 | Teotihuacén, Aljojuca___.________----- Seler, 1913, fig. 9.
10 | Teotihuacén, Calpulalpan Linné, 1942, figs. 170-174,
11) Reotinusesn “Xolapant 222 eri st Linné, 1934, fig. 26.
TOT eTeotinvaACcaneees = —. =e eee Von Winning, 1947b, fig. 1.
1371; Deotihnacsn= =-5-2-—- sae Von Winning, 1948, fig. 29.
14 | Monte Alban, Tomb 105 Caso, 1938, pl. 3.
15 | Cerro de las Mesas, Monument 2 Stirling, 1943, pl. 31, a.
1Griwkzape,ocelavloe-soceneesee ec aeeeemale 8 Stirling, 1943, pl. 49, a.
Uefa fod WALTER SLES) EY Gee welieah B eS e e n aa Stirling, 19438, pl. 52.
ShiMisapa StelaM tas tro oo eee oT LE as ocho Stirling, 1943, pl. 53, a.
1OMPNonte Alban; orela tle. se 2 2 sie 2D ee Te eee eset Caso, 1928, fig. 58.
20) |bres|Zapotes, stela Oma. o eee ee prea |e eee ee Stirling, 1940, fig. 7.
1) pores Zapoves, WMionument Ol. 2s) se sa|o 2 elena anno Stirling, 1943, pls. 5, 6.
OF) R@halchspa zones ween ee een Te oe re os eee lose CIW,f{ No. 42-16-1411A.
23) P<aminaliily Gsa=2s-2e sseeeees22 eee
sain rans Borhegyi, 1950b, fig. 5, 5, e, f.
938 PCA MINAL MY Us == sot eee eee
Sera Kidder, Jennings and Shook, fig,
5, a.
24 Bonampak, Str 1, Rm: 3--.--..-.-..- 9.17.102%| C (?) Villagra Caleti, 1949.
Dita ald ei bbe (OP Cio itp | Se eS ee Lothrop, pl. 4B.
DERIK COpAn yO telar lye see eee ees 9.15. 5 A Maudslay, vol. 1, pl. 46B
O77 \WCopanwstela Hes se 2 ete 9.15. 0? ? Maudslay, vol. 1, pl. 59 [A].
DS Copan otelaiGssaanes- asco eee eee 9, 12.10 Cc Maudslay, vol. 1, pls. 105, a, 106.
29) | (Copan empleo 28 22 ee eee ali cs A Maudslay, vol. 1, pl. 19, c; CIW,7
No. 39-13B-321.
30) |). Copan bemplei2gees-222---2-.-222-— 16. B, C (?) | Gordon, 1902, pl. 14; CIW,t Nos.
37-13C-13, 37-13-220.
31 | Finca Encanto, tablets A Blom, 1924, figs. 1, 2.
52)| sonuta reliefs 2 22-522 B Proskouriakoff, fig. 69, b.
33 | Kabah, Str. 2C6___- B Proskouriakoff, fig. 103, a, b.
34 | Palenque, House E A Maudslay, vol. 4, pl. 43.
a5) |; Palenque, @©ross=--a2-- 2 oece Ses A Maudslay, vol. 4, pls. 71, 76.
362] (balenques Sites. aes eee Saeed . 14.107 A Maudslay, vol. 4, pl. 86.
37 | Palenque, Foliated Cross___-._------- 9.15. 02*} A (2) Maudslay, vol. 4, pl. 81; Blom
and LaFarge, vol. 1, fig. 162.
38 | Piedras Negras, Stela 2__._......_.---- 9.13.15 Cc Maler, 1901, pl. 15, No. 1.
39) | Piedras) Nepras; Stela/62_22- 222-2522 = 9.14. 5 C (?) Maler, 1901, pl. 15, No. 2.
40 | Piedras Negras, Stela 6__-...-.-_-.---- 9.12.15 B (?) Maler, 1901, pl. 15, No. 3.
41 | Piedras Negras, Stela 11_._..-.._------ 9,15. 0 B Maler, 1901, pl. 20, No. 1.
42 | Piedras Negras, Stela 14__._..__..___-- 9.15.10 ?* ? Maler, 1901, pl. 20, No. 2.
£8} |) Qynatare Asay de Se O17 95 A Maudslay, vol. 2, pl. 4.
AsO irietas StelaiOs- esse eso se eee 9.17. 5 A Maudslay, vol. 2, pl. 16.
AS) R@Quirieia, Stelasdoa =e) ae ees 9.16. 0 A Maudslay, vol. 2, pl. 45.
46 | Quirigua, Zoomorph P__-------------- 9.18. 5? | B, C (2) Moudely, vol. 2, pls. 58, a, 60, a,
ATH webikal StClaGs aa nee ne tees ee oe ao 9. 2, 0 C Maler, 1911, pl. 20, No. 2.
48 | Tikal, Temple IV, Lintel 2___._____-__ 9. 16. 10 ?* Cc Maudslay, vol. 3, pl. 71.
AO eikale-Nemplelv. Wintel dec. 2-2 222_ 9.16.10?*| C (2) Maudslay, vol. 3, pl. 78.
bOWevaxchilandStelg oso e ao eso. espe A,C Maler, 1903, pl. 69.
Ste vaxchilantstelaseeeeees sso he n= ee 9.16.10?*| A, C Morley, 1937-38, vol. 5, pl. 100, c.
52) Yaxchilan,Stelai422e-_: 22 ese 9.17. 0?*| A, O Maler, 1903, pl. 70.
Soni) Waxchilateys belay osess= ee = ae 2 oe ee 9.14. 0?*| B,C Morley, 1937-38, pl. 101, d.
54 | Yaxchilan, Stela 7___- 22/9115) 102%) BoC Morley, 1937-38, pl. 100, d.
55 | Yaxchilan, Lintel 25_ 9.17.10?*} © (?) | Maudslay, vol. 2, pl. 87.
Doll e@halehviapazone. =e ee ee B (?) CIW,t Nos. 42-16-1216 A to E.
G/M G1 Vert See RO ee ee Rehan eae a | aes « B B Dieseldorff, vol. 1, pl. 22.
Re | ONAN deere Lake wed eae eae ee RR oS ? Dieseldorff, vol. 1, fig. 237.
fh) CChiGiert Bases ee ee ee Dee ee | aes el A Dieseldorff, vol. 1, pl. 18.
(|) Tos, (Chae Ao ee ee oe ee B Strong, Kidder and Paul, pl. 1.
Gis mMbivinestone soe os. see 2 Aa ea eee A Seler, 1902-23, vol. 3, fig. 24 (p. 682).
G2iM@uintans Wools s eos ke eee bale a A (2) | Blom, 1950, fig. 1, a.
Gon|psalvador GNexape maa --seaeet ee eee ee INS 33) Spinden, 1928 a, fig. 24; Vaillant,
1928, p. 573.
G45 Wiaxactun= Se. ate seeks eee ese ee Cc Smith, pl. 5.
Gay Uluaavalleyass—= 22 52-5 228 528 8 2a See B (?) Hay et al., pl. 17.
Gil eevallocie = ses ers co es Ee kel SS ee A Gordon and Mason, pt. 1, pl. 18.
{Photographic files, Department of Archaeology, Carnegie Institution of Washington.
* Estimated dates based on stylistic analysis (Proskouriakoff, 1950, pp. 185-199).
1‘¢A”? signifies the columnar stream, ‘‘B’’ the divided stream, and ‘‘C’’ the fang-tongue-water (?) motif.
2 Date of publication is omitted if a single work by an author appears in Literature Cited.
3 Estimated date not based on the stucco design of the sky monster,
382 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 157
TaBLE 5.—Occurrences of glyphs in Maya ‘‘water’’
Comple-
Representation tion Kan Yax Eb Ahau doubtful,
pseudo-
(zero) glyph
DT BSUON as eee eer ene Se ee G2) Reeds Bae Ree ae oe dO ht arate Le Eo
Par igi ai eee eee sak Se ee nea neaeens |Ceaeannese becomes siloietees. us ecsteoe.| Recetas 2
Se ONG ae eee eet oe eee ree Sane eae SS |e A ee ee eee 5
34° Palenque; House 8 2882 tee |e oe ca one eae i A eer epee ener eyes SEY 1
3b. >Palenque iCross--. S') 2 ne eee DN 2 oll Posi SESE Soe ean leer encase | see once
36. ealenque; Sunes tect one ene EG?) Sess 8 ee ee eee Be ees | eee
Panes, House) iPier'Gr ssn sco so *1 pil al ee eerie arpa basse le ne
1. Piedras Negras, Stella tlh We tess Zee tia ASS? UC?) Ce ee ee 5 ee | Se
ry Piedras Negras sStela 14) 6252 ee fs Sas Se ee Ab Sed he Sa Oe | iy |e = =
46, Quirigua(Stolarshies ste: sesh tee se ee 4 87) are ees Cee ee a eee
46 @niritya ACOMOnDN b= non eases ee oneness 2 So area eae eee Cp) ee
49) hikal Mem ple printer ees nae 2 Sees ol sy Se ees a) ah [ats peepee ates | MES
60; eYaxchilan,(Stelavttse seo. tee. conan eee ss 1 P Jaap ee beet cea 2
ol. pYiaxchilanYStelaaien sen nen te ee co ak es 3 22 Ee ee ek Se ee eee
62, WaxchilantStela Aste meee ae nie Sees | Eve Tis 2a 1 feet cntes hs SEC ee |
53: Maxchilan:/Stela!G see SUs ee Sasa ees 2 fA) ke ee 28 SS ee ee
54: SVaxchilan SS telan( sens sere cee eee oe hai ee 1 Pee il sneak cae Sa) See See ee
62 Quintana ROOM ace ener Senses | See eee Dalston sen 58 ee Se eee eee 1
6a). Salvadore ane See eee Bee Nee ee See 5 Bea AE eS Sh ell |e eee ai ll x See | eee 2
Ge, WIRE V Alley ee ree eee a Se Oe RPA ao i PELE ES | be acy EN I ee a EE 2
“Indicates inferred symbolism; glyphs not in representations of water.
ANTHROP., Pap,
No. 48]
TABLE 6.—Comparative summary of the water associations
Configurations
Water producers
Direct water associations
101}81950A pues
-000 WO 108M
Culture
10j8M poous[eg | XXXX ix
poy teiom tas | Xx | iex
roaosrpuag. ong, | _|XXXXX
Pal notes Si hae | XXX iS
smypueosop raya, |X iXXXe
ee eS a XXX ix
Te ee ee _onbsoyos oaso | | dE XK Xx
ere oe
__uopmes-oujuadieg | 1X 1} IX ic anlar 10) (CS PAY: ix ix
Jue snoouveostwy | jt SiS Vi fet cs EI ix iox
Deer iar lee | -X 1X=x
renser | ~ xX Lex
quedies | XXXKX= X
301 | XXX
oes.
(a ‘W) pop wera | =x 1}!
Ajlop 1048M O[VUII TT | xxx
mee Ta 56 dix
“IBA | rea ooretg, “sorers, | % 1X% 1X ‘Q018L.L | x ixx ix
[ere ur yata0 | boooox iXXXXX
19j8M Ut YdATH aye oradaiy | XXX" Xx auRxXxxXX*X
uasop omer | {ff | IX
eo es
puey WO 1038 | XX= XXX
Eid Gao aie | xXe
-aq Pate eal | XXX ‘ee
4seoiq WOT 1038 A | xX :
e989 WOT] 108A | x = iXe-
qynow WO 1098 | ~XXxXXX
ares DOSES
ee a er a
Ory Pe Care)
ete 1s Seay oj
Be Ue Wks oe
Ve et Na |
FOES Tee | all a heey
{) Sk ee | Aa Se a
ieee Se
hae dego
Haiti
Be firs
Sore te es
HOODias
CEs) yen
8 Pie Siew
aosiit
2S Biss
Oo Sins
Se
eget
er het os
S241 18
BSSade
Be OOF,
aS aa ke
SSRs °
Ossseae
SRB AG
S53 58
PoP AS)
WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS
dix A; epigraphic evidence omitted.
1Ethnohistorical data from A ppen
*Indicates inferred presence.
383
384 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn. 157
APPENDIX D
NOTES ON FIGURE 16
Figure 16 is an attempt to portray visually the interrelationships of
most of the identifications of water in Maya art. Although the
arbitrary limitations imposed by spatial considerations and two-
dimensional representation have influenced the specific form which
the chart takes, they have not been permitted to distort the reality of
the associations which are reflected. Broadly speaking, the better
identified representations appear toward the top and the more un-
certain water portrayals toward the bottom of the chart. More
specifically, it is possible to regard the representations as divided into
four horizontal groupings, expressed by the numerals I to IV. The
first, appearing along the top of the chart, are established portrayals
of water, either in the Maya or Mexican codices or at Teotihuacan.
The representations of the second level show specific correspondences
both to the first and third, thereby establishing connections between
them. Representations may be placed on the third level as a result
of this partial dependence upon the second, but they are likewise assign-
ed to it if they do not fit the specifications of the other levels. The
fourth level should be set apart from the others somewhat more
sharply than spatial considerations permit. It is comprised of repre-
sentations showing objects whose nature as paraphernalia or ornament
is pronounced, plus a number of occurrences of the fang-tongue-water
(?) motif. In general, then, levels I to III represent the “nucleus” and
level IV the ‘fringe’ discussed in Appendix B. While the examples
in level I are of course the best identified of the nuclear portrayals
shown in the chart, it does not necessarily follow that all representa-
tions in level II are more certainly water than any in level III. Never-
theless, where possible, the attempt has been made to keep the more
probable representations relatively close to the top, assigning the less
securely identified designs to lower positions.
On the basis of their apparent conceptual relationships, i. e., of the
specific complexes in which the supposed streams of water appear,
closely knit subgroups are shown passing vertically through the
various levels. Interconnections of a conceptual sort between these
subcomplexes are shown by other lines, usually diagonal although
more rarely horizontal. The nature of these relationships cannot
well be expressed by the chart; cross reference to the text is necessary.
Artistic connections are expressed in two different ways. The type
of the representation—columnar stream, divided stream, or fang-
tongue-water (?) motif—is shown, respectively, by the use of solid,
broken, and dotted lines to box in an entry. Representations not
fitting any of these categories are indicated by a still different con-
Nas; |’) WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 385
vention (see key to fig. 16 for the appropriate symbols). In addition,
certain specific artistic resemblances are indicated by dashed lines
which pass down from the first level. This device is used only spar-
ingly, but the connections which it indicates are of great significance.
The occurrence of any of the glyphs that comprise the yax-kan-
completion (zero) complex is indicated by the use of double outlines
around the appropriate entry.
Not all of the representations which have been tabulated or dis-
cussed are included in figure 16, although the absences are infrequent.
The most important single omission would seem to be from Finca
Encanto (Entry 31, fig. 20, d). The failure of this representation to
appear reflects its apparent lack of important conceptual ties. Never-
theless, the close artistic resemblances with figures 20, c, e, make it
highly regarded as a portrayal of water. Certain Piedras Negras
representations which would seem to be of considerably less impor-
tance are also missing from the chart (Entries 38, 39).
Tlalocs at Copan and Yaxchilan, appearing in the lower left-hand
corner of figure 16, are not shown to have direct connections with
representations on level I. Nevertheless, space permitting, repre-
sentations which seemingly depict water from the mouths of Tlalocs
at Teotihuacin could have been introduced as a precedent in level I
and connected to them.
The somewhat distinct nature of the complexes involving container
and jaguar, as set apart from the other representations, is not only
recognized in figure 16 but actually receives undue emphasis. ‘To be
sure, resemblances of Zoomorph P to Stelae 6 and 7, Yaxchilan, and
11, Piedras Negras, are indicated (divided streams and the same
elyph complex). In addition, however, the specific resemblance of a
water pourer on Zoomorph P to a water spitter on Stela C at the
same site warrants attention (figs. 20, b, 22, 6). This is just one of
a large number of reinforcing links which, unfortunately, had to be
omitted from the chart.
The prominent position of the sky monster at Palenque and Piedras
Negras is, at any rate, well shown. It is the rear head of the monster
which takes on special significance in the subcomplex dominated by
portrayals in the Temple of the Cross, Palenque. On the other hand,
it is the “Serpent bird,” characteristically perched at the middle of
the monster’s serpentine body, which receives special elaboration in
Entry 62, from Quintana Roo. And in both cases, supporting evi-
dence from additional sources is particularly impressive.
The method of identifying the representations symbolized by each
of the small boxes varies somewhat. If the portrayal occurs on a
stela or zoomorph, the number or letter of that monument is given.
“T,”” may be introduced to show a lintel. In other cases, where
386 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 157
parentheses occur, the entry number replaces that of the monument.
Names of structures are not given, except in the case of the Temple
of the Cross at Palenque, where the name is short and the portrayals
are of such key importance as to warrant this somewhat differential
treatment.
The following abbreviations are used to refer to the site or proveni-
ence of specimens:
Bon. (Bonampak). Pal. (Palenque).
Borg. (Borgian Codex). Pa NG (Piedras Negras).
Chal. (Chalchuapa zone, El Salva- Q. Roo (Quintana Roo).
dor). Quir. (Quirigua).
Dres. (Dresden Codex). Salv. (Nexapa, El Salvador).
Jon. (Jonuta). Teot. (Teotihuacdn).
Liv. (Livingstone, Guatemala). Uax. (Uaxactun).
Mad. (Madrid Codex). Yall. (Yalloch).
Yax. (Yaxchilan).
Figure 16 makes no implications whatsoever about the historical
development of the various motifs.
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1935. Arte y diccionario en lengua cholti. Maya Soc. Publ. 9. Baltimore.
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No ds); ?) WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 391
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See also ANDERSON and DIBBLE.
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1904 Unity of Mexican and Central American civilization. Bur. Amer.
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1913. Similarity of design of some Teotihuacan frescoes and certain Mexican
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See also THompson, J. E. §., and Ricuarpson, F. B., Eprrors.
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1932. Two recent ceramic finds at Uaxactun. Carnegie Inst. Washington
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SPINDEN, HeRBertT J.
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392 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 157
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See also Hay, C. L., ET AL.
Sas) ¢ "WATER MOTIF IN MESOAMERICAN ART—RANDS 393
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See also REDFIELD, R., and Viuua, A.
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1951. Las pinturas de Atetelco en Teotihuacin. Cuadernos Americanos,
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1947 a. A symbol for dripping water in the Teotihuacan culture. El
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1948. The Teotihuacan owl-and-weapon symbol and its association with
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See also Neys H., and WINNING, H. von.
Wispom, CHARLEs.
1940. The Chorti Indians of Guatemala. Univ. Chicago Publ. in Anthrop.,
Ethnol. Ser.
Zinaa, Rosert M.
1937. The Huichols, primitive artists. Denver Univ. Contr. Ethnog., No. 1.
—— a
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265191—54—_ 38
INDEX
Acayucan, Veracruz, 6 (map)
Acorns, used for food, 215
Adolescence rites, 214
Adolescents, see Children.
Agate, 108
Age-Sex words, Strachey’s Indian vo-
cabulary, 200
Ahau or Akbal (day sign), glyph for,
314, 315
Ah-thoxon-caan-chaac, Maya god, 346
Ah Bulue Balam, Maya God, 363
Ahuitzotl, water motif, 286
Alabaster, 60, 61, 65
Albermarle Sound, N. C., 194
Albite, 31
Algonquian linguistic stock, 195
Alligator designs, 54
Almagres, Veracruz, 6 (map)
Altar, stone, 15, 19
table-top, 15, 19, 21
Altar O, Copdn site, 362
Altar 3, Izapa, 297
Altar 4, La Venta site, 15, 16, 21
Alter, J. C., opinions of, 222, 223
Amazonite, 60
Ambrosia trifida, 145
Anglim, J. E., 74
Animal and bird bones, unworked, 131,
169, 170, 172, 176
Animal corporeal, Strachey’s Indian
vocabulary, 198
Animals, Strachey’s Indian vocabulary,
199-200
Animals, water motif, 363
Animal gigoth and claws, 129, 169, 170,
172
Ankle bands, 19
Antelope, 75, 216, 218, 254
bones, 118
Antler worked, 132-133, 169, 170,
1
Ants, used as food by Sanpitch Indians,
215
Apache Indians, 217
Arapaho-Cheyenne ritual, 258
Arapaho Indians, 126, 209, 218, 237,
241, 245
Archeological Materials from the Vicin-
ity of Mobridge, South Dakota
(Wedel), 69-188
Archeology, Mobridge, S. Dak., con-
clusions and general discussion,
180-185
Arikara Indians, 73, 74, 78, 105, 106,
115, 117, 118, 128, 126, 128, 131,
134, 140, 141, 142, 147, 150, 152,
158, 165, 168, 174, 175, 177, 178,
179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184
history of, 77-84
Arkansas River, Colo., 80, 81
Arm bands, 15, 321
copper, 98
Armidas, captain of ship, Sir Walter
Raleigh’s expedition, 194
ays Pedro, on Mesoamerican art,
8
Armlets, copper wire, 100
Arrowheads, 87, 89, 108, 169, 170, 172
flint, 98, 99, 101
iron, 100, 101, 160
Arrowpoints, 108, 160
See also Arrowheads
Arrows, iron-pointed, 101
Arrow straightener, 92, 96, 101
Art, Hindu-Buddhist, 272
Maya, 273
Art, Mesoamerican, Some Manifesta-
ions of Water in (Rands), 271-—
93
Artifacts, 87, 90, 96, 97, 102-166, 167,
168, 169-173
antler, 132-133, 169, 170, 172
bone, 97, 118-133, 130, 167, 168,
169, 170, 172, 176, 180
brass, 97, 155, 168, 169, 170, 172
bronze, 155, 169, 170, 172
chipped stone, 108-109, 167, 168,
169, 170, 172
pe 97, 155, 167, 168, 169, 170,
1
earthenware, 154, 155, 168, 169,
170, 172
European, 146-166
glass, 97, 149-154, 167, 168, 169,
By A Wy PAB I ir G
ground stone, 109-114, 168, 169,
170, 172
horn, 97, 169, 170, 172
iron, 97, 160-163, 167, 168, 169,
170, 172
ich 97, 167, 168, 169, 170, 172,
1
Mesoamerican, 65
miscellaneous, 63-65, 115-116, 130,
159, 160, 164
porcupine-quill work, 97, 1387, 141,
168, 169, 170, 172
shell, 97, 133-186, 167, 168, 169,
170, 172, 176, 180
stone, 180
trade articles, 165-166, 167, 168,
174, 175, 177
white metal, 97, 169, 170, 172
wot 97, 167, 168, 169, 170, 172,
woven fabrics, 97, 168, 174
Arts and Crafts Guild, introduced
among Utes, 234
395
396
Ashes, found in graves, 92, 93
Ashley, explorer, description of Uintah,
217-218
BUREAU
Ashley Island, Missouri River, 76 (map),
80, 84
Aspergillum, sprinkling of water from,
Atetelco frescoes, 289, 291
Atl, Aztec water symbol, 285, 338
Atl-tlachinolli symbol, Mexican, associ-
ated with water, 337
Awl handle, 132
Awl sharpener, stone, 111
Awls, antler, 101
bone, 118-120
iron, 101, 162
rib-edge, 120
Ax, blue jade, 17
grooved, 110-111
iron, we of, 160
Kunz
Aztec belies. 345, 365, 366
Aztec murals, sculpture, and ceramics,
285-291, 299
Aztec period, 20, 285, 349
Aztec sculpture, 328, 377 (table)
Baculites, fossil, 116
Baculites compressus, 116
Badlands, 115
Bad River, 78
Bags, buffalo-hair, 99
buffalo-skin, 98, 159
incense, 286, 287
Balche, sprinkling with, 352, 355
Balls, blue slate, 100
catlinite, 99, 100, 101
rubber, 282
stone, 18, 87, 88, 100, 101, 114
Balsam of Life, English medicine, 154
Bamburgh Place, site No. 7, 103
Bands, bilateral, 237
Bangles, 127
copper, 94, 101, 136
iron, 162
Bannacks, Indian tribe, 239, 240, 241,
252
Baptismal ceremonies, Mesoamerican,
366
Barlow, captain of ship, in Sir Walter
Raleigh’s expedition, 194
Basalt, 15, 16, 17, 20, 21, 22, 31, 38, 44,
110
Basin tribes, 214, 215, 216
Basket Maker culture, 207
Basketry, 215, 219, 236
Baskets, gathering, 215
pitched water, 215, 296, 297
willow, 215
Bathing, ceremonial, in Mesoamerican
art, 366
Bay of Campeche, 5
Bead ornaments, 15
Beads, 60—63, 97, 100, 128
barrel-shaped, 61, 114, 151
bone, 128
OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
(BULL. 157]
Beads—Continued
British, as trade items, 149, 152
carved, 39, 63
catlinite, 99, 112
copper, 92, 93, 94, 95, 98, 99, 100,
102, 128, 157
cylindrical, 101, 137, 165
decorated, 62 (fig.)
disk, 134-135
ellipsoidal, 150, 151, 153
gadrooned, 60
glass, 84, 87, 88, 94, 96, 98, 99, 100,
101, 102, 186, 138, 189, 149-152,
167, 168, 169, 170, 172, 175
globular, 151
gypsum, 114
hexagonal, 150
iron, 98, 100, 101, 128, 162
irregularly shaped, 60-61
jade, 29, 37, 60, 63
massive, 135
miscellaneous, 63
native glass, 150, 153
necklace, 149, 153
oval, 101
pear-shaped, 151
polygonal, 150
porcelain, 91, 93, 95, 151, 154
shell, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99,
101, 102, 114, 138, 134, 165, 169,
170, LZ, TGS LT
stone, 93, 99, 151
subspherical, 60, 61, 68, 150
trade, 101, 153
a 57, 61, 62, 63, 98, 102, 128,
1
Beadwork, 99, 187, 234
Bear, black (Huarctos americanus), 129
grizzly (Ursus horribilis), 129
Bear claws, perforated, 94, 96, 99, 100,
101, 129
Bear Dance, 213, 216, 229, 236, 241, 242,
244, 248, 252, 254, 255
Bear Lake Valley, 239
Bear Respect, ritualistic dance, 216
Bears, 236
Beauchamp, William M., 164
Beaver, 131
Beef, boiled, served at Sun Dance, 251
Belemnite, fossil, 98
Belemnitella bulbosa, 116
Bells, copper, 94, 99, 100, 156, 157
sleigh, 99
Belts, 15, 33, 35, 36, 41, 140, 249
Berries, preparation of, 215
used for food, 218
Big Sioux River, 77
Bird, screeching, symbolic, 278
water motif, 314, 315, 363
Bird beak, grave offering, 102
Bird claws, use in necklaces, 129-130
Bird-monster, Olmec, 59, 385
Birds, used for food, 215
Birth rites, 213-214
Bismarck, N. Dak., 76 (map), 123
Bison, 75, 81, 236
Bison-bone paint brushes, 100
INDEX
Bison bones, grave offering, 95
use of, 119, 120, 121, 124, 130
Bison hunts, communal, 218
Bison wool, use of, 140
Black, Glenn A., 74, 149, 152, 153
Black Boris Ute chief, 211, 221, 222,
5
Black Hills, N. Dak., 109
Black paint, grave offering, 98, 117
Pn ee Indians, 122, 134, 140, 217,
25
Blades, iron, 101
Blankets, 140, 141, 226, 248, 249
Blanks, stone, 17, 109
Blcod, Aztec symbol, 285, 291
Blue Blanket Island, Missouri River,
76 (map)
Blue color, portraying water, 299
Blue Earth River, 174
Bobcat or lynx (Lynz sp.), 131
Bodleian Library, Oxford, England, 193
Bodmer, Carl, artist, 73, 97, 126, 129,
139, 141
Body, water motif, in Mesoamerican
art, 274, 275
Bonampak, water motif, 322, 326, 329
Bones, animal, 169, 170, 172
cancellous, 122
deer, 118, 127
dorsal spines, 130
leg, 118, 119
phalanges, 127-128
rib, 118, 119, 120, 121, 124, 130
scapula, 121, 1380
Bottles, glass, 98, 100, 153-154
Bourgmond, explorer, 77, 174
Bowls, incised, 18
pottery, 100, 106
sacrificial, 283
wooden, 100, 142
Bows and arrows, 217, 236
Box, Aztec stone, 285
Boxes, stone, 17
Bracelets, brass, 155, 156
copper, 98, 99, 101, 102
copper wire, 93, 101, 102, 139, 156
iron, 91, 162
Bepokenncees Henry M., explorer, 131,
1
Bradbury and Brackenridge, explorers,
80, 81, 83, 84
Braid, copper cloth, 102
Brass, 99, 163
Breast, water from, 336, 350
Breast ornament, copper, 159
silver (white metal?), 100, 163, 164
Breech apron, 19, 319, 320, 333, 361
eee 33, 35, 36, 278, 312, 319,
Bridger, James, frontiersman, 211
Brown’s Hole, Green River, 218
Brule Sioux Indians, 148
Buffalo, 216, 218
extinction of, 219, 251
397
Buffalo—Continued
rater used in dance, 245, 249, 250,
ribs, 99
skulls, 88
tongues served at feast, 251
Bul-eb, mythical bug, 336, 350, 358, 368
Bulen-caan-chaac, Maya god, 346
Burden strap, 215
Bureau of American Ethnology, 74
Burial customs, 214, 236
Burial data, Sites and, 86-102, 177, 178
Burial grounds, location of, 83, 84, 85, 87
Burial Hill, 86
Burials, 90, 91, 169-173 (table)
communal, 87
flexed, 88, 91, 92
mound, 29
multiple, 178
primary, 87, 167, 168, 176, 178
secondary, 87, 88, 99, 167, 179
semiflexed, 102
tomb, 23
Bushnell, David I., Jr., 140
Buttons, brass, 98, 100, 137, 146, 147
copper, 102, 137, 157, 158
ae (white metal ?), 100, 101, 163,
1
Byrnes, T. A., Indian agent, statements
of, 227
Cache lots ct artifacts, 29, 31, 51, 52, 53,
1
60,
Caddo Indians, 217
Caddoan-speaking peoples, 77
Cahuapan, Veracruz, 6 (map)
Calcite, 31, 36, 41, 60, 61, 62, 64
Calpulapam, 287
Cancuen, art motifs, 320
Canis lupus, 129
Canoes, dugout, 48
Caricara Indians, 77
Caso, Alfonso, on Mesoamerican art, 287,
288, 289, 293
Catlin, George, 73, 81, 83, 97, 129, 139,
141, 152, 158, 165
Catlinite, 91, 92, 99, 100, 101, 111-113,
14, 169, 170, 172
Cattle, ownership of, 234
stealing of, 224
Cayuse Indians, 217
Cedar poles, on graves, 95
Celts, 58, 59 (fig.), 60
alabaster, 60
decorated, 59 (fig.), 66
Cemetery 1, 76 (map), 85, 86, 87-89, 90,
91) 1038) ° 20700855)" 167) 168;
169-170 (table), 175, 176, 177,
178, 179, 180, 182, 183
Cemetery 2, 76 (map), 85, 89-95, 97,
102, 103, 109, 111, 112, 114, 117,
124, 126, 129, 131, 133, 135, 138,
144, 151, 154, 155, 160, 162, 167,
168, 170-171, 175, 176, 177, 178,
180, 181, 182
398
Cemetery 3, 76 (map), 85, 95-96, 97,
102, 103, 114, 115, 117, 124, 129,
131, 144, 155, 168, 171 (table),
175, 176, 177, 180, 181, 182
Cemetery 4, 76 (map), 85, 96-102, 103,
109, 111, 118, 114, 115, 117, 124,
126, 129, 131, 133, 135, 1388, 144,
154, 155, 160, 161, 166, 168,
172-1738, 175, 176, 177, 178, 180,
181, 182
Central Plains sites, 119, 120
Ceramics, 29, 66
Aztec and Teotihuacdén, 285-291,
377 (table)
Shela lacquer polychrome ware,
Mandan-Hidatsa, 183
Maya, 298-330, 375, 379 (table),
380 (table)
Non-Maya, 293-298, 378 (table)
Ceremonial life, 236
Cerro de las Mesas site, 15, 29, 30, 52,
57, 58, 61, 65, 66, 67, 298
Highland influence, 66-67
Lower I, 66
Lower II, 66
Cerro de las Mesas Offering of Jade and
Other Material (Drucker), 25-68
Cerro Encantado, 5, 6 (map), 7
Cervus canadensis, 129
gr rain gods, 342, 346, 351,
Chace, rain god, 345, 346, 350, 359, 360
Cha-chaac ceremony, 352, 361
Chalcedony, 94, 98, 108, 109, 115, 169,
170, 172
Chalchiuhtlatonac, water god, 357
Chalchihuitlicue, water goddess, 282,
283, 285, 349, 356, 357, 359, 360,
362, 368
Chama motifs, 284 (fig.), 309, 311 (fig.),
312, 317 (fig.), 328, 329, 332
Chan Kom, Yucatan, 347, 349, 352
Chantier Creek, 79
Chert, 108
Chest, stone, 16
Cheyenne Indians, 81, 179, 182, 218,
237, 241, 245, 258
Cheyenne River, 76 (map), 78, 79, 80,
81, 82, 83, 184
Chicchans, mythical serpents, 351, 352,
356, 357, 361, 362
Chichén Itz4, site, 331, 355
Chief Walker, Ute Chief, 209, 220, 221
Children, graves, 90, 91, 94, 95, 112,
134, 136, 151
Child sacrifice, connection with rain, 349
Chiquito River, Veracruz, 6 (map), 8
Chlorite, 31, 36, 60, 64
Chloromelanite, 31, 36
Chokecherry pits, 145
Cholula lacquer polychrome ware, 66
Choppers, stone, 109
Chorti, 361
belief on rainfall, 351, 356
Christian God, Indian feelings toward,
251, 252
BUREAU
OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 157]
Christian symbolism of Sun Dance, 251,
252, 256
Christianity, 238
Cigar-shaped objects, wooden (grave
accompaniments), 100
Cigarettes, mentholated, 250
smoked by dancers, 250
Cimarron River, 209
Circle Dance, see Round Dance.
Clark, William P., 218, 219, 241, 244
Classic Upper Tres Zapotes phase, 30
Claws, animal, use of, 129
See also Bird claws; Eagle claws.
Cloaks, rabbit-fur, 236
Clothing, 217, 226, 236
Club heads, stone, 110, 111
Clubs, ‘‘Medicine wand,” 111
stone-headed, 142, 143
wooden, 99, 142
Coatzacoalcos River, (Veracruz), 5, 6
(map), 17, 21, 22
Cocijo, rain god, 356, 361, 362
Codices:
Baranda, 285
Borgian, 281, 282, 283, 285, 286,
287, 288, 295, 302, 309, 314, 315,
316, 318, 328, 335, 338
Colombino (Dorenberg), 376
Dehesa, 285
Dresden, 277-280, 292, 296, 297,
298, 299, 302, 305, 306, 309, 312,
316, 320, 323, 324, 327, 328, 329,
331, 338, 339, 350, 353, 354, 356,
358, 370, 372
Fejervary-Mayer, 282, 283, 285,
287, 289
Hamburg, 291
Laud, 282, 283, 284 (fig.), 296, 299,
328, 338
Madrid (Tro-Cortesianus), 278,
279, 280, 295, 302, 309, 312, 314,
321, 340, 360, 361
Maya, 276, 277-280, 281, 283, 285,
287, 291, 296, 298, 299, 302, 305,
314, 318, 327, 328, 335, 336, 337,
338, 360, 365, 366, 376 (table),
384
Mexican, 276, 280-285, 286, 287,
288, 291, 298, 295, 302, 305, 314,
318, 320, 335, 336, 338, 348, 366,
376-377 (table), 384
Nuttall, 282, 283, 284 (fig.), 289,
328, 338
Paris, 278, 280, 303
Rios (Vaticanus A), 282
Selden, 281, 316
Vienna, 282, 289, 293
Collectivism, in Ute culture, 256
Collier, John, Indian Commissioner,
1,2
Colorado Plateau, 209
Colorado River, 209
Colossal Heads, 9, 10, 12, 18, 17, 19, 20,
21
See also Heads, stone.
Columbia University, 74, 103
INDEX
Columns, granite, 7, 20, 21
stone, 23
Comanche Indians, 140, 209, 217, 239,
241, 246
Commercial Company for the Discovery
of the Nations of the Upper
Missouri, 79, 80
Communal ownership of land, 231, 232,
233, 234
unnatural to Utes, 234
Completion sign, glyph for, 314, 315,
ee 319, 322, 336, 355, 356, 368,
Concretion, chalcedony, 117
sandstone, 100, 116, 117
Cones, brass, 136
copper, 136
Conquest period, 335
Containers, calabash, 346, 347, 351, 352,
3
55
Cooke, Anne M., 208, 209, 211
Cooper, G. A., 74
Cooper, Paul, 74, 179
Copd4n site, 306, 308 (fig.), 309, 316, 320,
321, 322, 329, 330, 335, 337, 338,
362, 385
CopEee eve offering, 87, 89, 94, 122,
1
Cora tribe, 353
Cordy, N., on Mesoamerican art, 363
Corn, see Maize.
Corn cobs, 117, 145
Corn Creek, Millard County, Utah,
210, 221
Corson County, Mo., 85
Cortez, explorer, 5, 351
Corvus corax sinuatus, 131
Cottonwood Creek, 83
Cottonwoods, 75, 245
Courts, earth, 18
Cowboy raids, part of Sun Dance, 246
Coyote, 131
Cradle board, 213
Cradles, basketry, 215
Crane’s skulls, 100
Crania, Arikara, 180
Hidatsa, 180
Mandan, 180
Mobridge, 179
Creation myth, 358
Cree Indian language, 195
Crickets, used as food, 215
Critchlow, J. J., opinions of, 224, 226
Croatan Sound, N. C., 194
Crocodile, symbolic, 278
Cross, double, of Jesuit order, mortuary
accompaniment, 98, 100, 163
Cross, St. Andrew’s, used in art design,
303
Crow Indians, 217, 253
Crucifix, Christian, symbolism in Sun
Dance, 252
Cucurbita sp., 145
ealtuaa background of Ute, 212-236,
243
Cultural relationships, archeology, Mo-
bridge, S. Dak., 176-179
399
Culture, Mesoamerican, 273
post-horse, 217-219
pre-horse, 212-216, 236
pre-White, 212, 217-219, 237, 254
Reorganization period, 212, 229-
236, 238
Reservation period, 212, 223-229,
238, 254
White-contact period, 212, 220-223,
234, 237-238, 254
Cum-um-bah, Indian band, 211
Cuna Indians, 17
Cup and ball game, 101
Curing, Ute practices, 235
Cynomys ludovicianus, 131
Cypraea moneta, 133, 134
Cypraea shell, 98
Dakota Indians, 140, 146, 184, 241, 258
Dalrymple, Rev. Mr., 195
Dance chiefs, duties of, 244, 245
Dance grounds, 245
Dance lodge, erection of, 245, 246, 247,
1
name changed, 251
Dancers participating in Victory Dance,
252
Dance songs, practice of, 245
Dangles, copper, 102
irons, 102
Darts, symbolical, 282
D4valos H., Dr. Eusebio, 29, 30
Davis, E. W., opinions of, on friction
between Indian bands, 225
Dead, ancestral, 365
Death, symbolical figure of, 282, 358
Death and destruction, water theme of,
285, 295, 309, 330, 337, 348, 358,
365, 366, 368
Death customs, 214
De Borhegyi, Stephen F., on Meso-
american art, 298
Deer, 132, 216, 218, 254
Deities, ‘‘Baby face,” 298
relation to water, 273
Delaware Indian language, 195
Densmore, Frances, on Indian culture,
228, 24
Dentalium shells, 95, 134
Dentalium sp., 133, 134, 169, 170, 172
Derived Basket Maker Culture, see
Basket Maker culture.
Deviants, beliefs regarding, 226
Dieseldorff, Erwin P., on Mesoamerican
art, 312
Digging tools, 120, 135
Diorite, 34, 44, 109, 110
Discoscaphites sp., 116
Disks, catlinite, 112
glass, 99, 101
jade, 54-58
porcelain, 99, 155
shell, 93, 135
stone, 101
wooden, 98
Dismal River sites, 119
Ditches, defensive, 89
400
Doctors, lack of among Utes, 235
Dodge, Colonel, 81, 148
Dogs, lack of, 131
Dolls, Sun Dance, capture of, 239
Dorsal spine bones, 120
Douglas, Ute chief, 225
Dragon, symbolic, 278, 305, 364
Drake, Sir Walter, 194
Dreams, belief in, 245, 247
Dress, hides used for, 219
Dresses, women’s, adornment on, 140
Driftwood, used in graves, 90
Drills, conical, 58
hollow, 36, 40, 41, 42, 45, 51, 56,
57, 58, 63, 67
Drucker, Philip, 6
Drucker, Philip: The Cerro de las Mesas
Offering of Jade and Other Mate-
rials, 25-68
Drums, used for dance, 245, 248, 250
Duck, swimming, figure, 13-14
Duluth, explorer, 174
Duncan, Jim, informant, 215
Eagle, bald, 130
golden, 130
symbolic, 298
Eagle-bone whistles, 248, 249, 250
Eagle claws, 92, 130
Eagle oaths fan, carried by Shaman,
5
Eagle plumes, white, worn at Sun
Dance, 249
Early Classic styles, 37, 41
Ear ornaments, 10, 11, 12, 15, 160, 165
Ear piercers, 58
Earplug, 33, 53
Earrings, silver, 101
Earspool flares, 51-54, 57, 66, 67
discussion of, 57-5
manufacture, 55, 56 (fig.), 57
small, 538-54
Type A, 52
Type B, 52-53, 57, 58
Earspools, 36, 41, 42, 54
jade, 29, 51-58
Eb, Maya day sign, 277, 314, 336, 355,
356, 358, 365, 368
Educational program, Ute Indians, 235
Ehecatl, Mexican figure, association
with water in art, 282
Ek Chuah, god of merchants, 360
El Baul region, Guatemala, 34
Elk (Cervus canadensis), 129, 132, 236
Elk antlers, 132
Elk Creek, S. Dak., 73, 83, 97, 103, 104,
105, 158, 159
Mouth of, sherds from, 104, 105
(table), 106
Elko, Nev., 254
Elk scapula, 101
Elk tooth, perforated, 91, 99, 129
“Kl Leon,” see Mountain lion.
English, 78, 174
Episcopal Mission, 227
Escalante, Fray Silvestre Velez de,
explorer, 209, 210, 217, 219
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
(BULL. 157]
Euarctos americanus, 129
Ewers, John C., 74, 166
Eyes, water motif, 348-350
Fabrics, woolen, in grave finds, 148-149
Fainting during dance, good omen, 250
Falling water, see Rain.
Family groups, bilateral, 218
biological, 236
Fang-tongue-water (?) motif, 322, 323,
324, 325, 326, 329, 332, 333, 335,
337, 338, 340, 371, 375, 384
Fangs, representation of, in art, 321, 325
Farm Creek Mountains, 242
Farming, 223, 225, 233, 234, 238
Father, birth rites, 213
Feathers, worn by Indians, 226
See also Eagle feather fan; Hawk
feathers.
Features, facial, in figurines, 31, 32,
33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41,
42, 43
Federal Bureau of Investigation, 75
Feldspar, 103
Female water deity, 359-360
Fer-de-lance, stone figure of, 18, 21
Ferris, W. A.,
Field mice, used for food, 215
Figures, Atlantean, 13, 15, 19, 21
“Danzante,” 33, 67
pe plaque, Zapotecan (?), 33-34
(fig.
Figurines, 9, 18, 31-45, 67
animal, 44
cicada, 45
“‘crossed-arm style,” 34-35
fish, 44
“foot,’”’ 43-44
jade, 14, 30, 31, 35, 39, 40, 41, 43,
44, 48
?
“monkey figure,’’ 34
monkey head, 45
Olmec, 31-338, 36, 48, 66
serpentine, 32
standing, 38
stone, 18
Teotihuacdn type, 37
turtle, 44
unclassified, 35-45
Finca pee. Chiapas, 310 (fig.), 312,
385
Fire, lighted for Sun Dance, 248
Fire steel, 162
Fish, used for food, 215
water symbol, 364
Fish and Wildlife Service, 74
Fish Lake, 210
Fish Lake Valley, 253
Fish Ute band, 210, 211
Flag, American, 252
Flags, tied to dance lodge, 246, 247
Flaking tool, antler, 100, 101
Flathead Indians, 217
Flint chips, grave offerings, 87, 92, 96,
100
Flood, Be at of, 282, 283, 299,
65 :
INDEX
Folktales, 345, 346
Forney, Jacob, Indian agent, 221
Férstemann, Ernst, on Mesoamerican
art, 271, 277, 278
Fort Berthold, 81
Fort Bridger, 220, 239
Fort Clark, N. Dak., 79, 80, 81, 116, 125
Fort Duchesne, 226, 228, 229, 235, 242
Fort Hall, Idaho, 252, 253, 254
Fort Leavenworth, 81
Fort L’Huillier, 174
Fort Pierre, 8. Dak., 78
Fort St. Antoine, 174
Fort St. Joseph site, Mich., 152
Fort St. Nicholas, 174
Fort Washakie, Wyo., 252, 253
Foshag, W. F., 30, 31)
Fossils, 116-117, 169, 170, 172
Fount, stone, 13-14
Frémont, John C., 209, 218, 221
French, 78, 149, 152, 174
Frescoes, Atetelco, 289
Friedmann, Herbert, 74
Fringe clips, 159
Frog impersonator, part in rainmaking
ceremony, 352, 361
Frogs, es 280, 283, 285, 360-361,
Fullbloods, relation to tribe, 230, 231,
232, 238, 239, 252, 258, 256
Fungus, 146
Gaiters, 321
Gambling, 225, 227, 236, 247
Games, hand (guessing), 214
ring-and-pin, 127, 128
shinney, 214
Gaming bones, 101, 127, 128
Garments, burial, 90, 92, 93, 94, 97
lace-ornamented, 146-148
leather, 136
woven, 141
Gee-strings, 226
areca toluene Act, passage of, 227,
5
Gens de la Petite Cerise, Indian tribe, 78
Ghost Dance, 227, 240, 241, 242, 249
Gilmore, Raymond, 74
Girard, W. R., 195
Glass making, native, 97, 150, 152, 153
Glyphs, 14, 277, 293, 315, 318, 319, 336,
350, 353, 361, 362, 368, 374, 385
appearance in water, 274, 280, 282,
285, 290, 291, 314, 315, 316, 318,
319, 336, 348, 353, 354, 355-358
relation to religion, 273
Goatee, symbol for, 298
God, ek a 279, 298, 312, 319, 360,
Death, 278, 282, 309
Jaguar, 362, 368
Long-nosed, 303, 305, 309, 312, 316,
318, 319, 322, 331, 350, 351, 359,
364, 367, 368
maize, 285, 316, 332
rain, 275, 281, ’291, 298, 312, 316,
322, 333, 342, 350, 352, 362
265191—54——_39
401
God—Continued
serpent, 356, 362
sky, 293, 302, 342
God B, 350, 353, 354, 359, 360, 361, 367
God C 356, 357
God K, 359
God M, 360
God N, 360
Goddess of Waters, 289, 360
Goddess I, Schellhas’, 277, 278, 279, 280,
297, 309, 314, 350, 352, 354, 358,
359, 360, 365, 368
Gold Rush, effect on Indians, 240
Goniobasis sp., 134
Gorget, catlinite, 92
perforated shell disk, 135
shell, 133
star-shaped, 15
Gosiute Indians, 218, 219
Gottfriedson, Peter, opinion of, 226
Grand River, 73, 75, 76 (map), 80, 82,
103, 136, 177, 183, 184, 208
Grand River Aspect, 177, 178
Grand River band, Ute Indians, 209, 224
Grand River group, Ute Indians, 208
(map)
Granite, 103, 110
Granitic schist, 21
Grass bundle, carried by Shaman, 250
grave Offering, 96, 146
Grasshoppers, attacks by, 223, 224,225
used as food, 215, 223
Grave No. 1, Site 1, 87-88, 169 (table)
Site 2, 91, 170 (table)
Site 3, 96, 171 (table)
Site 4, 98, 138, 141, 144, 146, 154,
172 ‘(tab le)
Grave No. 2, Site 1, 87, 88, 114, 169
(table)
Site 2, 91, 124, 170 (table)
Site 3, 96, 115, 124, 129, 171 (table)
Site 4, 98, 172 (table)
Grave No. 3 Site 1, 87, 88, 169 (table)
Site 2, 91, 102, 107, 112, 129, 184,
170 ’ (table)
Site 3, 96, 146, 171 (table)
Site 4, 98, 117, 134, 172 (table)
Grave No. 4, Site at 87, 88, 169 (table)
Site 2, 91, 124, 170 (table)
Site 3, 96, 171. (table)
Site 4, 98, 172 (table)
Grave No. 5, Site 1, 87, 88, 169 (table)
Site 2, 92, 170 (table)
Site 31 96, 124, 171 (table)
Site 4, 98-99, 113, 129, 157, 161,
172 ‘(table)
Grave No. 6, Site 1, 88, 169 (table)
Site 2, 92, 115, 116, 171 (table)
Site 3, 96, 171 (table)
Site 4, 99, 129, 151, 157, 159, 172
(table)
Grave No. 7, Site 1, 87, 88, 169 (table)
Site 2, 92, 112; 171 (table)
Site 4, 99, 112; 172 (table)
Grave No. 8, Site thy 88-89, 170 (table)
Site 2, 92, 171 (tabl e)
Site 4, 99, 142, 154, 155, 172 (table)
402
Grave No. 9, Site 1, 87, 89, 170 (table)
Site 2, 92, 171 (table)
Site 4, 99, 172 (table)
Grave No. 10, Site 1, 89, 170 (table)
Site 2, 92, 115, 116, 121, 126, 130,
171 (table)
Site 4, 99-100, 139, 153, 161, 172
(table)
Grave No. 11, Site 1, 89, 170 (table)
Site 2, 92, 171 (table)
Site 4, 100, 146, 172 (table)
Grave No. 12, Site 2, 91, 92, 157, 171
(table)
Site 4, 100, 116, 172 (table)
Grave No. 13, Site 2, 92, 124, 171 (table)
Site 4, 97, 100, 102, 107, 113, 114,
129, 132, 142, 148, 156, 172
(table)
Grave No. 14, Site 2, 91, 92, 171 (table)
Site 4, 100, 163, 172 (table)
Grave No. 15, Site 2, 92, 171 (table)
Site 4, 100-101, 165, 172 (table)
Grave No. 16, Site 2, 92, 171 (table)
Site 4, 101, 113, 142, 150, 172
(table)
Grave No. 17, Site 2, 98, 171 (table)
Site 4, 101, 130, 132, 172 (table)
Grave No. 18, Site 2, 98, 141, 144, 171
(table)
Site 4, 101, 114, 136, 150, 156, 172
(table)
Grave No. 19, Site 2, 93, 1385, 171 (table)
Site 4, 101, 124, 141, 173 (table)
Grave No. 20, Site 2, 91, 93, 171 (table)
Site 4, 97, 101, 173 (table)
Grave No. 21, Site 2, 93, 171 (table)
Site 4, 101-102, 115, 165, 173
(table)
Grave No. 22, Site 2, 93, 124, 160, 171
(table)
Site 4, 102, 156, 173 (table)
Grave No. 23, Site 2, 93, 163, 171 (table)
Grave No. 24, Site 2, 91, 93, 171 (table)
Grave No. 25, Site 2, 91, 93, 171 (table)
Grave No. 26, Site 2, 98, 114, 124, 171
(table)
Grave No. 27, Site 2, 94, 133, 171 (table)
Grave No. 28, Site 2, 94, 171 (table)
Grave No. 29, Site 2, 94, 157, 171 (table)
Grave No. 30, Site 2, 94, 171 (table)
Grave No. 31, Site 2, 91, 94, 171 (table)
Grave No. 32, Site 2, 94, 171 (table)
Grave No. 33, Site 2, 91, 94, 171 (table)
Grave No. 34, Site 2, 94, 171 (table)
Grave No. 35, Site 2, 91, 94, 171 (table)
Grave No. 36, Site 2, 94, 171 (table)
Grave No. 37, Site 2, 91, 94, 171 (table)
Grave No. 38, Site 2, 94-95, 124, 144,
171 (table)
Grave No. 39, Site 2, 95, 124, 134, 141,
171 (table)
Graves, contents of, 87
Great Basin, 217, 254
Great Basin tribes, 213, 216
Great Bend site, Kansas, 119, 122
Great Plains sites, 121, 128, 124, 133,
134, 136, 183
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL., 157]
Green paint, grave offering, 98, 100, 117
water color, 299
Green River, 209, 218
Griffenhagen, G. B., 74
Guardian Angel, Indian symbolism, 252
Gulf of Mexico, 22
Gun aan, 98, 100, 101, 166, 169, 170,
2
Gunnison River, 209, 217
Guns, lack of, 160
possession of, 217
Gypsum, 98, 117, 169, 170, 172
Hagen site, Mont., 123
Haines, Frances, 217
Hair, human, use of, 99, 100, 136, 139,
169, 170, 172
Hair cutting, mourning custom, 214
Hair arene, 10, 19, 38, 35, 36, 40, 41,
Hair tufts, 189-141, 169, 170, 172
Hale, Edward E., 194
Halters, woven, 140
Halymenites major, 116
Hamblin, Jacob, Mormon missionary,
opinions of, 210, 226
Hammerstones, 110, 114
Hand, association with water, in art,
335, 352-354
Hand (guessing) game, 214
Handles, strap, 106, 107
Harrington, John P.: The Original
trachey Vocabulary of the Vir-
ginia Indian Language, 189-202
Hatch, T. W., 237
Hatchets, symbolical, 282
Hats, basketry, 215
Hawk claws, 130
Hawk feathers, used in dance lodge,
247, 252
Hawley, Dr. Florence, 207
Head, F. H., opinions of, 211, 222, 223
Head, water motif, 355
Headband, 13, 137-138
Headdress, 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 20, 36,
37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 52, 140, 297,
316
braided hair, 100, 139
infants, 98
serpent, 297, 303
symbolical, 283, 303
Headgear, see Headdress.
Heads, detached, water motif, 365
jade, 40, 67
small, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42
stone, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 36
See also Colossal Heads.
Heart River, 76 (map), 182, 183
site, 182
Heine-Geldern, R., and Ekholm, G. F.,
on Asiatic art, 273
Hekandika Shoshone Indians, 246, 248
Hematite, 117
Henderson, EF. P., 74
Hensler, N. Dak., 80
Heron beaks, 92, 93
Hidalgotitlan, Veracruz, 6 (map)
INDEX
Hidatsa Indians, 81, 115, 134, 179, 180,
2, 183
Hides, animal, use of, 219
Hide scrapers, antler, 132
Hieroglyphic Stairway, Cop4n site, 321
Hieroglyphs, 348, 350, 353, 355
Hill site, Nebr., 111, 165
Hinge, brass, 102, 160
Hoebel, E. Adamson, on Sun Dance,
246, 247, 248
Hoes, bone, 92, 96, 101
iron, lack of, 160
scapula, 130
Hohop-caan-chaac, Maya god, 346
Hoods, beaded, 100
leather, 98
Horse bands, organized by Utes, 216, 218,
226, 230, 234, 237, 254
Horseshoe, 99, 160, 161-162
Horse(?) tooth, found in grave, 94, 101
Horse trappings, 217
Horses, 131, 217, 218, 351
eating of, 254
influence on Indian culture, 218,
237, 254
in hunting, 218
in Mayan art, 351
racing of, 225
stealing of, 217, 219, 221, 224, 237
use of, 78, 83, 209, 210, 211, 213,
217, 218, 257
Hospital, failure of among Utes, 235
House pits, 89, 95, 96
Houses, brush, 245
Housing, native, 236
Hrdliéka, Ale’, 86, 179, 180
Hudson’s Bay Company, 134
Hughes, Jack T., 103, 109
Huichols, primitive artists, 345
Human figure, armed, water motif, 295
crouching, 18
seated, 14, 15, 17
Human sacrifice, 355
Human torso, stone, 8, 17
Hunting, communal, 215, 218, 225, 234,
237
individual, 236
Hurt, Garland, 210, 211, 218
Ignacio, Colo., 228
Illness, native treatments for, 235, 236
Implements, spatulate bone, 124, 125
fi
g.
Indian Administration, see Indian Of-
fice.
Indian Irrigation Project, operation of,
Indian-Mormon wars, reference to, 212
Indian Office, effect on tribes, 231, 232,
233, 234, 235, 238, 256
Indian Reorganization Act, operation of,
233, 256
Indian popicties. opinion regarding, 231,
Indian-White contacts, 82, 87, 207
Indiana Historical Society, acknowledg-
ment to, 75
403
Individualism, in Ute culture, 256
Infants, graves of, 90, 92, 93, 94, 97,
98, 112, 133, 141, 146, 161, 175
Insects, used as food, 215
Insecurity, effects of on Indians, 257
Instituto Nacional de Antropologia é
Historia, 29
Interment, single, 90
Irish, Indian Superintendent, 222
Iron oxide, 117
Island of Tacamichapa, Veracruz, Mex-
ico, 5, 6 (map)
Isthmus of Tehuantepec, 22
Itz, Maya word for liquid, 342, 343
Itza tribe, 351
Itzamna, Maya sky God, 342, 343, 347,
350, 351, 352, 359, 364
Ixchel, moon goddess, 359
Izamal site, 352
Izapa, 295, 296, 297, 328, 337
Jade, 17, 29, 31, 33, 37, 40, 41, 43, 44,
45, 48, 50, 51, 55, 60, 638, 64, 65
beliefs regarding, 356
opr use unknown, 68, 64 (fig.),
6
Jade, The Cerro de las Mesas Offering
of, and other Materials (Drucker),
25-68
Jadeite, 31
Mesoamerican, 31
Jades, Cerro de las Mesas, 30
Kaminaljuyd, 30
Mesoamerican, 30
Monte Albdn, 30
Nebaj, 30
Uaxactun, 30
Jaguar, connection with water motif,
79, 309, 321, 322, 332, 361-363
features on Goddess I, 279, 309
role in Maya religion, 362
Jaguar ears, used on headdress, 362
Jaguar eyes, ornamental, 19
Jaguar motive, ornamental, 21
Jaguar god in Maya religion, 362
Jaguar-monster, Olmec, 48, 49 (fig.),
298, 300 (fig.), 361, 362
Jaguar monument, 8, 13, 14
anthropomorphic, 8, 14, 18
Jaguar paws, decorative, 12
Jaltipan, Veracruz, 6 (map)
James River, 195, 196
Jamestown Colony, Va., 193
Jars, 283, 286, 314, 344, 345
utility, 103, 106
water, 345, 359
Jasper, 108
Jesuit missionaries, 163
Jesuit Order, 98
John Reid Spring, 242
Johnson, D. H., 74
Jones, Daniel W., opinions of, 220, 221,
222
Jones, J. A.: The Sun Dance of the
Northern Ute, 203-263
Jones, Lilian Fuller, 207
Jonuta site, 318, 331
404
Joyce, Thomas A., on Mesoamerican
art, 348, 349, 350, 361
Jugs, effigy, 281
Juniper wood, 142
Kab UI, see Itzamna.
ome classification, 51, 52-53,
Kaminaljuyd site, 57, 298, 299, 320
Kan (yellow), glyph for, 314, 315, 319,
aoe 336, 355, 356, 357, 366, 368,
Kanosh, Pahvant chief, 210, 221, 224
Kanosh, Utah, 210, 224
Kansa Indians, 140, 148, 165
Kidder, Jennings, and Shook, classi-
fications of, 52-53, 56, 63, 118
Kiowa Indians, 217, 239, 240, 241, 258
Knapping tool, 132, 133
Knife hafts, 122, 123
Knives and blades, 109, 160-161, 164
Knives, Badlands, 109
bone, 92
copper, 91, 92, 101, 160
flint, 92, 93, 96, 100, 101
iron, 99, 100, 122, 123, 160, 161
zine (?), 98
Kroeber, Dr. Alfred L., 207, 229, 242
Kutenai Indians, 134
La Bare, Weston, on Indian culture,
8
Lacandones, Chol-speaking, 347
Lace, metal, 146-147, 148
La Ceiba, motifs, 294 (fig.)
La Roche Aspect, 177, 178
La Venta, Tabasco, Mexico, 7, 9, 11,
12, 15, 16, 19, 20, 22, 23, 31, 32,
33, 58, 66
La Venta culture, 6, 7, 12, 15, 16, 20,
21, 22, 23, 32, 66
See also Olmec culture.
Lake Peten, 351
Lampsilis siliquoidea, 133, 135
ventricosa occidens, 133
Lance heads, 92
Lances, 309
Landa, Diego de, on Mesoamerican art,
342, 348, 351, 354
Language, Delaware Indian, 195
Virginia Indian, 194, 195, 193-202
Lapida 1, Zapotecan monument, 293, 295
Las Mesas, Veracruz, 6 (map)
Lasmigona complanata, 133
Lavender, David, 222
Leadership, degeneration of, 238
Leaf-and-fringe motif, 332, 333
Leatherwork, 169, 170, 172
Leavenworth, Colonel, 80
Leavenworth site, 83, 84, 85, 103, 104,
123, 134, 140, 148, 153, 156, 159,
Toe 163, 165, 175, 178, 180, 181,
See also Site No. 4, and Cemetery 4.
Leggings, 140, 158, 226
Legs, water from, 336, 350, 358, 361
Lehocatts Island, 79
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BuLL. 157]
Lewis and Clark, explorers, 78-79, 80,
3
Lewis and Clark site, see Leavenworth
site; Site No. 4; Cemetery 4.
Lightning, beliefs regarding, 344, 346,
47, 351
Limestone, 115
Limonite, 117
Lincoln, Abraham, Indian Reservation
created by, 221
Linné, ae on Mesoamerican art,
Linton, Ralph, on Sun Dance, 246, 253
Lip perforators, 58
Liquids, in Maya art, 343
Lisbon site, N. Dak., 123
Literature cited, 23, 67-68, 185-188,
202, 259-263, 386-393
far rae site, Guatemala, 306, 307
g.
Lizard-crocodile-peccary-reptile, mythi-
cal, 278
Lodge, canvas, 224
sweat, 215
Lodge pole, center, erection of, 246,
Lodge rings, site 4, 97
Lodges, pole, 218
Loop handles, 105
Lord Hight Ehecatl, supposedly Mexican
historical personage, 282
Lotus, in art, 272
Loup River, 81
Lower Cheyenne River site, 177
Lower Loup sites, 122
Lowie, Robert H., quotations from, 213,
214, 215, 218, 219, 226, 227, 228,
241, 245
Lynz sp., 131
Magic, belief in, 349, 352
Maize, 117, 145, 224, 349
Maize ears, symbolical, 282, 286, 331
Malinche, interpreter for Cortez, 5
Malintzi, female rain goddess, 344, 345
Mallets, antler, 132
Mandan-Arikara site, 125
Mandan-Hidatsa, 183
Mandan Indians, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83,
115, 122, 128, 126, 134, 140, 165,
179, 180, 181, 182, 183
Manhattan, Kans., 148
Manipulation, a Ute curing method, 235
Manufacturing, Mayan method, 57
Teotihuacan method, 56
Manuscript, Madrid, 277
Manuscript, Paris, 277
Marmot or woodchuck (Marmota sp.),
1
1
Marmota sp., 131
Maropa River, see Oak Creek.
Marquina, Arq. Ignacio, 29
Marriage customs, 214
Marshall County, Ala., 134
Masks, 52, 322, 337
Material |culture terms, Strachey’s Indi-
an vocabulary, 201
INDEX
Maudslay, Alfred P., on Mesoamerican
art, 309, 315
Mauls and hammers, 109-110
Maximilian, explorer, 80, 81, 83, 97, 115,
116, 117, 126, 129, 134, 140, 150
Maya, 56, 57, 67, 278, 283, 296, 303, 318,
Bet 335, 336, 337, 341, 344, 346,
Chan Kom, 352
Chorti, 352
Yucatan, 351
X-Cacal, 351, 352
Maya and Mayoid specimens, 67
Maya area, 335, 336, 337, 338
Maya art, classic, 322, 323, 325, 327,
328, 329, 332, 333, 336, 337, 339,
356, 359, 369, 374
Maya potters, 298, 299
Maya eee 319, 320, 333, 358, 361,
Maya words meaning liquids, 342, 343
Mayo Hill, Va., 196
Mayos Bridge, James River, Va., 196
Meat, dried, stored by Ute, 218
Medallion, sun, 280
Medicine bottle, grave offering, 153-154
Meeker, Colo., 224
Meeker, N. C., massacre of, 225
opinions of, 224, 225
Melons, 223
Menstrual customs, 214, 236
Menstrual huts, 214
Mephitis mephitis, 131
Mesoamerica, fang, tongue, and water
symbols in, 320-322
hieroglyphic symbols, 276
water motif in art, 275, 292, 293,
299, 319, 333, 339, 342
Mesoamerican art, identification of sub-
ject matter, 369-374
Mesoamerican Art, Some Manifesta-
tions of Water in (Rands),
265-393
Mesoamerican religion, 302, 333, 334,
340, 342, 344, 350, 361, 365
Meta-diorite, 31, 35
Metate leg, found near Monument 3,
San Lorenzo, 17
Miami Post site, Indiana, 152
Mica, grave offering, 102, 103, 115
Micaceous schist, 100
Mille Lacs, Minn., 174
Minatitlan, Veracruz, 6 (map)
Mink (Mustela vison), 131
Miro, Governor General, 78, 79
Mirror, glass, 98, 99, 154
Missionaries, Christian, 227
Missions, establishment of, 238
Mississippi River, 140, 174
Missouri River, 73, 74, 75, 76 (map),
77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 84, 85, 86,
89, 96, 116, 117, 123, 131, 136,
140, 164, 184, 217, 218
Missouri River Basin Surveys, 74
Missouri Valley, 73, 75, 82, 86, 89, 166,181
climate, 75
405
Mitla, 345, 346
Mixbloods, relation to tribe, 230, 231,
232, 235, 238, 243, 252, 253, 256
Mixteca site, 66
Mizen-caan-chaac, Maya god, 346
Moan bird, mythical bird, 348, 350,
356, 363, 364
Mobridge, S. Dak., 73, 75, 82, 84, 87,
102, 118, 141, 175, 176, 179
Mobridge, South Dakota, Archeologi-
cal Materials from the Vicinity
of (Wedel), 69-188
Mobridge airport, 86
Mobridge site, environmental
ground, 75, 76 (map), 85
See also Site No. 1, and Cemetery 1,
Moccasins, 226
ornamented, 101, 140, 141, 158
Money-cowries, 134
Monkey used figurine, San Marcos type,
Monster, double-headed, 321, 322, 330,
331, 362, 364, 372
serpentine-saurian, 364, 366
sky, 278, 280, 285, 303, 305, 306,
309, 314, 315, 318, 319, 323, 328,
330, 331, 332, 337, 339, 340, 343,
364, 365, 366, 367, 368, 370, 371
water-producing, 278, 280, 285, 292,
303, 305, 306, 314, 370
Mer leads) detached, 305, 306, 314,
Monster, detached rear head of, 364, 366
Monte ae site, 33, 293, 295, 338, 356,
36
Monte Albdn III site, 37
Monterey, Calif., 217
Monument C, Tres Zapotes, 293, 295,
296, 298
Monument 2, Cerro de las Mesas, 298
Monuments, stone, La Venta site, 11,
Monument 2, 11, 12
Monument 3, 11
Monument 4, 20
back-
Monuments, stone, Potrero Nuevo
site, 18-20
Monument 1 (anthropomorphic
jaguar and serpent), 18, 21
Monument 2 (Atlantean figures on
altar), 18, 15, 19, 21
Monument 3 (anthropomorphic
jaguar), 8, 19-20, 21
See also Snake, stone.
Monuments, stone, Rfo Chiquito site, 8
Monument 1 (anthropomorphic
jaguar) 8, 19, 21
Monument 2 (jaguar), 8
See also Stones, miscellaneous.
Monee stone, San Lorenzo site,
9-1
Monument 1 (head), 9-10
Monument 2 (head), 10-11, 20
Monument 3 (head), 11, 17
Monument 4 (head), 11-12
406
Monuments, stone, San Lorenzo site—
Continued
Monument 5 (head), 12-13
Monument 6 (head), 13
Monument 7 (jaguar or mountain
lion), 13
Monument 8 (rectangular stone), 13
Monument 9 (swimming duck),
13-14
Monument 10 (jaguar), 14
Monument 11 (seated figure), 14
Monument 12 (seated woman with
child), 15, 20
Monument 13 (basalt sphere), 15
Monument 14 (stone altar), 15, 21
Monument 15 (rectangularstone), 16
See also Stones, miscellaneous.
Mooney, James, reports by, 227, 239,
241, 24
Moon goddess, 359
Moon symbol, associated with water,
27
Mormonism, Ute attitude toward, 238
Mormons, contact with Indians, 210,
211, 212, 219, 220, 224, 227, 237,
238, 240, 254
Morning Star, connection with rain, 353
Morrison, J. P. E., 74
Motagua site, 303, 329
Mother, birth customs, 213
Mound building, 22
Mound group, Otonabee
Ontario, Canada, 134
Mound 30, Cerro de las Mesas site, 45
Mounds, earth, 7, 9, 16, 18, 21, 23, 29
Mt. Malintzi, 344
Mountain lion, figure of (monument 7),
13
‘“‘Serpent,”’
Mourning customs, 214
Mouth, in water motif, 335, 348, 359, 361
“Mullers,”’ 110
Murals, Aztec, 287, 288
Aztec and Teotihuacadn, 285-291
Maya, 298-330, 375, 378 (table)
non-Maya, 293-298, 378 (table)
Teopancaxco, 286, 287
Tepantitla, 284 (fig), 285, 286, 287,
288, 289
Tetitla, 293
Museo Nacional, Mexico, 29, 30
Mushrooms, 146
Muskrat (Ondatra zibethicus), 131
Mussel shells, 117
Musselshell River, 116
Mustela vison, 131
Nanamachavwk, Roanoke chief, 196
Napa tecutli, Aztec rain god, 366
Naranjo site, 320
National Geographic Society-Smith-
sonian Institution archeological
program, 6, 29
National Institute of Anthropology and
History, Mexican Government, 6
Natural phenomena, Strachey’s Indian
vocabulary, 197
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 157]
Navajo Indians, 252, 257
Nebaj site, 34, 37, 41, 56, 57, 67
Nebraska sites, 142, 143, 148, 1520
Necklaces, 35, 36, 41, 100, 129, 13
Needles, bone, 128
Negroes, African, 257
Negro soldiers, contact with Indians,
226, 242
Nets, 236
bark fiber, 215
Nevada Shoshone Indians, 209, 215, 219
Newman, M. T., 74, 86
Nexapa (Entry 63), 317 (fig.)
Neys, H., on Mesoamerican art, 291
Nez Percé Indians, 217, 233
Niobrara River, 75, 76 (map), 77
Noguero, Sr. Eduardo, 30
Nordvold No. 1, see Site No. 3, and
Cemetery 3
Nordvold No. 2, see Site No. 2, and
Cemetery 2
Nordvold No. 3, see Site No. 2, and
Cemetery 2
Northern Paiute, 208, 240, 241
Northern Shoshone, 218, 217, 219, 239
apis Ute groups, 208 (map), 213,
9
Northern Ute Indians, 207, 212, 213,
228, 238, 242, 245, 246, 247, 248,
251, 252, 254, 256, 258, 259
Nose oe, silver (white metal?),
Nose perforators, 58
Numerals, Strachey’s Indian vocabu-
lary, 202
Nuts, pine, 215
Oak Creek, 75, 76 (map), 80, 84, 89, 136
Oaks, 75
dwarf, 215
Obsidian flakes, grave offerings, 92, 116,
169, 170, 172
Ocelocoatl, title of Tlaloc, 362
Ochre stains, 127
Offering materials, Cerro de las Mesas,
1
discussion, 65-67
Oglala Indians, 258
Ojapa, Veracruz, 6 (map)
Ojo de Agua, Veracruz, 6 (map)
Ojote tree, 17
Old Fort Abraham Lincoln site, 123
Olivella biplicata, 133
boetica, 133
Olivella shell, 91, 92, 938, 94, 98, 99, 100,
101, 133, 169, 170, 172, 176
Ollas, incised, 18
Olmec culture, 6, 13, 14, 15, 18, 19, 21,
22, 23, 31, 32, 36, 43, 48, 60, 66
Olmec jaguar, 298
Olmec mythology, 20
Olmec sites, 9, 30, 66
Olmec specimens, 66
Omaha Indians, 77, 122, 140, 145, 146
Ondatra zibethicus, 131
INDEX
Original Strachey Vocabulary of the Vir-
ginia Indian Language (Harring-
ton), 189-202
Ornaments, bead, 15
bone, 101
catlinite, 91
copper, 99
feather, 102
flatwork, 152
iron, 162
leather, 98, 186, 138
native-made glass, 152-153
Osage Indians, 140
Ostrea glabra, 116
Oto Indians, 140, 142
Ouray Reservation, Utah, 207, 209
Owl, in art, 319, 363
Over, W. Hi. 97
Paddles, pottery, 122
Page, Henry, Indian agent, 225
Pahvant group, Ute Indians,
(map), 210, 211, 221, 224
Paint, worn by Indians, 226
Paint applicators, bone, 101, 122, 169,
170, 172
Paint brushes, bison bone, 100
Paints, eee in grave finds, 90, 98,
1
208
in mural art, 298
Paiute Indians, 220, 241, 253
Palace, Palenque, designs, 319
Palacio de Tepantitla, Teotihuac4n, 287
Palenque site, 280, 299, 303, 304 (figs.),
305, 306, 307 (fig.), 308 (fig.),
309, 314, 315, 316, 317 (fig.), 318,
319, 329, 330, 331, 335, 338, 339,
356, 370, 385
Pallisades, 97
Palmer, William P., 209, 210
Pamunkey Indians, 195
Panani Indians, 78
Panaux Indians, 78
Paquachowng Falls, at end of James
River, 196
Paria River, 210
Parietal, male human, 101
Pawnee sites, 119, 123
Pawnees, 79, 81, 87, 111, 122, 145, 146,
148, 165, 179, 184
Hobbies grave offerings, 92, 94, 96, 102,
Peccary, water motif, 363
Pecos site, 118, 119, 122
Pelecanus erythrorhynchus, 126
Pelican, white (Pelecanus erythrorhyn-
chus) 126, 127, 128
Pendants, 36, 45, 50, 65, 67, 97
anthropomorphic, 67
beaded, 249
bone, 128, 129
chalcedony, 94
glass, 99, 101
shell, 133
silver, 165
Perforators, ceremonial, 58, 66
407
Perrot, explorer, 174
Personal names, Strachey’s Indian vo-
cabulary, 201
Personal possessions, buried with dead,
Pestles, 110
Peten site, 303, 329
Peterborough County, Ontario, Canada,
34
1
Peterson, Mendel L., 74, 147
Peyote, use of, 228-329, 232, 235
Peyote meetings, 229, 253, 255
Peyotism, introduction of, 228, 229,
232, 235, 236, 238, 239, 254
Phalanges, bone, 169, 170, 172
Ppllipe, Henry, on Mesoamerican art,
44
Piedras Negras, site, 280, 299, 303, 304
(fig.), 305, 306, 309, 314, 315,
one 320, 329, 330, 331, 339, 340,
5
Piemps, Indian tribe, 223
Pierre, S. Dak., 76 (map), 184
Pigments, 117, 169, 170, 172, 177
Pine nuts, used for food, 215
Pine Ridge Sioux Reservation,
55
Pines, 245
inner bark of, 215
Pins, bone, used in game, 128
Pio Péren,’ Juan, on Mesoamerican art,
5
Pipes, calumet, used in Sun Dance, 250
catlinite, 101, 112,113
hair, 165, 166, 169, 170, 172
limestone, 113
war, 126
Pipestems, earthenware, 155
Pipestone quarries, southwest Minne-
sota, 112
Place names, Strachey’s Indian vo-
cabulary, 201
Plains Cree Indians, 165
Plains Sun Dance, 258
Plains tribes, 117, 122, 126, 127, 135,
187, 140, 141, 142, 145, 147,
164, 217, 218, 320, 227, 237, 245,
246, 247, 258, "259
Planets, relation to Maya religion, 362
Plant corporeal, Strachey’s Indian
vocabulary, 197
Plants, domesticated, 145
medicinal, 145, 146
nondomesticated, 145
Plants, yenennovan Indian vocabulary,
1
Plaques, 45-51
canoe, 47-49 (fig.), 66
clam-shell, 49, 50, 66
fish, 46-47 (fig .)
jade, 45, 46 (fig.), 47 (fig.)
Plate, lead, buried by French, 78
Platte River, Nebr., 77, 80, 81, 217
Plum pits, 145
Pocahontas, daughter of Powhatan, 193,
?
228,
408
Police force, Indian, 227
serene weit 100, 101, 110, 169, 170,
Ponca Indians, 146, 179
Poplar wood, 142, 143
Porcelain, glazed, 98
Post-Conquest times, water motifs, 282,
335, 336, 352, 362, 372
Post-horse period, 217-219
Pot boiling, 215
Potatoes, 223, 224
Potrero Nuevo, Veracruz, 6 (map), 13,
15, 17-20, 21
Pots, 9, 93
Potsherds, 102-108, 169
See also Sherds.
Potters, Maya, 298
Potters clay, 100
Pottery, 9, 18, 33, 102-108, 215, 219
buff colored, 95
buff to black, 106
Chama, 309, 311 (fig.), 312
cord-marked ware, 95, 106, 107
decorations, 9
gray ware, 18
incised, 177
polychrome, 299, 314, 330
red ware, 18
tripod supports, 18
See also Vessels
Pottery vessels, 91, 106-108
Pouch fragments, 138-139
bison hair, 138
Pouches, flannel, 100, 146
fur, 100, 102, 138
leather, 93, 99, 100, 136, 138, 139
paint, 101
Powell, J. W., explorer, 223
Powhatan, Indian chief, 193, 195, 196
Prairie dog (Cynomys ludovicianus),
?
jaw, 92
skull, 96, 98
Pre-Classic Middle Tres Zapotes-La
Venta horizon, 30
Prehistoric time levels, 119, 123
Presents, distributed at Sun Dance, 251
Priest-artists, 339, 340
Priestly figures, in Mexican art, 288
Proptera alata megaptera, 133
Proskouriakoff, Tatiana, on Mesoameri-
can art, 271, 272, 320, 321, 329,
332, 339, 374
Protohistoric time level, 119, 121, 122,
123, 335, 337
Prunus americana, 145
virginiana, 145
Pueblo culture, 208
Pulque, Mexican, 286
portrayals of, 286, 287
Pumice, grave offering, 96, 101, 116
Pumpkins, 223
Purple paint, grave offering, 92, 98, 117
Pyramid Lake, 227, 240
Quartz, 31, 36, 60, 64, 92, 103, 115
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 157]
paar tes 55, 108, 109, 110, 111, 118,
11
Quetzalcoatl, wind god, 349
Quetzaltepeque, Guatemala, 352
Quill flattener, bone, 125, 126
Quill work, porcupine, 93, 95, 98, 99,
100, 101, 125, 136, 137, 188 (fig.),
141, 146, 169, 170, 172
Quills, dyed, 138, 141
porcupine, 136, 146
Quimby, George I., 164
Quintana Roo, site, 314, 315, 328, 346,
351, 385
Quirigua site, 299, 309, 310 (fig.), 311
(fig.), 312, 313 (fig.), 315, 316,
317 (fig.), 322, 323, 325, 329, 330,
331, 340, 372, 374
Rabbits, hunting of, 215, 218
Rabbitskin, robes woven of, 214, 236
Ree ae trifida), fruits of,
14
Raiding against Whites, by Indians,
238, 254
Rain, beliefs regarding, 333, 343, 344
symbolized in art, 276, 277, 279,
280, 282, 283, 358
gods, Mesoamerican, 275, 281,
283, 291, 298, 312, 316, 322, 333,
342, 346, 347, 367
Rainmaker, bent-over, 337, 340, 366
Rainmaking ceremony, 342-348, 347,
348, 352, 361, 372
Rainstorms, beliefs regarding, 345, 346
Raleigh, Sir Walter, 194
Randlett, James, Indian agent, 242
Randlette, Utah, 228
Rands, Barbara C., 271
Rands, Robert L.: Some manifestations
of water in Mesoamerican art,
265-393
Rattles, 115
Raven (Corvus corax sinuatus), 131
Razor, steel, 100, 161
Red clay, used on dance lodge, 246
Red Lake, 210
Red paint, grave offering, 87, 88, 89,
90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 96, 98, 99, 100,
101, 102, 117, 135, 139, 142, 148,
169, 170, 172
Redfield, R., and Villa, A.; on Meso-
american art, 349, 351, 352
Rehder, H. A., 74
Relationship terms, Strachey’s Indian
vocabulary, 201
Religion, beliefs regarding, 219, 232,
237, 238, 239, 254
Religion, Mesoamerican, 273
Religion, terms of, Strachey’s Indian
vocabulary, 201
Renaudiere, explorer, 77
Reorganization period, cultural back-
ground of the Ute, 229-236
Republican River, Nebr., 111
Reservation period, cultural background
of the Ute, 223-229
Rain
INDEX
Residence, matrilocal, 214
Rhus glabra, 145
Ricaras, see Arikara.
Richardson, R. N., 241
Rifles, obtained by Indians, 237, 254, 257
Rimsherds, 104
grass-wiped, 104
Sehaned, 104
Rings, coiled lead, 102
iron, 93, 162
silver finger, 98
Rio Chiquito, Veracruz, Mexico, 5, 6
(map), 7-17, 21, 32, 23
Stone monuments ‘of, 5
Rites, adolescence, 214
birth, 213-214
religious, 239
River du Rocher, 174
Roanoke Island, N. C.,
Roanoke River, 194
Robes, bison, 90, 93, 99
fur, 101
rabbitskin, 214
Robideau, Antoine, trader, 219
Rock crystal, 33
Rogers, Grace L., 74
Roots, used for food, 215
Ropes, woven, 140
Rosette, leather, 138
Round Dance, 216, 286, 241, 254, 255
Round Valley, 222
Roys, Ralph L., on Mesoamerican art,
271, 358
Russell, Osbourne, 210
Rygh site, 106, 177, 178, 182, 183
194
Sacrifice, slave, to rain god, 355
child, connection with rain, 349
Sage, Rufus B., 219
Sahagun, Bernadino de, on Mesoamer-
ican art, 349, 355, 357
Salt Lake Valley, 220
Salvador site, 318, 330
Sampit Ute, see San Pitch Ute.
San Antonio, British Honduras, 346
San Antonio Palopé6, Guatemala, 346
Sandstone, 109, 110, 111, 115
San Lorenzo, Veracruz, 6 (map), 7,
8-17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23,
320, 338
San Marcos culture, 18
San Martin Pajapan Volcano, 21
San Pete County, Utah, 224
Sanpitch, Ute chief, 221, 222
Sanpitch group, Ute Indians, 208 (map),
210, 211, 215, 218, 221, 223, 224
Santa Fe, N. Mex., 217
Satterthwaite, Jr., ‘Linton, 271
Saws, 58
Scalp dances, 225
Scepters, wooden, 355
Schellhas, Paul, on Mesoamerican art,
271, 360
Scorpion claws, represented in art, 279
Scorpions, 363
409
Scrapers, 135
end, 108
flint, 92, 99, 109, 108-109
iron, 98, 99, 1 00, 161
Scratching stick, 213
Scrolls, 823, 324, 325, 328, 338
flower-fringed, 300 (fig.), 302, 314,
328, 338
Sculpture, Aztec and Teotihuacdn,
285-291, 328, 377 (table)
Hindu-Buddhist, 272
Maya, 272, 298-330, 379 (table)
Non- Maya, 293-298, 378 (table)
Seed pods, decorative motif, 331
Seeds, grave offering, 92, 93, 98, 145,
169, 170, 172
used for food, 215, 218, 236
Seler, Edward, on Mesoamerican art,
271, 281, 286, 306, 348, 357
Serpent bird, 385
Serpent heads, in art, 295, 318, 319, 321
Serpentine, 31, 32, 39, 44, 60
Serpents, double-headed, 322
draped, 21
mythical, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282,
296, 297, 305, 309, 312, 318, 319,
337, 351, 357, 361, 362, 364, 366,
368
tangled, 21
See also Snakes.
Setzer, H. W., 74
Sevier Lake, 210, 217
Sevier Lake Ute, 210
Sevier River, 210, 217
Shaft smoother, sandstone, 101, 111
Shaft straightener, bone, 120-121,
170, 172, 176
Shale, micaceous, 99
Shamanism, 214, 235, 236, 237
Shamans, 214, 226, 235, 236-237,
244, 248, 249, 255, 256
quene methods of, 235, 236,
powers of, 235, 236, 237
prayers said by, 249
prestige of, 256
Sham battle, part of Sun Dance,
245, 246
chee eorieh worn at Sun Dance,
She-be-retches, Indian tribe, 210
Sheep, ownership of, 234
Sheep’s wool used in weaving, 148
Shellfish, fossil, 116
Shells, freshwater, 133, 135
in Mexican art, 277, 286, 287, 289,
290, 312, 314, 332
marine, 133, 135
unworked, 135-136
Shelter, brush, "provided for dancers, 245
Sherds, 9, 18, 29, 87, 93, 94, 95, 101,
103-108, 170, 172, kee 184
cord-impressed, 104, 107, 108
cord-wrapped stick, 105 (table), 106
fine-cord and incised, 105 (table)
Ane core PRTeS 104 (table),
ck
169,
242,
a
242,
410
Sherds—Continued
fine-line incised, 105 (table), 106
grass-wiped, 104, 105 (table)
incised, 104, 106, 107, 108
plain, 105 (table)
simple stamped, 105 (table), 106
Shield and banner, symbolical, 282
Shields, 309, 322, 336
Shimkin, Dr. Dimitri B., 207, 227, 240,
241, 258
Shinney, game, 214
Shirts, leather, 101, 136-137, 140, 158
Shoshone (Shoshoni) Indians, 111, 207,
208, 211, 240, 254
See also Nevada Shoshone; Northern
Shoshone; Western Shoshone
Shoshone nett Indians, 211, 217,
241
Shoshoneans, Intermontane, 207, 208,
Sickness, beliefs regarding, 235
Silver (white metal ?), 100, 163-165
Singing, curative method, 214
Siouan Indian type, 179
Sioux Indians, 79, 81, 82, 125, 120, 174,
179, 220, 228, 237, 238, 241
Site No. 1, Mobridge site, 85, 86-89,
104, 105 (table), 106, 107, 108
Site No. 2, Nordvold No. 2, 85, 89-95,
96, 104, 105 (table), 106, 107, 108
Site No. 2, Nordvold No. 3, 85, 89-95,
105 (table)
Site No. 3, Nordvold No. 1, 85, 95-96,
105 (table)
Site No. 4, Leavenworth site or Lewis
and Clark site, 85, 96-102, 104,
105 (table), 106, 108
Site 1 and Cemetery 1, 86-89, 104
Site 2 and Cemetery 2, 89-95
Site 3 and Cemetery 3, 95-96
Site 4 and Cemetery 4, 96-102
Sites and burial data, 86-102, 167-168
Skeletal material, 83, 86, 87, 167, 168,
179-180, 181, 183
Skeletons, children’s, 88, 92, 93, 94, 95,
96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 134, 142
disarticulated, 88
female, 88, 89, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96,
97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 129, 132,
135, 188, 141, 154, 160
infant, 87, 88, 90, 92, 93, 94, 97,
98, 100, 101, 102
male, 88, 89, 92, 93, 94, 96, 97, 98,
99, 100, 101, 127, 129, 180, 132,
134, 146, 153, 161, 164
Skidi Pawnee Indians, 76, 81
Skulleaps, 305, 306
Skulls, buffalo, 88
children’s, 89, 124
crane’s, 100
eagle’s, 101
female, 88, 124
human, 87, 88
jade, 32-33, 66
male, 88, 89, 124, 179
pottery, 33
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 157]
Skulls—Continued
prairie dog, 96, 98, 131
rock crystal, 33
Siouan Indian type, 179
water motif, 282
Skunk (Mephitis mephitis), 131
Slaves, sacrifice of, in ceremony to rain
god, 355
Sleight-of-hand, curative process, 235
Sep ence 79, 81, 82, 184, 222,
Smith, A. C., 74
Smith, Capt. John, 193, 194, 195
Smithsonian Institution’s River Basin
Surveys, cemeteries assigned
numbers by, 85
Smoking, permitted at Sun Dance, 250
Smoking River, 77
Snail-shell deity, 332
Snake, ornament worn by Goddess I,
278, 297, 298
stone, 18, 20
Snake John Spring (John Reid Spring),
site of Ute Sun Dance, 242
Snakes, beliefs regarding, 345
Indian tribe, 223
use of in rainmaking ceremony, 361
Societies, age, 126
Socks, worn by old men, 249
Soda pop, provided for dancers, 244
Some Manifestations of Water in
a ie Art (Rands), 271-
93
Songs, curing by, 235
sung at Sun Dance, 248, 249
Sorcerers, see Shamans.
South Platte River, 209
Southern Paiute group, 208 (map), 210,
211
Southern Plains tribes, 241
Southern Ute group, 208 (map), 209,
225, 228, 252
Sowiet, Ute chief, 223
Spanish, 78, 174, 217, 220
Spanish Conquest Period, 273, 274
Spanish Fort, Indian settlement, 210,
221
Spatulate objects, 123-126, 169, 170,
172, 176
Spearhead, iron, 160
Spear thrower, symbolical, 282
Spears, 322, 336
Speech, representations of, 286, 287, 288
Speechscrolls, representations of speech,
286, 287, 288, 289, 290, 293, 322
Sphere, basalt, 15
Spheroids, catlinite, 112, 169, 170, 172
quartzite, 113-114
stone, 169, 170, 172, 177
Spier, Leslie, quotations from, 227, 241,
258, 259
Spikes, iron, 98, 100, 161
Spindon, Herbert J., on Mesoamerican
art, 272, 273, 277, 299, 303, 315,
356, 359, 362, 364, 373
INDEX
Spoons, 135
wooden, 100, 101, 142
Springs, belief concerning, 345
Sprinkling, ceremonial, 366
Squash seeds, 98, 100
Squirrels, used for food, 215
Stansbury, Howard, 220
Starfish, in Mexican art, 287, 288, 289
Status words, Strachey’s Indian vocab-
ulary, 200
Stealing, by Indians, 217, 219, 221, 224
Stela C, Tres Zapotes, 298
Stela 9, Tikal, 329
Stela 11, Monte Alb4n, 293, 294 (fig.),
295, 296
Stelae, Copan:
Stela D, 308 (fig.), 316
Stela H, 308 (fig.)
Stela 6, 320, 333, 340
Stelae, Izapa:
erie 296, 297, 298, 319, 339, 340,
3
Stela 5, 295, 296, 297
Stela 11, 296
Stelae, Piedras Negras:
Stela 6, 303, 304 (fig.)
Stela 11, 303, 304 (fig.), 305
Stela 14, 303, 304 (fig.)
Stelae, Quirigua:
Stela A, 310 (fig.), 331
Stela C, 310 (fig.), 312
Stela H, 310 (fig.), 312, 322
Stelae, Yaxchilan:
Stela 1, 306, 308 (fig.)
Stela 3, 306, 307 (fig.)
Stela 4, 306, 308 (fig.)
Stela 6, 306, 308 (fig.), 309
Stela 7, 306, 308 (fig.), 309
Steward, Julian H., quotations from,
207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 213, 214,
215, 218, 219, 224, 229, 243, 248,
254, 255
Stewart, Richard H., 6
Sticks, carved, 143
cigar-shaped, 143
copper-wrapped, 144-145
gaming, 94, 100, 144
Stirling, Marion, 6
Stirling, Matthew W., 25, 73, 74, 85, 86,
89, 95, 97, 102, 140, 150, 152, 168,
175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 182, 271,
293, 2
Stirling, Matthew W.: Stone Monu-
ments of the Rio Chiquito, Vera-
cruz, Mexico, 5-23
Stockades, 83
Stone blanks, 17
Stone boiling with baskets, 215
Stone carving, 22
Stone chips, 94, 97
Stone monuments, 6, 7, 20-23
See also Monuments, stone.
Stone Monuments of the Rio Chiquito,
Veracruz, Mexico (Stirling), 5-23
411
Stones, abrading, 111
“gizzard,” 115
miscellaneous, 16-17, 114-116
pecking, 114, 115
pote 98, 100, 101, 110-111, 114,
trough-shaped, 14
used in graves, 90, 92, 93, 95, 96, 98
Strachey, William, 193
Strachey’s Indian vocabulary, introduc-
tion to, 193-196
keys to (following page 196)
semantically classified list, 197-202
Strachey Vocabulary, The Original, of
the Virginia Indian Language
(Harrington), 193-202
Strike-a-light, steel, 99
Stromsvik, Gustav, on Mesoamerican
art, 362
Strong, W. D., 74, 83, 86, 87, 89, 95, 97,
102, 104, 106, 148, 151, 156, 159,
162, 165, 176, 177, 178, 179, 182,
183, 207
Subsistence activities, 215
Sucking, curative method, 214, 235
Sumac fruits, 145
Sun, symbols of, 277
Sun Dance, 207, 212, 213, 227, 228, 229,
235, 239-259
chorus, 248, 249, 250
Christian symbolism in, 251, 252,
256
costumes worn for, 245, 246, 247, 249
curing ceremonial, 255
effect on morals of Indians, 252
end of, 250-251
give-away following, 251
history of, 239-243, 254, 255, 256,
257, 258
leaders of, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248,
249, 251, 253
Modern, 243-252
nativistic elements in, 252-254, 256,
257, 258
organization of, 244
restrictions on food and water, 250
social function of, 252, 253, 258
spread of, 253, 256, 258
torture elements of, 247, 258
Dance dolls, 249
capture of, 239
Sun Dance of the Northern Ute (Jones),
203-263
Sun dancers, 245, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251
Sunflower seeds, 93, 98, 100
Supernatural beings, connected with
water, 276, 277
Swallen, J. R., 74
Sun
Tabby, Uintah chief, 222, 223, 239, 240
Tabbywatts, Indian tribe, 223
Tabeau, quotations from, 82, 83, 140,
148, 150, 153, 156
Tabeguache band, see Uncompahgre band.
412
Taboos, birth, 213-214, 236
menstruation, 214
Tacamichapa Island, 5, 6 (fig. 1)
Tally-bones, 122
Tamoanchan, mythical Mexican char-
acter, 363
Tape, cloth, 149
Tapir, in Maya art, 351
Tatagapa River, 5, 6 (map)
Taylor, Eli F., 227
Tears, relation to rainfall, 348, 349, 368
Teeth, animal, use of, 129
bear, 96, 100
human, use of, 99, 129
perforated, 129
representation in art, 321
Temple motifs, 317 (fig.), 319
Temple of the Cross, Palenque, 305,
306, 307 (fig.), 308 (fig.), 317
(fig.), 8323, 330, 331, 385, 386
Temple of the Sun, Palenque, 305, 306,
307 (fig.), 307 (fig.), 308 (fig.),
317 (fig.), 323, 330, 331
Tenochtitlan settlement, Veracruz, 5, 6
(map), 7, 8, 10, 20
Teopancaxco murals, 286, 287, 288, 289
Teotihuacdn methods, 56, 57, 66, 67,
286, 287, 289, 290, 291, 293, 302,
314, 328, 332, 341, 360, 361
Teotihuacadn murals, 377 (table)
Teotihuacdn sculptures, 377 (table)
Teotihuacdn site, 66, 291, 299, 302,
309, 312, 318, 319, 320, 321,
322, 332, 333, 335, 336, 337,
338, 340, 356, 363, 370, 384, 385
Tepantitla murals, 284 (fig.), 285-291,
332, 340, 353
Tepee, cloth or skin, 226
Tepeyollotl, Mexican god, 363
Terrenos de San Lorenzo, Veracruz, 5
Tetitla, water motif, 291, 293
Texistepec, Veracruz, 6 (map)
Textiles, European, 146-149
Thimble, metal, 157
Thompson, A. H,, opinions of, 224
Thompson, J. Eric S., on Mesoamerican
art, 271, 272, 278, 341, 342, 343,
348, 350, 352, 353, 354, 356,
357, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364,
367, 368
Thread, cotton, 146
sinew, 137, 141
po beliefs regarding, 344, 345,
4
“Thunder Horse,” left by Cortez, 351
Tikal site, 315, 317 (fig.), 319, 321,
322, 329
Time perspective, 174-176
Timpanagos, Ute band, 210, 211, 217,
220, 22
b
Timpanogots, Ute band, 208 (map),
209, 210
Tinder, 87, 89, 98, 146
Tinklers, metal, 136, 140, 158, 162
Tipi, 245
wickiup replaced by, 219
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 157]
Tlagolteutl, Aztec goddess of vice, 357
Tlaloc, Mexican rain
287,
, 299,
329,
, 344,
355, 356, 359, 360, 361, 362,
363, 365, 366, 367, 368, 385
Tlaloc effigy vessels, see Vessels, effigy,
Tlaloc.
Tobacco, grave offering, 92, 101, 145
Tokona Indians, 239
Tolstoy, Paul, 103
Tongue, representation of in art, 321
Tools, ‘pene, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96,
Tortoise, myths about, 349
teresa, (Yellow Water), place name,
35
Tozzer, Alfred M., and Allen, G. M.,
on Mesoamerican art, 271, 278,
279, 298, 321
Trading, 219, 237
ick tas contact, theories on, 272,
Trappers, fur, 254
Trapping, fur, 225
Traps, steel, lack of, 160
Travois, 219
Trays, basketry, 215
winnowing, 215
Tres Zapotes, site, 9, 18, 20, 21, 22, 23,
66, 293, 295, 296, 298, 328
Middle, 66
Upper, 66
Tribal Business Committee, Ute In-
dians, 230, 233, 234, 238, 243,
244, 252, 253
Tribal Land Division, operations of, 233
Tribal policeman, 247
Tribe names, Strachey’s Indian vocabu-
lary, 201
Trimming, copper, 137
Tripods, cylindrical, 299
Trudeau, explorer, 177
Tuberculosis among Utes, 235
Tubes, bone, 92, 169, 170, 172
brass, 158
copper, 101, 136, 158, 159
gaming, 92, 126
incised, 126-127
metal, 136
shell, 165
Tula Toltec times, 285
Turkey, considered lucky, 363
oe Robert, English merchant,
Turnips, 223
Turquoise, 60
beliefs regarding, 356
Turtle shell, 98, 100
Turtles, in Mexican art, 288
Tuxtla Mountains, 21
Twelve-mile Creek Farm, San Pete
County, Utah, 221
Tzultacca, Kekchi god of forests, 360
INDEX
Uaxactun site, 321, 329
Uintah and Ouray Tribal Business
Committee, see Tribal Business
Committee.
Uintah band, Ute Indians, 207, 208
(map), 209, 210, 214, 215, 217,
220, 222, 223, 224, 237, 238, 241
Uintah Basin, 209, 220, 221, 228, 251
Uintah Bear Dance, 244, 248
Uintah Indian Irrigation Act, passage
of, 228, 233
Uintah Indian Reservation, Duchesne
County, Utah, 207, 209, 210,
211, 221-225, 228, 239
Uintah Mountains, 216, 219, 220
Uintah-Ouray General Council Meeting,
discussions at, 233, 234
Uintah-Ouray Reservation, 207, 227,
232, 234, 238
Uintah River, 209
Uintah Valley, 222
Ulua Valley site, 308 (fig.), 318, 330
Uncompahgre band, Ute Indians, 207,
208 (map), 209, 225, 238, 242
Unio shell, 92, 93, 94, 100
Upper Missouri River culture, 184
Upper Missouri Valley region, 118, 120,
123, 124, 129, 133, 134, 139, 140,
141, 152, 164, 174, 180, 188, 184
Upper Republican horizon, 123
Upper Tres Zapotes region, 30
Urban Formative phase, 30
Urination, beliefs regarding, 334, 336,
343, 350
Ursus horribilis, 129
Usumacinta site, 303, 315, 329
Utah Indian Agency, 220
Utah Lake, 209, 210, 215, 217, 220, 224
Utah Valley, 221
Ute, The Sun Dance of the Northern
(Jones), 203-263
Ute-Chemehueve division, Shoshone
Indians, 208
Ute Constitution, feeling toward, 252
ratification of, 238
Ute culture, 207, 212, 231, 232
Ute history, summary, 236-239
Ute Indians, 207, 209, 210, 213-222,
224, 225, 226, 227, 229, 231-236,
238, 241, 245, 247, 250, 251, 252,
254, 255, 257, 259
Ute-speaking Indians, 208
Uxmal site, 322
Vegetal remains, 145-146, 169, 170, 172
Venereal disease, introduction of, 255
Veracruz, Mexico, Stone Monuments of
the Rfo Chiquito, 5
Veracruz, southern, 6 (map)
Verendrye, explorer, 78
Vessel A (pottery bowl), description,
106, 107
Vessel B (pottery bowl), description,
10
Vessel C (small jar), description, 106,
0
413
Vessel D (incomplete sherd), descrip-
tion, 107
Vessel ean, sherd), description,
1
Vessel support, effigy, 18
Vessels, effigy, Tlaloc, 298
pottery, 91, 97, 102, 103-108, 169,
170, 172, 344
red-painted, 18
tetrapod stone, 8
Victory Dance, 252
Villa Rojas, Alfonso, on Mesoamerican
art, 351
Village sites, 110, 111, 113, 118, 121, 127,
129, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 182
Villages, earth-lodge, 82, 95
fortified, 83, 95
Villagra Caleti, Agustin, on Mesoamer-
ican art, 287
Virgin Mary, in Maya art, 351, 352
Virginia Indian Language, The Original
Strachey Vocabulary of the
(Harrington), 193-202
Visions, connected with Sun Dance, 250
Voget, Fred, on Sun Dance, 253
Von Winning, Hasso, on Mesoamerican
art, 272, 287, 289, 291, 293, 320,
333, 338
Walker, Ute chief, 254
‘‘Walker’s War,” cause of, 220, 254
Walworth County, Mo., 85
War dances, 225
War leaders, 218, 219, 237, 254
War parties, raids by, 218, 225
Warfare, development of, 219, 237
Wasatch Mountains, 216, 220
Washing, ceremonial, 357
Water motif in Mesoamerican art,
artistic typology and miscellany,
322-330
associations, 273-277, 291
associations listed, 274, 275, 291,
383 (table)
columnar stream, 323, 324, 325, 326,
328, 329, 330, 338, 339, 375, 384
contact with body, 274, 285, 306
descending on figure, 366, 368
descending on _ surface water,
365-366
divided stream, 323, 324, 325, 326,
328, 329, 330, 338, 375, 384
foreign objects, 274, 282, 285, 286,
287, 288, 290, 291, 296, 297, 314,
318, 336
from a container, 274, 280, 281, 283,
285, 296, 297, 300 (fig.), 309, 312,
335, 336, 344-348, 354-355, 367
from parts of human body, 274, 275,
278, 279, 280, 281, 283, 285, 287,
288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 296, 297,
299, 300 (fig.), 302, 305, 306, 307
(fig.), 8308 (figs.), 309, 316, 333,
336, 340, 342, 343, 350, 351, 367
interpretations of representations,
300 (fig.), 301 (key), 327, 328
414
Water motif in Mesoamerican art—
Continued
Maya concept of, 280, 291, 305,
312, 314, 315
Mexican concept of, 280, 291, 314
notes on the tables, 374-375
occurrence of, 381-382 (table)
paraphernalia and secondary asso-
ciations, 315-330
portrayals of, 272, 279, 280, 281, 282,
285, 286, 287, 289, 290, 291, 297,
299, 300 (fig.), 301 (key), 302-330,
325, 327, 328, 340, 371
problems relating to, 273, 286
proposed identification of, 292-330
symbolized, 276, 277, 278, 285, 286,
289, 290, 292, 295, 299, 312, 315,
319, 320, 343, 350, 361, 364, 372
Water, some manifestations of, in Meso-
american Art (Rands), 271-393
Water and the water lily, 330-333, 362
Water and vegetation, balanced, 367
Water associations, 342-344, 376-380
(tables)
Water bag, 296
Water lily, anatomy associated with,
330, 333, 341
in art, 272, 330, 332, 340, 355, 364,
372, 373
in Indian art, 272
in Mayan art, 272, 273, 330
in Mexican art, 288, 333
Trans-Pacific origin of, 330, 341
Water-lily leaves, in Mexican Art, 288,
339, 373
Watermelons, 244, 251
Water producers, Mesoamerican art,
376-380 (table)
animal, 275 (list), 290, 291
anthropomorphic, 275 (list), 277,
279, 282, 287, 288, 289, 290, 291,
296, 297, 300 (fig.), 303, 309, 314,
322, 347, 359, 360
bird beak, 300 (fig.), 302, 314, 315
composite monsters, 275 (list), 278,
279, 280, 281, 290, 305, 309
“configurations,” 276 (list), 285,
376-880 (table)
human, 290, 291, 306, 372
supernatural, 275 (list), 279, 282,
300 (fig.), 303, 305
Water sprinkling, religious practice, 354,
355, 366
Water symbol, uate 285, 289, 291
Watkins, C. 155
Watkins, W. N. 74
Papers of war, association with water,
59
Wea Town site, Indiana, 152
Weaving, bison hair, 140-148
sheep’s wool, 148
Weber Ute, Indian band, 211
Wedel, Mildred Mott, 75
Wedel, Waldo R.: Archeological Mate-
rials From the Vicinity of Mo-
bridge, South Dakota, 69-188
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL, 157]
Weeping, symbolic, 334, 335
Western Shoshone, 213
Wettlaufer, Boyd, 271
Wheat, 223, 224
Wheeler-Howard Indian Act, 212, 229,
231, 255, 256, 257
Whetstones, 111
Whistles, bone, 98, 99, 101, 126, 169,
170, 172, 248, 249, 250
White, Eugene E. , opinions of, 226
White, John, recorder of Virginia Indian
language, 194
White-contact period, 220-223, 237-238
White-contact times, 213, 215, "934
White explorers, early, 83
White Eye, Ute chief, 221
White metal, see Silver.
White paint, grave offering, 92, 98, 100,
LOI Ty,
White River, 78, 208, 225
White River Agency, 208, 223, 225
White River band, Ute Indians, 207,
208 (map), 225, 288, 241, 242
Whiterocks, Uintah Basin, 221, 222, 223,
224, 227, 228, 238, 239, 242, 252
Whites, effect of on Indians, 222, 223,
227, 228, 238, 257
Waele, coree wed, 215, 0219, 224,
6
?
Wig, worn for Sun Dance, 249
Wild-cherry seeds, 93, 98
Willey, Gordon R., 271
Willows, 75, 246, 252
Wilson, John, 220
Wind River Reservation, Fort Washakie,
Wyo., 252, 254
Wind River Shoshone, 219, 220, 227,
237, 239, 241, 242, 244, 247, 251,
252, 2538, 254, 255
Wire, silver, 99, 164
Wisconsin River, 174
Wisdom, Charles, on Mesoamerican
art, 353
Wissler, Clark, 217
Witchcraft, belief in, 226, 235, 257
Witches, beliefs regarding, 226
Wolf, Plains (Canis lupus), 129
Women, dress of, 215
menstruating, taboos regarding, 214
part in Sun Dance, 249, 250
Wood, petrified, 96, 98, 99, 101, 115
placed in graves, 94, 96, 98, 99, 100,
101, 136, 141, 169, 170, 172
Woodland horizon, 123
Woodwork, 141-145
Wovoka, Indian chief, 227, 242
Wrenches, rib, 121
Wright, Coulsen and Geneva, on Indian
farms, 228
Wristlets, 288
Xkitza, mythical character, 359
Xochipilli, Mexican God, 360
X-thup-chaac, Maya god, 347
INDEX 415
Yalloch site, 310 (fig.), 318, 333 Young, S. P., 74
Yampa group, Ute Indians, 208 (map),
209, 220, 223, 224 Zacate grass, 5
Yax (green), glyph for, 314, 315, 319,| Zapotec tribe, 336, 345, 347, 348
322, 336, 348, 355, 356, 357, 358, | Zapotecan monuments, 293
366, 368, 371 Zero sign, see Completion sign.
Yaxchilan site, 299, 303, 306, 307 (fig.),| Zoomorph P, Quirigua, 309, 311 (fig.),
308 (figs.), 309, 315, 316, 321, 312, 313 (fig.), 317 (fig.), 329,
322, 329, 330, 357, 362, 370, 385 330, 340, 372, 373, 374, 380
Yellow paint, grave offering, 92, 99, 100, (table), 385
WALZ Zoque beliefs, 361
Yellowstone Park, 116 Zuni Indians, 257
Young, Brigham, 211, 220, 221
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Seah rae Raging Flannery, Bull. 133, pp. 143-153, figs. 34-35. 1943,
Be No. cai An Analysis and Interpretation of’ the Ceramic Remains from Two Sites
“near Beaufort, South Carolina, by James By leper Bull. 133, pp.
- 155-168, pls. 10-12. 1943. :
. The Eastern Cherokees, by William Harlen Gilbert, Jr. Bull. 133, PP.
; 169-413, pls. 13-17, figs. 36-55. 1943. pee
No. 24, Aconite Poison Whaling in Asia and America: An Aleutian Transfer to
the New World, by Robert F, Heizer. ‘ Bull. 133, pp. 415-468, pls.
18-234, figs. 56-60. 1943,
. The Carrier Indians of the Bulkley River: Their Social and Religious
Life, by Diamond Jenness. ‘Bull. 133, pp. 469-586, pls. 24h4, figs.
_ 61-62. 1943.
. The Quipu and Peruvian Civilization, by Abi R. Swanton. Bull. 133,
~.. ‘pp. 587-596. 1943.
. 27. Music of the Indians of British Catuiniias by Frances Densmore. Bull.
186, pp. 1-100, pls. 1-9, figs. 1-2. 1943.
. Choctaw Music, by Frances Densmore. Bull. 136, pp. 101-188, pls.
-. 10-21, figs. 3-4. 1943.
4 shi Ethnological Data Concerning One Hundred Yucatan Plants, by.
- Morris Steggerda. Bull, 136, pp. 189-226, pls. 22-24. 1943.
. A Description of Thirty Towns in Yucatan, Mexico, by Morris Steggerda.
Bull. 136, pp. 227-248, pls. 25-28.. 1943.
Some Western Shoshoni ‘Myths, by Julian H. Steward. Bull. 136, pp.
249-300. 1943.
. New Material from Acoma, by Leslie A. White. “Bull. 136, pp. 301-360,
pls. 29-32, fig. 5. . 1943,
Bae VOL the Crow Nation,” by: Edwin Thompson Denig, edited with bio-
-- graphical sketch and footnotes by John re Ewers. Bull. 151, pp.
1-74, pls. 1-6, map 1. 1953. y :
. The Water Lily in Maya Art: A Complex. of Alleged Asiatic Origin, by -
Robert L. Rands. Bull. 151, pp. 75-153, figs. 1-6. 1953.
. The Medicine Bundles of the Florida Seminole and the Green Corn
Dance, by Louis Capron. Bull. 151, pp. 155-210, big 7-15, figs.
7-10. 1953.
. Technique in the Music of the Ameuoas Indians, by Tubes Densmore. -
- Bull. 151, pp. 211-216. 1953.
. The Belief of the Indian in a Connection between Song and the Super-
natural, by Frances Densmore. Bull. 151, pp. 217-223. 1953.
phon Saal Fish Poisons; by Robert F. sees Bull. 151, pp. 225-283,
pls. 16-19, maps 2-4. 1953.
Aboriginal Navigation off the Coasts of Uripet and Baja California, by
Robert F. Heizer and William C. Massey. Bull. 151, pp. 285-311,
pls. 20-23, figs. 11-12, maps 5-7. 1953. -
. Exploration of an Adena Mound at Natrium, West Virginia, by Ralph
. L, Solecki, Bull. 151, pp. 313-395, pls. 24-29, figs. 13-19. 1953.
. 41. The Wind River Shoshone Sun Dance, by D. B: Shimkin. Bull. 151,
“pp. 397-484, pls. 30-37, figs. 20-25. 1953.
2: Current Trends in the Wind River Shoshone Sun bss by Fred W.
~Voget. Bull. 151, pp. 485-499. 1953.
ee A separate edition is published of each paper in the series entitled ‘‘Anthro-
pological Papers. ” Copies of Papers 1-48 are available at the Bureau of American -
a ethnplony Smithsonian ke plea and can be had free upon request.”
ADOC
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